Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12

Charles Adams to John Quincy Adams, 8 June 1797 Adams, Charles Adams, John Quincy

Charles Adams to John Quincy Adams

My dear Brother New York June 8th 1797.

The present period is more interesting to this Country than any since the adoption of The Federal Constitution The House of Representatives after a three weeks debate on their answer to The Speech of The President have at length entered on Serious business. The fortifying our Ports and harbours. Finishing and equipping our Frigates Purchasing some large Merchantmen to be converted into Sloops of War, raising additional troops, and permitting our Merchants to arm their Ships are among the objects which will occupy their attention.1 Upon these questions from what I learn there will be a majority of about sixteen in favor of most or all of them. That the sentiments of people in general are very much altered you may well suppose but yet there are some few who justify The French in every act however atrocious. Your friend Ben Bache abuses you at a great rate in his paper You have it seems told some disagreable facts respecting our allies which do not suit his pallet.2 Mr Edward Livingston too the worthy representative from this City in one of his three hour speeches says your communications are about on a par with the speech of Barras to Monroe.3

Your appointment To Berlin was carried in Senate 17 to 12 The cause of opposition I imagine was an objection to renew our Treaty with Prussia. but of this I am not certain.4

The distresses of our Merchants through the plunder of the French are truly alarming; Their groans and curses are echoed from Georgia to New Hampshire.

You will before this reaches you have heard of the deaths of our aged Grandmother, and our Cousin Mary Smith. The rest of our family are well.

As I know not where to direct to you I shall cover this to Mr Johnson at London.

Your affectionate brother

Charles Adams.

RC (Adams Papers).

On 5 June William Loughton Smith presented ten resolutions to the House regarding defensive measures. In addition to those mentioned by CA, the resolutions included empowering the president to employ U.S. naval forces as convoys to protect trade; authorizing the president to borrow money to defray expenses arising from national defense and security; providing the means to raise a revenue adequate to reimburse the borrowed funds; and prohibiting the exportation of arms, ammunition, and naval stores. 151 Congress eventually passed several bills on these measures, including preventing the export of arms and ammunition and prohibiting Americans from privateering against nations at peace with the United States (14 June); fortifying American ports and harbors (23 June); equipping a militia of 80,000 men (24 June); and authorizing the arming of the three frigates and providing further naval armament (1 July). Congress also passed on 6 July a stamp tax to take effect in December, for which see AA to William Smith, 28 Feb. 1798, and note 2, below. On 8 July 1797 it allowed for a salt tax and authorized the government to borrow $800,000 ( Annals of Congress , 5th Cong., 1st sess., p. 239; U.S. Statutes at Large , 1:520–522, 523–525, 527–532, 533–534).

An article in the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 6 June, argued that JA, in his 16 May speech to both houses of Congress, used “whole volumes” of correspondence from JQA in order to “work up their resentments to the highest tone.” For JQA’s earlier friendship with Benjamin Bache, see vol. 3:15.

Excerpts of two letters JQA wrote to Timothy Pickering, dated 4 Nov. 1796 and 17 Feb. 1797, were published in Documents Referred to in the President’s Speech to Both Houses of Congress, on the Sixteenth May, 1797, Phila., 1797, Evans, No. 32966. JQA noted in the 4 Nov. 1796 letter that he had received “an intimation” that “the French Government had determined to defeat if possible” the Jay Treaty “and had signified to the Committee of Foreign affairs” in the Batavian Republic “their expectation, that they would concur with all their influence towards the same object.” In his 17 Feb. 1797 letter JQA stated: “The neutrality of every other Nation is as little respected by the french Government, as that of the United States. They have recently proposed to Denmark to shut up the mouth of the Elbe against all British vessels” (LbC’s, APM Reel 129).

On 24 May Edward Livingston spoke on the House reply to JA’s speech. He enumerated several French complaints against the United States in order to “determine whether they are all so frivolous as to excite irritation at the mere mention of them” and then defended recent French conduct, including the dismissal of Charles Cotesworth Pinckney and the spoliations against American ships. Livingston hoped with his comments to avoid “a war of the most ruinous nature, whose consequences were so various as to be incalculable.” In his remarks, Livingston compared Paul Barras’ speech to James Monroe with the 4 Nov. 1796 letter from JQA to Pickering. Livingston agreed that Barras’ speech was “insulting” but questioned if the speech was “a just ground of war.” Livingston argued that the Batavian Republic could, on similar grounds, “declare war against us for the aspersions cast upon it” by JQA’s letter, which described the subordination of the Dutch Patriot Party to France. Livingston asked, “Can we wonder when our Minister speaks thus contemptuously of a nation, that others should make use of a similar freedom with us?” ( Annals of Congress , 5th Cong., 1st sess., p. 115–135).

On 31 May 1797 the Senate resumed debate on JQA’s nomination to Prussia. A motion to postpone consideration of the nomination failed 17 to 12; a subsequent resolution declaring there was no need for a minister to Prussia also failed by a vote of 18 to 11, after which the Senate consented to JQA’s appointment (U.S. Senate, Exec. Jour. , 5th Cong., 1st sess., p. 242).

Cotton Tufts to Abigail Adams, 8 June 1797 Tufts, Cotton Adams, Abigail

Cotton Tufts to Abigail Adams

Dear Madm Weymouth June 8. 1797

As you are now in a Sphere of Life that requires the Enjoyment of Health, the Exercise of Wisdom, Patience and every other Virtue, I wish you the Possession of these equal to its Exigences and that as is the Day so may be your Strength. I feel anxious for my Friends, but peculiarly so for the State of my Country, at the same Time can 152 chearfully leave it to the Care of Providence and those on whom our Constitution has devolved it— The Presidents Speech has met with the Approbation of the most sensible People and wherever Federalism prevails is applauded.

Since you left Quincy, I have found much to do, something turns up every Day or two, that calls for Advice, Direction &C— In Consequence of your Letter to Mrs. Hobart, Her Son Mr. Adams applied for the 200 Dollars, has received it & gave his & his Father Nortons joint Note1

In examing the State of your Farms, I have found much unprofitable Stock— The Bay Mare lame, the Bay Horse old & with the Heaves. the former I sold to Elisha Turner for 50 Dollrs. A Number of Persons have applied for the Horse but none as yet will give 50 Dolls for him—for less I should be loth to sell him— The Mare bought of Hobart, has a Colt. I have been told within a few Days that she has also the Heaves and exceeding breachy— if the Horse should be sold, it will be best to put her at Porter’s, She is Still with French. Porter is full stock’d— The Stock at French’s is unprofitable, one yoke of oxen too old to keep longer, Propose to sell the first oppy. & replace them with a younger pair— There are also 4 old Cows, two of which propose to fat, the other Two to sell or keep till they Calve, being too far advanc’d for fatting— One Two (or 3 yrs. old Heifer) which calvd last Winter and proves but of little Value for a Dayry (small also) have disposd off— These, 5, if sold or fatted will leave for the Dayry 14 Cows most of them young and will be sufficient for the Purpose—

on Thayers Farm, there is also a yoke of oxen too old to keep any Longer, shall sell them as soon as I can, not finding a Place on any of the Farms for fatting; there is, besides the 4 year old Steers, a pair of two year old which I propose Burrell shall work and that these two yoke shall suffice for him, there is also one old Cow and an unruly Heifer which must be disposed of, the Cow must be fatted & the Heifer also, or sold— Very little Sale for Cattle— Price fallen— I think it will be best to steer clear of a heavy bill at the End of the year for keeping Stock which the Tenant will demand by his Lease, (at least as far as may be) The Bill for keeping the Young Stock at Frenchs & Burrells was estimated at £45.16.0 one half of which I have to account for with them— Benj. Field, who applied to you for the Pasture bought of Jackson Field & Neddy Curtis is dead, have since let it to Jackson & Ebenr Field for the Season at 153 15 Dollrs. Salt Meadow at Milton to Elisha Turner @ 9 Drs. shall also let the Sedge Banks bought of Penniman Borlands Meadow offered to Jon. Baxter I found to have been contained in Frenchs Lease and claimd by him— In my Letter to the President I mentiond my letting the House Brisler removed from to Parson Clark, this let at 28 Dollrs. pr. Anm.— 2 The Wall between Richardson & the Cedar Pasture I engaged Lt. Veazie to make @ 6/ pr Rod—3 there will be a necessity of making a small Piece of Wall at Burrells on the Road against his Pasture, and also in several other Places besides those you mentiond, before you left Quincy, but these must be attended to when the People are at Leisure And as there will be frequent occasion for this Business it will be best to retain Billings if we can keep him sober— As Soale will not continue under 15 Dolls. pr. Month for 6 Months, I have concluded to discharge Him—and engage one at a lower Rate if possible— Our Season has been very wet the meadow behind your dwelling House could not be planted till the latter End of May by which Time all the sewing & planting was compleated— the Lane to the great Pasture on the Hill fencd out with Rails & stone Wall— Tax on the high Way worked out—4 Wall on Quincys Meadow now making. Our Prospects of Hay are promising—

Porter appears to be prudent industrious & trusty, rather too fearful of undertaking any Thing out of the common Track, without Advice—but a more general Acquaintance with the Business assigned him will remove his Diffidence— he keeps a particular Account of all Labour hird, of Articles deliverd of monies paid & received &C his wife fills her place well, that upon the whole I do not know where you could have been better suited— As there has been full employ for Porter Billings & Soale without attending to the Garden, Turrell has taken the Care of it principally— Porter has not as yet calld upon me for any Supplies of West India Articles &C— the Surplus of Butter & other Articles he sends to market, that I hope the Bill for these will not be so high as we expected, with the Oeconomy at present maintaind by them— I wish to hear from you as soon as may be relative to any Expences or other Matters—as I shall want to regulate Money Matters so as to answer every Exigency—

If the Value of my Letter is to be measured by the Length of it I shall have some Merit to claim, for be assured it is the Longest I have wrote this seven years and my Eyes tell me that the next must be shorter—

154

Mrs. Tufts joins me in Love to You & your Dear Husband and believe me to be with sincere Regard Yr. Very H Servt

Cotton Tufts—

not forgetting Miss Louisa—

RC (Adams Papers).

AA’s letter to Thankful White Adams Hobart has not been found, but see Hobart’s letter to AA of 24 March, above. In Jan. 1796 Elisha Adams had married Sarah Norton, daughter of Sarah Whitmarsh and John Norton (b. 1755), who cosigned Adams’ promissory note (Vital Records of Abington, Massachusetts, to the Year 1850, 2 vols., Boston, 1912, 1:149, 150, 2:143).

Tufts to JA, 25 May 1797, above.

Possibly Lt. Elijah Veasey (1754–1827), who lived on Granite Street in Quincy, and his son-in-law John Pray Richardson (1773–1816) (Sprague, Braintree Families ).

In 1764 JA served on the town committee that formulated a plan for repairing the Braintree highways via a tax that residents could either pay or “work out.” On 2 Sept. 1796 JA noted in his Diary that he felt he had been taxed “more than my Proportion,” being required to do “between forty nine and fifty days Works on the Roads” (JA, D&A , 1:252; 3:246; Braintree Town Records , p. 397).