Adams Family Correspondence, volume 11

John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 7 November 1795 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Abigail
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Mother. Helvoetsluys November 7. 1795.

Your few lines of August 25th. were forwarded to me from the Hague by my brother, and though short, yet as the tokens of your remembrance, gave me the customary pleasure.1

A longer interval than I can fully justify to myself has elapsed since I wrote you last. But having written repeatedly to my father, I have always supposed myself writing at the same time to you.

As you have been a traveller in these Countries, the date of my letter will inform you, where I now purpose to go.2 It will not however as I imagine give you any news. My brother remains at the Hague during my absence which I expect and hope will not be long.

Did you ever know what it is to be cooped up a fortnight or three weeks, in a paltry little European Seaport, waiting for wind and weather; and cut off from all human communication, almost as entirely as if you had changed your world?— If you did, could you possibly speak, write or think of any thing else?— An answer to these questions will unfold to you the situation in which I now write.

I am therefore unable to give you any news, having lost the current of them myself. There are indeed rumours which have reached me here of Events not unimportant, and of apprehensions still more deserving remark, but I know not even upon what authority their credibility rests. They will however if true be known in America before this letter can reach you, and I hope soon to write you from a place where information more authentic may be obtained.

I have received here a Letter from my brother Charles, which announces his marriage, and wish him all the happiness that his new situation can bestow.3 The step was certainly not precipitate. I hope and trust that it was not taken too early. As he well knows the additional duties and obligations that it will impose, I doubt not but he is prepared to discharge them, and will find in the happiness of his union, new motives to stimulate his industry and to confirm and enlighten his prudence.

61

My father in a Letter also received here, expresses his wish that his elder son should at an early period return home to assume in like manner the cares and enjoy the felicities of a family state; and as this article seems more particularly proper for discussion only with the Ladies, I shall take the Liberty of addressing to you its answer.4

It is one of those maxims which Rochefoucauld, by a sanction no less respectable, is said to have “drawn from Nature,” that “we sometimes pass from Love to Ambition, but that we never return from Ambition to Love.”5 If this observation be universally true, what respite from the sentence it contains is to be expected by one who has past from Love, not indeed to Ambition, but at least to its concerns?

Can a widowed heart: an heart which at the monition of parental solicitude and tenderess, has offered up at the shrine of worldly prudence the painful sacrifice of an ardent affection, and pronounced by mutual consent and acquiescence an irrevocable separation from the object of all its hopes and all its wishes; can such an heart readily submit to the controul of other bonds? When all the pleasing illusions which youth beauty and real merit have implanted in the breast, as necessary allurements to the purpose of Love; when they have been radically torn from the bosom by voluntary violence, can they again be placed there by other hands? If after such wounds have been healed; after all the impressions once so dearly cherished have been effaced except those “that last till life shall be no more,” the part be not for ever invulnerable to similar weapons, then let my conversion to the matrimonial faith not be despaired of as impossible.

Time and absence, the claims of interest, and the calls of duty, an altered scene and a different action have all contributed to confirm and reward an effort, the extent of which was never known but to myself. Peace and tranquility have long since returned, and though attended with the dulness of blunted sensations rather exempt from pain than conscious of pleasure, still they are guests too valuable easily to be dismissed again after having been once appreciated by their loss. But to sacrifice the choice of the Heart, is all that prudence or duty can require; it cannot, it will not receive from my own controul, or from any other the imposition of a different choice. It must henceforth pursue its own course; if it can choose again, its electron must be spontaneous, without receiving any direction from the will.6

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As to a marriage of convenience, it will be time enough to think of that at five and forty, should that age be attained.

I hope you will not think me romantic. The deliberate sacrifice of a strong passion to prudential and family considerations is indeed so widely distant from the orthodox doctrine of Romance, that there is not I believe a novel-writer of the age, who can get rid of such an incident without the help of a pistol or a bowl, a pendent willow or a purling stream.7 But the real lessons of life are seldom to be found in novels. I have lived through the operation, and never for an instant had an idea of doing otherwise. At the same time I must acknowledge, that my success was perhaps principally due to facilities in its execution which might have failed, and which were more serviceable to my intentions than flattering to my pride.

You have now the clear exposition of my sentiments and principles, on this subject. The inference as far as it is my personal concern, need not be here drawn, but may be left to your own judgment.

But if the knight has lost his Dulcinea, the Squire it appears by your Postscript is more fortunate. On receiving your billet I turned down the last lines, so important to Tilley, and gave him the paper, that he might read them himself. He said nothing: but I examined his countenance while he was reading, and envied him his feelings. He is indeed “true as the needle to the Pole,” and I wish he could improve for his sweetheart in my service, as much as she will for him in your’s.8 He has not yet got over the awkwardness of his new service; but his Master is in the same predicament and knows therefore how to be indulgent. But he has become very useful, performs very well all his necessary services, and is especially valuable for his Honesty, as well as for the goodness of his temper. He had just got well and easily through the small-pox, before I was called on my present expedition

I am with the utmost gratitude and affection your Son

John Q. Adams.

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”; endorsed: “J Q A Novbr 7 1795.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 128.

1.

Not found, but the note was perhaps enclosed with JA’s letter to JQA of the same date, above.

2.

Hellevoetsluis was a common embarkation point for crossing the English Channel. When AA and JA spent several weeks traveling in the Netherlands in 1786, they stopped in the town en route to The Hague and were honored with “the ringing of the bells, and a military guard to wait upon us” (vol. 7:315, 317).

3.

Not found.

63 4.

See JA to JQA, 25 Aug. 1795, above.

5.

François, Duc de La Rochefoucauld, Maxims, Maxim 37.

6.

Presumably a reference to JQA’s decision to break off his relationship with Mary Frazier, for which see vol. 9:41–44.

7.

“Darkling I sigh, and feed with dismal thoughts / My anxious mind, or sometimes mournful verse / Indite, and sing of groves and myrtle shades, / Or desp’rate lady near a purling stream, / Or lover pendent on a willow-tree” (John Philips, “The Splendid Shilling,” lines 101–105).

8.

For Tilly Whitcomb’s relationship with Polly Doble Howard, see vol. 10:281.

John Adams to John Quincy Adams, 17 November 1795 Adams, John Adams, John Quincy
John Adams to John Quincy Adams
My dear Son Quincy November 17. 1795

Since my last I have received your No. 11. dated 27. July with the Pamphlets which accompanied it.1 The Entertainment and Enjoyment I derive from these Communications as well as from all your Letters, is beyond all your Conception as well as my Expression. My greatest Satisfaction arises from the Proofs they carry with them that your Judgment and Constancy and Fortitude are not to be warped by any Seductions, Temptations or Illusions.

I cannot Say with you, however that most Heresies are eternal Truths: for Heresies as well as orthodoxies have been often Nonsence, Villany and Blasphemy: but I fully agree with you, it is not yet time to expect in Europe a Government which will be “at the Same time Strong to enforce the Law, and weak for any Abuse of its Power.[”]2

If Elections of Executives and Legislatives, are found by Experience to produce better Magistrates and Lawgivers, than hereditary Education, I should join in the Warfare against all Hereditaments (to use an Expression of our Law) as heartily as any Man— But as past Experience has not proved it, I must wait for future Experience to decide: and further to prove that Legislatives and Executives wholly elective can either make or execute any Laws at all.

In Europe most Writers at the present Day confound all Ideas of popular Esteem Affection Gratitude and Respect for particular Families with The Feudal Aristocracy. But these are different Things. Popular Families exist among African Negroes and American Indians as well as in any of the Feudal Kingdoms. Nor would the Cessation of all the Civilization in the World and the Restoration of the Savage Life over the whole Globe, prevent the hereditary descent of Popularity. if all public Men are elective, Birth will procure more Votes and have more Influence than ever. A few Families will more decidedly govern. This appears to me—time will show. The natural 64 Descent of Popularity in Governments perfectly elective will be found to be So certain and so general, that it will produce an Aristocratical Government every where, an exclusive Aristocratical Government, untill Laws and Regulations are introduced to prevent it, against the popular Inclination.

A Government of Sans Culottes cannot long endure— The poor People find themselves Starved with Cold and Hunger, in a very short time in Consequence of their own Rule, and soon cry “This will not do.” We must have somebody to give Us Bread and Cloaths as well as Circeuses. Hereditary Popularity, which no political Institutions can prevent, and which being unlimited & unconfined will always be mad or extravagant3 will be found more dangerous, pernicious & destructive than hereditary Prerogatives and Priviledges ascertained by Law and directed to the national Good

There is Heresy for You! enough to expose me to Persecution in any Country at this day: but

Nullius Addictus jurare in verba Magestri.—4

I cannot believe what I please: much less what is dictated by every Fool who pleases to think himself popular.

on the 30th. of this Month I shall set out for Philadelphia, and reach it in 9 days, where I fear I must reside till next June. A Stormy session We may have: but I presume We shall weather it.

If report says the Truth you will have as nice a Task as any of Us: but be of good Cheer. preserve your good humour as well as your Independence: and especially guard yourself against all Approaches of Presumption and Vanity.

I am with the kindest Affection / your Father

John Adams

Love to Thomas— I will write him soon.

and I too will write by capt Scott who is to sail soon. to both my dear Sons adieu5

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “John Quincy Adams Esqr”; endorsed: “My Father. / 17. November. 1795. Quincy. / 1. February 1796. recd: London. / 10. do: Ansd:.” Tr (Adams Papers).

1.

For JQA’s letter of 27 July, see JQA to AA, 30 July, note 3, above. JQA concluded his letter, “By the present opportunity I send several new publications lately received from Paris: they discover in some degree the state of the public mind, and furnish materials for the History of a philosophical Revolution. The man that can read them and retain an ardor for Revolutions, must indeed possess more philosophy than humanity” (Adams Papers). The pamphlets cannot be definitively identified but were possibly François Antoine, Comte de Boissy d’Anglas, Discours préliminaire au projet de constitution pour la République Française, [Paris?], 1795; Calendrier républicain, Paris, 1795; and Konrad 65 Engelbert Oelsner, Notice sur la vie de Sieyes, Switzerland, 1795. All three are in JA’s library at MB ( Catalogue of JA’s Library ).

2.

In discussing popular support for the Jacobins and royalists in France, JQA commented to JA in his letter of 27 July, “In short there is no Revolution whatever but may be expected in that Country except one that shall give them Peace and a regulated Liberty. If in the most favourable circumstances the perfection of human legislation is scarcely adequate to the construction of a Government which may be at the same time strong to enforce the law, and weak for any abuse of its power, it may without hesitation be pronounced impossible in France. I suppose this opinion is yet a political heresy, and like most other heresies it is an eternal truth” (Adams Papers).

3.

The previous twelve words were interlined by JA.

4.

“I am not bound over to swear as any master dictates” (Horace, Epistles, Book I, epistle i, line 14).

5.

This paragraph is in AA’s hand. She sent a letter to JQA of 29 Nov. and to TBA of 30 Nov., both below, with Capt. James Scott, who sailed from Boston on the Minerva on 11 Dec. (Boston Courier, 12 Dec.). JA wrote a joint letter, which presumably traveled by the same conveyance, to the brothers on 29 Nov., confirming his travel plans for Philadelphia and commenting on the public and congressional response to the Jay Treaty (Adams Papers).