Adams Family Correspondence, volume 11
b.30 1796
I have recieved your letters which afforded me infinite pleasure as they assured me you were well and in good spirits—
You tell me you are to remain at the Hague, and that you hope a greater distance, and longer time of seperation than we had contemplated, will have no effect upon my affection— I am almost angry when I read that part of your letter, as it implies a sort of doubt which I am sure I cannot have merited. no my beloved friend e’re my affection ceases I shall cease to breathe—1
I will endeavor to answer yours of the 21st of Novb, which I confess did not please me, as it too plainly evinced how little credit you give to what I said upon the same subject in a former letter. I again repeat it. our seperation is fortunate, as it will be the means of preventing my forming any ambitious views and keeping me in the station to which I have been accustomed, indeed I am very fearful I should not have been sufficiently convinced of the honors acquired,
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had our union taken place before you went to Portugal— Do not be offended, for I must write as I feel and I value too much your good opinion to risk the loosing of it. but had flattered myself I had fully satisfied you relative to my prefering domestic felicity to the alloy of ambition or parade—
I am apprehensive upon reflection that all your fears proceed from my conduct before you quitted England— perhaps I appeared too anxious to go with you, but your Louisa was so little guided by reason, and so much by the impulse of the moment, that she thought not of impropriety untill too late. as it is I would give worlds to recall the past, but it cannot be and I must be more cautious—2
I am well convinced and was before you left us that you could not take me with you, therefore do not tax you with insensibility, but as I have very little natural philosophy I must copy yours, and say, “as long as we cannot command events, we must necessarily learn to acquiesce in them, and the more carefully we prepare for them, the more easily we content ourselves under them—[”]
People tell me I am much altered, I believe I am and sometimes am inclined to think that when we meet you will cease to love me, as I really am not the Louisa you were acquainted with— I am so miserably dull, stupid, and cross, that I have gained the appellation of the Nun, yet I have ceased to repine, and find that though it may not be possible totally to eradicate the thorn of disappointment, prudence may nevertheless prevent its growing to any height—
I am sorry to understand from mr. Colhoun, that your Brother is soon to return to America. had you been enabled to leave Holland I should not have regreted it so much, as I would have endeavored by becoming your companion, to alleviate the regret occasioned by the loss of his society—3
Mr. C. on his arrival paid us a visit. he turned to Nancy and told her, he had seen her best friend, left him in very good health and supposed she had given up all idea of going to America. I could not help smiling at the mistake—4
Coll. Trumbull is a great man therefore we do not see him often— Poor Mr. Alexander is universally allowed to be quite insane—5 I have never ceased to lament my folly and ill nature, and really am ashamed to hear his name. I hope long before this you have destroyed those ridiculous lines, I am sure they do no credit to the writers heart— I have not seen Mr: Foster since his return—
Adieu my beloved friend that heaven may grant you every 472 blessing, is the sincere and constant prayer, of [your] / Truely affectio[nate]
RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “John Q. Adams Esqr. / Minister Resident / at The Hague”; endorsed: “L. C. J. / 30. Decr: 1796. / 22 January 1797. recd:.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.
Among the letters LCA had received was likely one from JQA of 13 Dec. in which he reiterated his frustration at the further delays caused by the uncertainty with his diplomatic post. JQA also wrote, “Be assured of this, my best friend; that though Alps rise between us and whole Ocean’s roll, my affection will be not the less steady, firm and constant. I believe the same of yours; that confidence which in one of my late Letters I so warmly recommended to you, I most fully place it in you, and am sure that it is safely placed” (Adams Papers).
Some thirty years later, LCA recounted in her memoir “Record of a Life” that she had begged JQA to allow them to be married while he was still in London in the spring of 1796. She was apparently fearful that others would question the legitimacy of the engagement and that she might be forced to return to the United States with her family, thus further delaying the wedding (LCA, D&A, 1:43–44).
TBA continued to write throughout the winter and early spring of 1797 of the possibility of returning home. By the end of April, however, he had consented to accompany JQA on his new posting, originally thought to be Lisbon and later changed to Berlin. TBA remained with JQA and LCA in Berlin until Sept. 1798, when he at last began his journey back to the United States (TBA to AA, 7 April 1797; JQA to JA, 30 April; JQA to AA, 29 July, all Adams Papers; LCA, D&A, 1:90).
The Johnson family, including LCA, initially thought JQA’s attentions were directed toward Ann (Nancy) Johnson (LCA, D&A, 1:37, 40, 41–42).
Lawson Alexander, whom LCA would later describe as an “old Beau … more than half crazy but still very good looking” (LCA, D&A, 1:260).
br31. 1796 Quincy
I received by the last post, Your Letters of the 14th. 16th 18th & 19th.1 The frequent and repeated fires in the various capitals of Savanna Baltimore and N york are really shocking, but renderd vastly more allarming from the opinion that they are the effect of design, and not accident. I fear America will be the harbour and assilum of the Dissolute and abandoned of the Nations of Europe, unless more vigilence is adopted with respect to foreigners.2 I have had many congratulatory compliments in the Week past upon the supposed certainty of your Election. they have not however been unmixd with the alloy which every person sees the station is subject to. Some of the Jacobins in Boston I was told, declared they were glad you were Elected, for now they knew they should be governd by Principles, and not Names. they say H would be the President, and P. the puppet. with respect to mr Jay You know that I believe him an upright honest Man, not given to intrigue, and incapable of Deserting an
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old and long tried Friend, a Man of Honour a Man of Principle a Man of Religion. You may recollect, that I have often said to you, H——n is a Man ambitious as Julius Ceasar, a subtle intriguer. his abilities would make him Dangerous if he was to espouse a wrong side. his thirst for Fame is insatiable. I have ever kept My Eye upon him. he has obtaind a great influence over some of the most worthy and amiable of our acquaintance whom I could name. He has allways busied himself in the Election of V P. as you well know.
I received a Letter from an old Friend and correspondent this week who writes thus,
“The Election of our friend I hope is sure the only adverse chance is that which favours Mr Pinckney, and if he has the North Carolina votes I think he will be Elected there being every reason to suppose that the other four southern and western states will give him their support. I was more apprehensive of Danger from this quarter than from any other, and before we proceeded to vote, the matter was fully discussed, so that if by her own votes Massachusetts should bring into the Chair a south Carolinian, of respectable Character it is true, but with little or no experience in the Domestic politicks of the union, and exclude a citizen of her own, whose experience station and qualifications, give him the highest pretensions to the office, she will have acted with her Eyes open, and must blame herself for her impolicy.
The fact is as I am informd from high Authority in N York, that a plan was there laid by a quondum secretary to bring in mr Pinkney, and that it was confidentially extended thro the continent. that Letter was put into the N york post office on the 30 Novbr, and was deliverd to me at our post office on the 14th instead of the 7th of when it was undoubtedly in Boston. had I then received it I should have enforced the Argument for reducing the votes for mr Pinckney, and explaind the motives of some of the Electors who were for giving him a full vote. one of these confessed that he had been conferring with a Senator, and some Members of the House of Rep’s of Congress from this state, through whose instrumantality, this plan was undoubtedly communicated. I confess the conduct of that elector was to me Enigmatical untill I received the Letter.” E. G.3
you may judge from the Statement here made, that the high Authority was aware of the snare, and exerted himself to ward of the blow. H. is as much suspected here as he is with you, and for the Reasons given by the Jacobins. they say H.
my Letters are confidential. I wish you would burn those which might be injurious if by any accident exposed.
I inclose to you an extract of a Letter From Thomas to his Friend J Q, dated october 9th by a vessel from Amsterdam.4 I had not any Letters
Weather yet very cold adieu, and a good Night for it is Bed Time, so Dream / of your
RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Decr 31. 1796 / ansd Jan. 9. 1797.”
In his letter to AA of 14 Dec., JA commented on the “Conflagration” sweeping through speculators in Washington, D.C., and elsewhere. He also asked if the rumors were true that James Winthrop of Cambridge was a writer for the Boston Independent Chronicle (Adams Papers).
Major fires took place in Savannah, Ga., on 26 Nov.; in Baltimore, Md., on 4 Dec.; and in New York City overnight on 9 December. The one in Savannah was especially damaging, destroying over 200 houses and an estimated three-fourths of the city. Two or three people were killed and losses were believed to exceed 1 million dollars. In Baltimore, some six buildings, including a Methodist meeting house and a cabinet manufactory, were destroyed in a blaze that was begun by “some boys, who set fire to some shavings in the back part of the house.” The New York fire occurred primarily near the waterfront, destroying an entire street “consisting mostly of large ware-houses, with some large and valuable dwelling-houses. … It would be imprudent at present to hazard a guess at the amount of property destroyed. It must be immense” (Boston Columbian Centinel, 17 Dec.; Boston Polar Star, 22 Dec.; Boston Price-Current, 16 Dec.).
While no reports linked the fires to foreigners, the Boston Columbian Centinel, 17 Dec., did comment, “We do not say, that the disasters we have now to lament, were occasioned by wicked designs, for the origin of the calamities is not yet ascertained; but from the various detected attempts to set this town, New-York, Philadelphia, Charlestown, and some other places on fire, it must be inferred, that there are an abandoned set, scattered throughout the union, determined on mischief.”
AA faithfully reproduced the substance of Elbridge Gerry’s letter to her of 28 December. Gerry also included a postscript on 29 Dec. indicating that having seen the electoral votes from North Carolina, he was now certain of JA’s election and congratulated him on the same. Gerry further hoped that if Thomas Jefferson should be elected vice president, “a coalition of parties will take place” (Adams Papers).
Neither the letter from TBA to Josiah Quincy III of 9 Oct. nor the extract AA enclosed with this letter have been found. The
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most recent vessel to reach Boston from Amsterdam, however, was the ship Commerce, Capt. William Cowell, which arrived on 28 Dec. after a journey of sixty days (Boston Price-Current, 29 Dec.;
Boston and Charlestown Ship Registers, p. 36).