Adams Family Correspondence, volume 10

John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 27 July 1794 Adams, John Quincy Adams, John
John Quincy Adams to John Adams
Dear Sir. Philadelphia July 27th: 1794.

I expected to have been on my way to Boston before this; but Mr: Hamilton is gone into the Country, and I cannot be supplied with my instructions untill he returns. He has been expected every hour these four days, and it is very possible that four days hence he may still be hourly expected. In the mean while I am here lolling away my time, and sweating away my person, with nothing to do, and waiting with as much patience, as I have at command.— I am unable to say therefore when I shall leave this place, but hope it will be by the middle of this week.

But I presume that my instructions after all will contain nothing very particular. The Secretary of State says that the mission is almost exclusively reduced to a pecuniary negotiation.1

To have nothing further to do, but to borrow money, and superintend the loans already existing, is an employment, to which for a certain Time I have no reluctance in submitting. It is a situation in which my services may be of some small utility to my Country, and which may afford me a valuable opportunity to improve my own information and talents: but I cannot think of it with any satisfaction as a permanency whether I consider it with reference to the public or to myself.

As it respects the public it is a situation of small trust and confidence under the present circumstances. The credit of the United States stands upon such ground, that very little or none of their future success or failure will depend upon the personal character or 219 abilities of their Representative there. And I presume the Executive Government of this country will not think it necessary to keep a minister constantly resident at the Hague, for the sole purpose of occasionally borrowing a sum of money for the public at Amsterdam.

Should that however be the policy of the Government, and should it be at my option to continue from year to year in this state of nominal respectability and real insignificance, it is proper for me to determine how long I shall bear it: and this is a subject of much reflection and much anxiety to my mind.

I have abandoned the profession upon which I have hitherto depended, for a future subsistence; Abandoned it, at a time, when the tedious noviciate of hope and fear was nearly past; when flattering and brightening prospects were every day opening more and more extensively to my view; when I was at least upon a footing of equal advantage with any one of my own standing in the profession, and advancing if not rapidly at least with regular progression towards eminence: when the reward of long and painful expectation began to unfold itself to my sight, and give me a rational hope of future possession. At this critical moment, when all the materials for a valuable reputation at the bar were collected, and had just began to operate favourably for me, I have stopped short in my career; forsaken the path which would have led me to independence and security in private life; and stepped into a totally different direction.

To that profession I can never return without losing many of the advantages, which rendered its practice tolerable. The reputation which hitherto I had acquired was still very much confined and limited; it was founded upon four years of constant application and attention to business. My absence will not only stop its growth, but will carry me back to that obscurity in which I began. The study of the common and Statute Law has nothing attractive to secure any attention to it unless some inducement of immediate interest serves as a stimulus. My business, and my studies in the character which I am now to assume, have very little affinity with those of a practicing lawyer; I shall probably have but little leisure, and shall not be disposed to devote it to Kings-Bench or Chancery Reports, to Littleton’s Tenures or Coke’s Commentaries. Yet these studies must essentially be uninterrrupted to preserve the learning of a lawyer, and two or three years intermission will have the double effect of disgusting me with them, and of disqualifying me from the practice of the Law, without a redoubled application to them.

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In proportion as my own professional advancement will be checked that of my contemporaries and particularly of those who started from the goal nearly at the same time with myself, will be promoted. They will continue to make their way, and will in a few years have reached the summit of reputation and of business.— My juniors who are now just opening their Offices, or are yet students will then have reached the station from which I have departed, and thus after having been elevated to a public station much beyond my own wishes and expectations, and invested with a character more conspicuous than those of my fellow citizens of equal years and standing in the world, in returning to the bar I shall descend as much below the level of my ambition and pretensions as I have been by my present appointment raised above it.

The profession therefore can be considered by me in no other light, than that of a last resort, in case all other resources should fail; and yet I have no reason to suppose, that any thing more eligible will occur to me in case I should at the end of two or three years be destitute of public employment.

Unpleasant however as this perspective is, I think it infinitely preferable to that of remaining in the public service, to perform duties which may be executed equally well by any other man; and with the consciousness of holding a public office without confidence, without utility, and for no other purpose than barely to give me a subsistence

The idea of being many years absent from my Country; from my family my connections and friends is so painful that I feel a necessity for fixing upon some period to which I may look forward with an expectation of being restored to them. The distance between the two Countries is so great and the communication of course so small, that it is hardly possible for an American to be long in Europe, without losing in some measure his national character. The habits, the manners and affections insensibly undergo an alteration; the common changes to which Society is incident remove many of the friends and connections which he left behind him, and no others are substituted in their stead; his own propensities are so liable to follow the course of the stream into which he has been launched, that he gradually takes an European disposition, becomes a stranger to his own Country, and when at length he returns finds himself an alien in the midst of his own fellow-citizens.

The attachment which I feel for my native Land, is not merely a sentiment of the Heart; it is also a principle dictated by my Reason. 221 Independant of my feelings and Inclinations, I hold it to be a duty of the most rigid obligation, to make the place of my birth, the centre of all my wishes and the chief object of all my pursuits. Wherever my lot may be cast; I hope I shall always turn towards it with as much frequency of devotion and as constant veneration as that with which the most faithful disciple of Mahomet presents his face towards the tomb of his prophet. I cannot therefore look forward with indifference to any situation that shall have a tendency to loosen the ties which connect me with my Country. I cannot anticipate without concern a length of absence, which may give my inclinations a bias different from that of my duty.

For these Reasons I am convinced of the propriety there is in marking out for my own determination the limits of Time for the duration of my present mission. It is very possible that I may have no occasion for any such limitation, and that my commission will be superseded by the will of the President, as soon or sooner than I shall desire; but this is an Event which is wholly out of my controul and which therefore cannot enter into my calculations.

If after three years residence at the Hague, I should see no particular object requiring my further continuance there; if the business of an American Minister there should continue to be the mere agency of a broker, and my office be of no benefit but to me, I shall feel myself under an obligation to return home; and resume my profession or any other employment in private life, that shall afford me an honourable support.

I have written very freely to you Sir upon this subject, because I wish to have the sanction of your opinion and your advice. The principle which I have adopted has been so consonant to your own practice, and has been in my mind so clearly the result of your instructions, that I think it cannot but meet with your approbation.— Perhaps the Time upon which I have fixed may not preserve so accurately the medium as I should wish, and if you are of that opinion, I must solicit you for the result of your reflections, in writing if it be not too inconvenient.— Your kindness will excuse the unceasing egotism of this Letter, which could admit of no apology, were it not directed to the indulgence of a parent for the purpose of obtaining the guidance of paternal wisdom.

Since I wrote you last my brother has received your Letter, and I have the answer to mine consenting to his going with me.2 You have been kind enough to promise him the continuance of your assistance to him, to enable him to bear the expences of his foreign tour; 222 but since I made the application to you, I find that an allowance is made for a private Secretary, and my brother is willing to accompany me in that capacity; so that he will have it in his power to unite business and amusement, and may have the advantage of travelling without incumbrance to you.

In ten or twelve days I hope I shall see you at Quincy, and in the mean time remain affectionately your Son.

J. Q. Adams.

RC (Adams Papers). LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 126. Tr (Adams Papers).

1.

Edmund Randolph provided JQA with his instructions on 29 July (Adams Papers). As JQA expected, Randolph wrote that it was JQA’s “first and unremitting duty, to forward by all the means in your power the loan, opened for 800,000 dollars and destined to the ransom of our fellow citizens in Algiers, and the effectuating of a peace.” Besides that and a request to deal with the case of an American ship captured by a Dutch privateer, the rest of the instructions focused on the general duties of a minister—to keep the secretary of state informed of all political and diplomatic activities, to supply information on the history and administration of the Netherlands, and to insure that commercial relations between the Netherlands and the United States remained on a positive footing.

On 8 Aug., Alexander Hamilton followed up with more detailed information on the Dutch loan and provided JQA with copies of the relevant documents. Hamilton noted, “In the future progress of things it is probable that the subject here by committed to you will again become of great importance and delicacy & you will of course take pains to possess yourself of all requisite and useful information” (Hamilton, Papers, 17:72–76; Adams Papers).

2.

JA’s letter to TBA has not been found.

John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 29 July 1794 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Abigail
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
My dear Madam Philadelphia July 29th: 1794

I am still waiting for the arrival of Coll: Hamilton whom it is necessary for me to see before my departure, and who has been detained several days in the Country by the sickness of a child.1

I received your favour of the 20th: instt: and my brother is now prepared to go with me.— We should be very happy to comply with your request respecting the bracelets, but we shall certainly not have time for the miniatures to be taken here; and indeed our miniature painters are so indifferent workmen, that it will be best to have them done in Europe.

A very serious opposition to the collection of the Excise has taken place in one of the western Counties of this State. The Collector’s House has been burnt down, and an action between the insurgents and a company of soldiers terminated in the loss of several lives.—2

I enclose with this a pamphlet which has just made its appearance; written as I judge from the face of it by some Englishman, but I know not any Briton in this Country equal to it.

There is much party spirit, much virulence, and some 223 controversial disingenuity conspicuous in this publication. It is certainly not written with a view to popular approbation. But I believe the Doctor and his friends would not find it an easy task, really to answer it—3

A french fleet of forty sail which went from hence about a fortnight since has been picked up by an English squadron on the Coast; and a very small portion of them have escaped.— There is some suspicion I believe of treachery among the french, or by the American Pilots who were with them; but I know not exactly what it is.4

On the other hand the combined armies in Europe, have no reason to boast of their success. Their situation is even extremely critical. And the violent measures pursued by the ministry in England, indicate a consciousness of internal weakness more than any thing that has hitherto occurred.

No account of Mr: Jay’s arrival as yet.5

The Secretary of State and Hammond continue bickering and recriminating.— If the latter is not absolutely instructed to pick a quarrel with us at all hazards his conduct is very indiscreet. He is now at New-York.

A pompous Letter from London giving an Account of the present internal state of France has been published in most of the newspapers here, and has probably found its way into those of Boston. It was written by Jackson, the ci-devant Secretary to the President. It contains information really important, but I know not how far it is to be depended upon. There is a circumstance which proves that the author was vain of his Letter at least.— He addressed and sent it to two different persons: Mr: Pinckney in London, and Mr: Willing in this City.— Mr: Pinckney sent a copy of it to the Secretary of State; so that when Mr: Willing received that sent to him, and was anxious to communicate his very interesting intelligence, he was greatly surprized to find that the President was already in possession of it.6

Instead of Salvator-Rosa, methinks this incident would supply a tolerable subject for the pencil of Hogarth.

I write very freely: indeed I find it difficult to realize that henceforth my Correspondence must be armed at all points, or confidential. It will take me some time to ease myself in diplomatic buckram completely. I have no occasion to request of you that my future letters, may be reserved from all but my father’s inspection.— You will easily distinguish those parts of them which are intended only for yourself and him.

I am in all duty and affection your Son

J. Q. Adams.
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RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “Mrs: A. Adams / Quincy.”; internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams, Quincy.”; endorsed: “JQ Adams july / 29 1794”; docketed: “Philadelphia.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 126.

1.

On 11 July Alexander Hamilton wrote to George Washington asking to be excused from Philadelphia “to make an excursion into the country for a few days to try the effect of exercise & change of air” on his son, John Church Hamilton (b. 1792). Alexander Hamilton had planned to return within a week but was detained at New York and did not arrive back in Philadelphia until 30 July (Hamilton, Papers, 16:591, 615–616, 627).

2.

JQA recounts the first violent action of the Whiskey Rebellion. On 16 July a group of armed men attacked John Neville, the regional supervisor for collection of the federal excise in western Pennsylvania, seeking his resignation and his records of tax collection on distilled spirits. A skirmish ensued in which one person was killed. The next day, a much larger mob of several hundred people returned and a second battle followed. Two or three men were killed, others were wounded, and Neville’s estate was burned.

Over the next few months, several thousand Pennsylvanians engaged in a series of actions, some violent, to protest and thwart attempts to collect the excise tax on spirits. Ultimately, George Washington gathered an army of nearly 13,000 from various state militias and personally led them part of the way to put down the insurgency, which was largely accomplished by November. While the army arrested many people as suspects, only a handful were ever tried for treason. All but two were acquitted, and those two Washington eventually pardoned (Slaughter, Whiskey Rebellion, p. 3, 217–221). For more on the Whiskey Rebellion, see Descriptive List of Illustrations, No. 6, above.

3.

Possibly An Impartial History of the Late Revolution in France, from Its Commencement to the Death of the Queen, and the Execution of the Deputies of the Gironde Party, 2 vols., Phila., 1794, Evans, No. 27588. A copy is in JA’s library at MB ( Catalogue of JA’s Library ).

4.

On 13 July a French convoy of some thirty ships, mainly merchantmen containing provisions for France, sailed from the Delaware River. The next day they were attacked by British forces. Given the order to disperse, some of the convoy escaped but over half were captured (New York Journal, 16 July; Philadelphia Independent Gazetteer, 19 July; Philadelphia Gazette, 30, 31 July).

5.

News of John Jay’s arrival in London had reached New York by 13 Aug. and Philadelphia by 14 Aug., where it was widely reported. The Philadelphia Gazette of that day, for instance, noted, “By the brig Nancy we learn that Mr. JAY had arrived at London, and was well received by the Ministry.”

6.

This letter was apparently from William Jackson, Washington’s secretary, to Thomas Willing of Philadelphia, the president of the Bank of the United States ( DAB ). Dated London, 28 April, it appeared in the Philadelphia Gazette, 16 July. The letter described in glowing terms the “formidable preparations” the French were making for the coming war, including the mustering of troops, gathering of armaments, and preparation of fuel. Jackson also celebrated the agricultural progress of France, noting that “amidst all this din and preparation of arms, the country is more carefully and extensively cultivated than in any former period. … The very avenues and approaches to the Chateaux are ploughed, even walks in the gardens of the Tuilleries are sown and planted, and no country presents a more promising appearance in agriculture than France does at this moment.”