Papers of John Adams, volume 21
At a time when all the Men of Letters in the World are or ought to be employed in researches after the Principles of Society, although my friends and my Ennemies, (for I must at length acknowledge that I have such) concur in forbidding me to publish any of my Speculations, I see no reason why you and I may not exchange a few Letters, upon these important Subjects.
A Society can no more Subsist without Gentlemen than an Army without officers. So Says Harrington:1 So Says History: So Says Experience: So Says reason. Out of a Body of Gentlemen, some how or other formed, are to be drawn officers to command your Armies for national defence; Magistrates to execute the Laws and distribute Justice; Legislators to enact Laws; Physicians to preserve or restore health; Clergymen to preach the moral Science &c.
In every free Government, there has hitherto been and
probably there always must be, a Senate, composed of a Collection of the
best Men, by whom I mean the most knowing experienced upright courageous and
independent Men. The great Question is how these shall be known formed or
selected. Election has been tried no doubt. Birth has been tried too: but
Mankind seem to be now disgusted with that project, without knowing what to
substitute in its Place, There is not a more curious question, now debated
in the World, than this “What is to become of the Nobility in Europe?[”]
This question which has long puzzled me, has been brought fresh to my mind
by reading Sir James Steuarts Principles of political OEconomy. Vol. 1. page
63. Book 1. chap. 11 he Says “If there be found in any Country a very numerous Nobility, who look upon Trade and the
Inferiour Arts as unbecoming their birth; a good Statesman must
reflect upon the Spirit of former times and compare it with that of the
present. He will then perceive that these Sentiments have been transmitted
from Father to Son, and that Six generations are not elapsed Since, over all
Europe they were universally adopted: that although the Revolution We talked
of in the 10th. Chapter has in 95 effect rendered them less adapted to
the Spirit of the present times, they are however productive of excellent
Consequences; They Serve as a Bulwark to Virtue,
against the Allurements of Riches; and it is dangerous to force a
Set of Men who form a considerable body in a State, from necessity to
trample under foot, what they have been persuaded from their Infancy to be
the test of a noble and generous Mind.
“About 200 years ago, the Nobility of Several Nations, I
mean by this term, all People well born, whether adorned with particular
marks of Royal favour or not, used to live upon the produce of their Lands.
In those days there was little Luxury little circulation; the Lands fed
numbers of Useless mouths, in the modern acceptation of Useless,
consequently produced a very moderate income in money to the Proprietors,
who were notwithstanding, the most considerable persons in the State. This
Class of Inhabitants remaining inactive in the Country, during the
revolution abovementioned, have, in consequence of
the introduction of Industry, Trade and Luxury, insensibly had the
Ballance of Wealth, and consequently of consideration turned against
them. of this there is no doubt. This Class
however has retained the military Spirit, the lofty Sentiments; and
notwithstanding their depression in point of fortune, are found
calculated to shine the brightest, when Set in a proper elevation.
In times of peace, when trade flourishes, the Lustre of those who wallow in
public money the Weight and consideration of the wealthy merchant, and even
the ease and Affluence of the industrious tradesman, eclipse the poor
nobility: they become an object of contempt to bad Citizens, an object of
compassion to the good; and political Writers imagine they render them an
important Service, when they propose to receive them into the lower Classes
of the People. But when Danger threatens from
abroad, and when armies are brought into the field, compare the
Behaviour of those conducted by a Warlike nobility with those conducted
by the Sons of Labour and Industry; those who have glory, with those who
have gain for their point of view. Let the State only Suffer this
nobility to languish without a proper Encouragement, there is no fear but
they will soon disappear; their Lands will become possessed by People of a
Way of thinking more a la mode, and the army will
quickly adopt new sentiments more analogous to the Spirit of a moneyed
Interest.
[“]I find nothing more affecting to a good mind, than to see the distress of a poor nobility in both Sexes. Some have proposed Trade for this Class. Why do you not trade? I answer for the Nobility; 96 because in order to trade I must have money. This Objection is unanswerable. Why then do you not apply to other branches of Industry? If it is the State who is Supposed to ask the question, I ask, in my turn, what Advantage She can reap from their Industry? What profit from their becoming Shopkeepers, Weavers or Taylers? are not, or ought not all these Classes to be provided with hands from their own Multiplication? What advantage can She reap by the Children of one Class taking the Bread out of the mouths of another?
[“]If the Sentiments in which the nobility have been
educated, prove detrimental to the State, throw a discouragement upon them.
If Birth is to be no mark of distinction,
let it not be distinguished by any particular priviledge, which in
appearance Sets that Class above the level of those with whom the State
intends they should be incorporated. You do not make your Valet de Chambre
get behind your Coach, though upon an occasion it might be convenient and
though perhaps he had been your footman the day before; you would even turn
him out of Doors, did he not change his Company with his rank.
[“]If you cannot afford to have a nobility, let it die away: grant as in England, the Title of noble to one of a Family, and let all the rest be commoners; that is to Say, distinguished by no personal priviledge, whatsoever, from the lowest Classes of the People. But if you want them to Serve you as Soldiers, and that they Should preserve those Sentiments you approve of in a Soldier, take Care, at least of their Children. If these appear to you poor and ragged, while they are wandering up and down their Fathers Lands, chasing a wretched hare or partridge, compare them when in the Troops, with those of your wealthy neighbours, if any Such you have.”2
I have transcribed this long passage from this dry old
Fellow least you might not have his Work at hand: but to make it more
intelligible, I must transcribe the Passage referred to in the 10th Chapter.
Dft (Adams Papers).
James Harrington, Oceana, London, 1771, p. 53, a copy of which is in
JA’s library at MB (
Catalogue of JA’s Library
).
Sir James Steuart, Inquiry
into the Principles of Political Oeconomy, 2 vols., London,
1767, 1:63–65. A copy is in JA’s library at MB (
Catalogue of JA’s Library
).