Papers of John Adams, volume 20
thJuly 1790
I embrace the opportunity afforded me by a vessel that sails to day for Philadelphia to send you some newspapers and to tell You that the condition of the american seamen here claims the immediate attention of the Government of the United States.1
In the absence of any person invested with consular or ministerial
authority from Congress—I cou’d not endure to see my fellow citizens first subjected to
the outrages of british press gangs—and then drag’d on board british ships of war to be
scourged at the mere will and base discretion of every mean or malignant petty officer
of the navy into the performance of duties services
which our native seamen dread and detest. In this crisis I came forward and did and have
done and am continually doing all that a zealous persevering individual cou’d or can do
in his private capacity.
It is now necessary to state that every seaman of the United States
is impress’d for and retain’d in the service of his britannic majesty as a british
subject—unless the Captain who ship’d him in America will positively swear that he was
actually born in the United States and is a subject of them. No Commander of a british
bottom in the American Trade can take such an oath: consequently every american seaman
who happen’d to arrive here since the 4th of last May in a
british bottom is now on board a british ship of war. Several applications have been
made to me by seamen in this predicament—and some of these accompanied with strong
evidence that the applicants 392 were really natives
of the United States. In the next place there are several natives of G— Britain and
Ireland who command american bottoms—but are unable—possibly unwilling to identify their
american seamen by such an oath. And lastly when an american commander of an american
bottom has sworn point blank that such and such seamen are natives & subjects of
America—and in consequence thereof I have press’d the Lords of the Admiralty for their
discharge and for a written exemption against another impress and have obtain’d
both—both have been violated—by a new press-gang. On Wednesday evening last for instance
such discharges and protections were totally disregarded: almost every american seaman
in the thames—as well as mates of vessels and apprentices—were swept off in the
night—some of these have been hardly treated by inferior officers of the british
navy.2
It must be owned there are intrinsic difficulties in some cases to furnish even reasonable proof that a particular seaman is a subject of the United States: but in some of the cases to which I allude the most clear and absolute proof had been given and in the manner prescribed by the Lords of the Admiralty themselves.
Perhaps no immediate remedy that wou’d
be effectual can be invented by Congress. A palliative
wou’d be—the appointment of a consul here who might substitute prudence and management
sustain’d by a suitable authority from the American
government—in lieu of clear rules of proceeding and loftier powers
than cou’d be now exercised here with utility to our country.3
Clad with that mild and modest capacity—I am vain enough to believe that even I shoud be enabled just now to render the United States essential service—which the experience and local knowledge of the past six weeks have afforded me peculiar facilities for performing in future. But at any rate I feel it my indispensable duty to continue exerting every nerve in endeavours to procure the release of as many of these impressed american seamen as possible. Before the late rigourous impress I had paved the way for liberating many of them—who have returned home rejoicing. Nor do I now despond of procuring the discharge of some—to the birth and citizenship of whom their commanders are this day again to swear. Patience, vigilance prudence and unwearied perseverance—are our only weapons.
I consider a war between Britain & Spain as inevitable—between
Prussia and Austria as in the highest degree probable. Manifestos are expected to be published this evening.
I write this in the greatest haste— / very respectfully &
affectionately / Yrs.
RC and enclosures (Adams Papers).
Cutting enclosed a copy of a 30 June letter from Williamsburg,
Va., sailor Hugh Purdie, who was appealing for aid. For Purdie’s impressment by the
British Navy, documentation of the severe floggings and abuse he suffered aboard the
Crescent, and the secretary of state’s intervention in
his liberation, see Jefferson, Papers
, 18:310–342. This packet reached
JA via the Marquis de la Fayette, Capt.
Cain, which sailed from Gravesend, England, on 19 July and arrived in Philadelphia on
28 Sept. (London Public Advertiser, 21 July; London Chronicle, 22 July; Philadelphia Federal Gazette, 28 Sept.).
Cutting’s account of the British Navy’s ongoing “hot press” was
accurate. On the evening of 14 July, over 1,000 sailors were violently impressed near
the Thames River and “outward-bound ships stripped of every hand” (London Whitehall Evening Post, 15–17 July).
The U.S. consulship in London drew a crowd of contenders,
including Cutting, New York merchant Stephen Sayre, and JA’s top choice,
Thomas Barclay. Thomas Jefferson, however, recommended Joshua Johnson. George
Washington nominated Johnson on 2 Aug., and the Senate confirmed his appointment the
next day. Johnson served until 1797 (vol. 17:487;
AFC
, 11:275; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series
, 1:184,
231; 6:503, 676; Jefferson, Papers
, 17:254, 18:315;
First Fed. Cong.
,
2:84, 85).