Papers of John Adams, volume 19

To John Adams from Cotton Tufts, 28 November 1787 Tufts, Cotton Adams, John
From Cotton Tufts
Dear Sr. Weymouth Novr. 28. 1787 1

On Saturday last, the Genl Court rose, having sat Five Weeks, but few Matters of Importance were accomplished.2 The first Thing that came under Consideration was the Recommendation of Congress to lay before the People a System of National Government reported by 221 222 the late continental Convention— Resolutions were passed for assembling the Towns for the Choice of Delegates to sit in Convention on the second Wednesday of January next, to adopt or reject it.—3 The Western lands lately confirmed to this State by an Agreement between the Commissioners of New York & this State, came next under Consideration—they contain about Six Millions of Acres, a considerable Part of which are of an excellent Quality, and will probably be sold for public Securities the ensuing Spring— Much Time was spent in devising the best Method for disposing of them— Bills & Resolves were framed & passed, afterwards rejected— Much ill Humour prevailed & the Session closed without any Agreement on the Subject—4 The next important Matter, was the Regulation of the Law and establishing the Fees of Attornies. A Bill with this Title had been before the Senate in the Year past and was laid aside as useless, it was called up by Honestus, became the Subject of Debate and at length was committed to Him and others for Repair— they reported a new Draught—this was debated from Day to Day—and finally it was determined to be ill constructed and totally inadequate to the purposes for which it was intended— This Bill threw the Gate wide open for every Person to practice Law and plead before the Courts, if of good moral Character— The House in a late Stage of the Session, sent for the Bill, tried their Skill upon it—and although they had passed the original Bill in a former Session—they now rejected the whole and I believe it has receivd its nunc dimittis.5 The Report of a Committee on the Petition of George Cabot Esq & others for erecting a Bridge across Beverly Ferry was taken up early in the Session—it was opposed with great Warmth and Address & supported with equal Zeal— Many Days were spent in hearing the Parties, and debating the Subject, the Issue was for a long Time doubtful— at length it terminated in favour of the Petitioners and a Bill has passed for erecting the Bridge—6 The Continuance of the tender Act (so called) was a favourite Point with our State Regulators, they succeeded so far as to obtain the Continuance of it for Three Months longer.7 The House which consists of more than 180 New Members, forms a very considerable Majority who have imbibed the Spirit of the Times— they discover no small Zeal to destroy the Aristocracy of the Senate— it was exceeding disgusting that the Senate should have a Negative, particularly in the Appointment of Collectors of Impost & Excise, they had excluded by their Vote some of the most faithful Collectors and chose new Ones in whom very little Confidence could be placed— it gave great Umbrage that the Senate 223 should nonconcur them in their Choice—as also in some Resolves for the unlimited Indemnity & Pardons of all of every Discription Character & Degree who had been concerned in the late Rebellion, (saving Nine excluded by Law) whilst on the other Hand the Indemnity to Military Offices & Magistrates (who had acted under Government in suppressing the late Rebellion and who upon a Change of Measures might be subject to vexatious Lawsuits) was limited to the Pleasure of the Gen Court8

Very few Matters of Importance were transacted other than those I have mentioned— Although in the Recess of the genl Court a large Committee of the House (of their own Appointment) sat for some Weeks to devise Ways & Means to supply the Treasury & provide for the Payment of the principal & Interest of the public Debts, Yet the Session passed over without their acting upon the Report or taking any Measures to restore the public Credit or provide for the Exigencies of Government— Great Attempts were made to prolong the Time for Payment of back Taxes, (which by a Report of the Treasurer amounted to £497,000) There was how ever on the whole a pretty good Agreement, not to limit the issuing of Executions beyond February next—except in some particular Instances— It appears that of the Taxes prior to 1784 and those issued since £200,000 (or thereabouts) have been annually discharged for three Years past—9 We are informed of great Exertions among the People to pay up their Back Taxes and notwithstanding our present Confusion, Could the Wisdom of the People be united, their Resources drawn forth and the Government acquire [. . . .] might yet enjoy as much Happiness as any People, but [. . .] this is ever to be expected without an Efficient national Government, is with me a Question— The proposed Plan I suspect will meet with much Opposition in this Commonwealth it has its violent Advocates & its violent Opposers— Too much Temper is discovered on both Sides— It would give me great Pleasure to have Your Sentiments (for my own private Use if not otherways permitted) upon this proposed Constitution—and I flatter myself that you will not withhold from Your Friend that Light, wch. your extensive Knowledge of Governments & long Experience enables You to afford me—

As I take it for granted, that you will return in the Spring of the Year—I would suggest, whether it would not be best to draw on You for what Monies You can spare & which you would otherways bring with you—as you would in that Case probably save £5 [. . .]— I have purchased public Securities at different Times, tho not as yet to the 224 amount you have empowered me— so far as I have gone, I flatter myself that for the most part—the purchases have been fortunate as favourable Opportunities present—I shall proceed further In former Letters I have given You an Account of my Draughts on you, as they fall short of what you have given me a Commission for— I shall probably draw further before Your Return, perhaps for £200— However I wish You to take the first Opportunity to write to me of any Matter You wish to have executed before that Time—either relating to your New Farm at Braintree or what is above mentioned— As You will not probably have any Conveyance direct to Boston untill the Spring— The New York Packet I suspect will be the Vehicle— I am uncertain whether I shall have Time to write to Mrs. Adams, You will be pleased to present my Affectionate Regards to her—and accept of the same / From your Friend—

PS. We are told that a War in Europe is inevitable—

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “His Excellency John Adams Esq / London”; internal address: “His Excelly Jno. Adams Esq”; endorsed by AA: “Dr Tufts / Novbr 18 1787.” Some loss of text where the seal was removed.

1.

Tufts wrote to JA on 19 July, 18 Sept., and 18 Oct. (all Adams Papers). He confirmed the purchase of and various repairs made to Peacefield and described Harvard commencement.

2.

The Mass. General Court convened on 17 Oct. and adjourned on 24 Nov. (Mass., Acts and Laws , 1786–1787, p. 573; Massachusetts Gazette, 27 Nov.).

3.

Massachusetts politicians were highly critical of the method and speed with which the U.S. Constitution was to be debated and adopted. Members of the General Court were divided over the date and venue of the state convention and whether to pay the delegates. They also considered submitting the U.S. Constitution to town meeting votes as a more affordable procedure. After much debate and a series of amendments, on 25 Oct. the General Court resolved that a Massachusetts convention, with the delegates paid by state funds, would convene in Boston on 9 Jan. 1788 ( Doc. Hist. Ratif. Const. , 4:124–125; Hall, Politics without Parties , p. 271–273).

4.

On 16 Dec. 1786 commissioners settled the longstanding Massachusetts-New York boundary dispute, awarding 6 million acres to Massachusetts in what JA called a “much less favourable” decision than he expected. Nathaniel Gorham and Olíver Phelps purchased the land for £300,000 on 1 April 1787 (vol. 18:525; Mass., Acts and Laws , 1786–1787, p. 900–901).

5.

Honestus was Boston merchant Benjamin Austin Jr. He proposed reducing attorney fees, revising the Massachusetts legal code, and reforming the profession (vol. 18:398, 478).

6.

Merchant George Cabot’s plan to build a bridge connecting Beverly and Salem, Mass., was approved by the General Court on 17 Nov., and the 1,484-foot span opened in Sept. 1788 ( AFC , 8:100, 101; 9:485).

7.

On 15 Nov. 1787 the General Court passed “An Act for the continuance of, and in addition to an act, entitled, ‘An Act for suspending the laws for the collection of private debts, under certain limitations.’” Renewing a 1782 law, the misleadingly labeled “tender act” meant that creditors had to accept real and personal property, which had been impartially appraised, as payment for debt (Mass., Acts and Laws , 1786–1787, p. 576–577; Hall, Politics without Parties , p. 121–122, 270).

8.

For the outbreak of Shays’ Rebellion, see vol. 18:index. In spring 1787, following its suppression, voters turned out in record numbers. Tufts was reelected, but many veteran representatives were ousted, and John Hancock defeated Gov. James Bowdoin. Shaysite 225 sympathizers, such as Samuel Willard of Ux-bridge, Luke Drury of Grafton, Josiah Whitney of Harvard, and Benjamin Josselyn of New Braintree, won seats in the General Court. JQA wrote to JA that “there is however in both branches of the legislature a majority of well meaning men; who will support the dignity of the government, and who will not prostitute the honour of their Country.” The Mass. senate elected Samuel Adams as president and Thomas Cushing as lieutenant governor, with James Warren chosen as speaker of the Mass. house of representatives ( AFC , 8:22, 59, 97, 99; Hall, Politics without Parties , p. 227, 248–249). See also Tufts’ 15 May letter, and note 8, above.

9.

Throughout the summer session of 1787, the General Court debated but refused to pass legislation levying a direct tax. Rather, Massachusetts relied on revenue from excise and impost taxes to pay for general expenses (Hall, Politics without Parties , p. 252, 297).

From John Adams to John Jay, 30 November 1787 Adams, John Jay, John
To John Jay
Dear Sir Grosvenor Square Nov. 30. 1787

I do myself the Honour to inclose the Kings Speech at the Opening of Parliament as it has been transmitted to me from the Marquis of Carmarthen: and the Morning Chronicle of the 28, which contains, not the debates, for there were none, but the Panegyricks upon it.1 I have long Seen sir, in silent Astonishment and Grief the negligent and imprudent Conduct of a deceased French Minister of foreign Affairs, in his negotiations & Intercourse in Holland: the despicable History of a Mailbois, the unmeaning or ill meaning Intrigues of Raineval, the Rhingrave, not to mention others equally disgusting at Paris, with a Minister, whom you know. When I first knew or Suspected that the Dutch Patriots and their confidential Agents, had Surrendered themselves to female Intrigues I had a thousand Apprehensions, that they would finally meet with that Ruin which you perfectly well know would have been the devoted Fate of the United States if they had Submitted to Mr Deans System of De Mailbois’s and De Coudrai’s, ten years ago.2 Let me intreat Gentlemen to compare, what remains upon the Records or Files of Congress at that Period, with what happened before and at the Peace, with what has taken Place in Holland, and thank Heaven for their Providential Escapes.

There are many worthy Characters, now Exiles from Holland and Refugees in Germany, the Austrian Netherlands and France for whom I have many years entertained an Esteem and Affection, whose melancholly Situation is truly deplorable. These however, have ever appeared to me to be too inattentive to the Sense of the common People in their own Country, too little acquainted with the Nature of Government, and too confidently dependant on the Support of France.

226

The debate orations in Parliament upon the Speech inclosed are however more extraordinary, than any Thing that has occured.— The Interposition of Prussia in the affairs of Holland cannot be justified upon the Principles of the Law of Nations; and if Truth and Justice are not lost out of the World will be marked by the impartial, both in the present and future Ages with severe Censure. But the Speeches of Mr Fox and Mr Pitt appear to me to have Set every Tie that can bind Mankind, every Principle which ought to be held Sacred at open Defyance.3 it is openly avowed by both, that a Treaty of Alliance is in Agitation between England and Holland, at this moment when a Treaty recently made between France and Holland is in full force, and when there is no Pretence of a Violation of it. Is not this a most outragious Insult, in the Face of the whole World, for the Debates in Parliament are known to be published all over Europe, upon the Law of Nations, upon the Faith of Treaties, and national Honour. Is it the Intention of the Speech and of the Addresses which will eccho it back to the Throne, to force the House of Bourbon into a War? To me, it Seems manifest.— If France Should bear it patiently, what are We to think? The Fermentation in that Kingdom, occasioned by the Ruin brought upon it, by that Administration of whose Merits you have long since formed an accurate Judgment, and by the Exertions to obtain provincial and national assemblies threatens much Confusion. It is not possible to foresee, what the Effect will be. I own myself afraid that the Patriots in France will prove as Unskillful and Unsuccessful asserters of a free Government as those in Holland have been. a tedious Relaxation if not the most Serious divisions are to be apprehended. If however the House of Bourbon is unable to assert her Dignity upon this occasion, I am clearly convinced that the Pride and Arrogance of England will rise So high, as to demand the Demolition of Cherbourg, and attempt to Sever south America from Spain. nor will this be all: she will demand the Annihilation of Several Articles at least of the Treaties between France and the United States of America. Nor will they Stop here. if they can bind Holland in their Shackles, and France by her internal distractions is unable to interfere, She will make War immediately against Us. they are at present both at Court, and in the Nation at large much more respectful to me, and much more tender of the United States than they Ever have been before. but depend upon it, this will not last.— They will aim at recovering back the Western Lands at taking away our Fisheries and at the total Ruin of our Navigation at least.

227

The United States of America, therefore, had never more Reason to be upon their Guard: to compleat their Constitution of Government: to Unite as one Man to meet with Courage and Constancy, the severe Tryal, which in all probability they will be called to undergo in a very few years.

There is some room however to hope that Mr Pitt and Mr Fox are outrunning the Dutchmen in their Disposition for an alliance. The Friendship of France, appears to me, to be so neccessary to the King of Prussia, that I cannot yet believe that he will Advise the statholder, to follow the English Party so implicitly. The state of Europe at large is so confused, that there is not one Politician in the World, that I can hear of, who pretends to foresee, what turn affairs may take. With great / Respect I have the Honour to be, dear sir, your / most obedient and most humble servant

John Adams

RC and enclosure (PCC, No. 84, VI, f. 575–585); internal address: “Mr Jay Secretary of state &c.”; docketed: “Speech.—” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 112.

1.

JA enclosed a copy of George III’s 27 Nov. speech opening Parliament ( Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789 , 2:820–822). He also sent the Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser, 28 Nov., which printed the oration and summaries of the responses. George III outlined the measures he had taken to secure British interests with respect to the crisis in Holland, adding, that owing to “the rapid success of the Prussian troops … an amicable explanation took place” between Britain and France, for which see JA’s 15 Nov. letter to Jay, and note 6, above.

2.

JA referred to Silas Deane’s unauthorized issuance of commissions to French officers, which included promising Philippe Charles Jean Baptiste Tronson du Coudray the rank of major general in the Continental Army and acceding to the Comte de Vergennes’s plan for Yves Marie Desmarets, Comte de Maillebois, to assume command. In a 16 April 1783 letter to James Warren, JA wrote that Deane’s policy would make America subservient to French interests, as he believed Vergennes intended (vol. 14:417–419; JA, D&A , 3:172, 4:79–80).

3.

British newspapers reported that Whig statesman Charles James Fox called for a renewal of the Anglo-Dutch alliance and an end of the Franco-Dutch alliance; William Pitt supported both measures (Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser, 28 Nov. 1787; London Chronicle, 27–29 Nov.).