Papers of John Adams, volume 19

To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 13 November 1787 Jefferson, Thomas Adams, John
From Thomas Jefferson
Dear Sir Paris Nov. 13. 1787. 1

This will be delivered you by young mr̃ Rutledge. your knowledge of his father will introduce him to your notice. he merits it moreover on his own account.2

I am now to acknolege your favors of Oct. 8. & 26.3 that of August 25. was duly received, nor can I recollect by what accident I was prevented from acknoleging it in mine of Sep. 28. it has been the source of my subsistance hitherto, & must continue to be so till I receive letters on the affairs of money from America. Van Staphorsts & Willinks have answered my draughts.— your books for M. de la Fayette are received here.4 I will notify it to him, who is at present with his provincial assembly in Auvergne.

Little is said lately of the progress of the negociations between the courts of Petersburg, Vienna, & Versailles.5 the distance of the former & the cautious, unassuming character of it’s minister6 here is one cause of delays: a greater one is the greediness & instable character of the emperor. nor do I think that the Principal here will be easily induced to lend himself to any connection which shall threaten a war within a considerable number of years. his own reign 214 will be that of peace only, in all probability; and were any accident to tumble him down, this country would immediately gird on it’s sword & buckler, & trust to occurrences for supplies of money. the wound their honour has sustained festers in their hearts, and it may be said with truth that the Archbishop & a few priests, determined to support his measures because proud to see their order come again into power, are the only advocates for the line of conduct which has been pursued. it is said & believed thro’ Paris literally that the Count de Monmorin “pleuroit comme un enfant”7 when obliged to sign the counter declaration. considering the phrase as figurative, I believe it expresses the distress of his heart. indeed he has made no secret of his individual opinion. in the mean time the Principal goes on with a firm & patriotic spirit, in reforming the cruel abuses of the government and preparing a new constitution which will give to this people as much liberty as they are capable of managing. this I think will be the glory of his administration, because, tho’ a good theorist in finance, he is thought to execute badly. they are about to open a loan of 100. millions to supply present wants, and it is said the preface of the Arret will contain a promise of the Convocation of the States general during the ensuing year. 12. or 15. provincial assemblies are already in action, & are going on well: and I think that tho’ the nation suffers in reputation, it will gain infinitely in happiness under the present administration. I inclose to mr̃ Jay a pamphlet which I will beg of you to forward. I leave it open for your perusal. when you shall have read it, be so good as to stick a wafer in it. it is not yet published, nor will be for some days. this copy has been ceded to me as a favor.

How do you like our new constitution? I confess there are things in it which stagger all my dispositions to subscribe to what such an assembly has proposed. the house of federal representatives will not be adequate to the management of affairs either foreign or federal. their President seems a bad edition of a Polish king. he may be reelected from 4. years to 4. years for life. reason & experience prove to us that a chief magistrate, so continuable, is an officer for life. when one or two generations shall have proved that this is an office for life, it becomes on every succession worthy of intrigue, of bribery, of force, & even of foreign interference. it will be of great consequence to France & England to have America governed by a Galloman or Angloman. once in office, & possessing the military force of the union, without either the aid or check of a council, he would not be easily dethroned, even if the people could be induced to 215 withdraw their votes from him. I wish that at the end of the 4. years they had made him for ever ineligible a second time. indeed I think all the good of this new constitution might have been couched in three or four new articles to be added to the good, old, & venerable fabrick, which should have been preserved even as a religious relique.—

present me & my daughters affectionately to mr̃s Adams. the younger one continues to speak of her warmly. accept yourself assurances of the sincere esteem & respect with which I have the honour to be, Dear Sir, your friend & servant

Th: Jefferson

P.S. I am in negociation with de la Blancherie. you shall hear from me when arranged.

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “H.E. mr̃ Adams.”; endorsed: “Mr Jefferson / Nov. 13. 1787”; notation by CFA: “published in his Writings / vol 2d. p 267,” that is, Jefferson, Correspondence, ed. Randolph, 2:265–267.

1.

Jefferson also wrote to WSS on the same day, acknowledging his letters of 4, 8, and 26 October. Expressing his concern about the lack of presidential term limits in the U.S. Constitution, Jefferson wrote, “The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. It is it’s natural manure” (Jefferson, Papers , 12:355–356).

2.

John Rutledge Jr. (1766–1819) was the son of John (1739–1800), a former congressional delegate from and governor of South Carolina. The younger Rutledge remained in Europe on a grand tour until May 1790, when he returned to Charleston, S.C., to practice law ( Biog. Dir. Cong. ; Jefferson, Papers , 12:461, 16:428).

3.

An inadvertence. Jefferson referred to JA’s letters of 9 and 28 Oct. 1787, both above.

4.

JA sent copies of his Defence of the Const. for the Marquis de Lafayette with his letter of 28 Oct. to Jefferson, above.

5.

Jefferson referred to the possible alliance of Austria, Russia, and France in opposition to Britain and Prussia, which ultimately was not negotiated (Black, British Foreign Policy , p. 153, 329).

6.

Ivan Matveevich Simolin had served as the Russian minister plenipotentiary to France since Feb. 1785 ( Repertorium , 3:354).

7.

Wept like a child.

From John Adams to John Jay, 15 November 1787 Adams, John Jay, John
To John Jay
Dear Sir Grosvenor Square Nov. 15. 1787

The Attack upon Mr Dumas, is but a Part of that system of Intimidation, that the present Tryumphant Party in Holland is pursuing, and if one were to conjecture, it would be plausible to Suppose that sir James Harris, was the Instigator of it.1 The English Court and Nation, with all their affected Contempt, and rude Execrations of the Dutch, have at Bottom a very great opinion of the Importance of that Power, in the Ballance between England and the House of Bourbon. Hints have been Several Times thrown out in the English Papers, of the Partiality of the American Minister at the Hague to France, and as Mr Dumas was supposed to be under my Direction, 216 his motions have been imputed to me. Mr Dumas has a Pension from France reversible to his Daughter.—2 It would be better for Congress to pay this Pension at the Expence of the United States, or to dismiss him from their service, paying him however during his Life his annual Allowance, than to have a Person in their service, in the Pay of two Powers at once. if an English Ambassador or Charge D’Affairs or Agent at Paris the Hague Should receive from France a Pension for opposing the Interests of the United States, Congress would have Some cause to be uneasy. I am not att all Surprized therefore at the Attack Upon Mr Dumas.— Yet I should be very sorry it Should prevail against him. and therefore it is to be hoped that Congress will take time to deliberate upon the Subject. As there has been no formal Deliberation of their High Mightinesses upon my Memorial, and as the Correspondence has been hitherto, only between Mr Fagel and me, altho their high Mightinesses have been acquainted with it and have directed it on the Part of Mr Fagel; yet Congress are not obliged formally to Answer it. Sovereign to Sovereign and Minister to Minister, is the Diplomatic Maxim. Congress therefore may take as long time as they please to deliberate, and it is to be hoped, they will take so much that the present Passions may cool, and the present Scæne be shifted. after another year, or six or nine months Circumstances may be very different.— If We were to judge by the Tone of Arrogance at present in Holland, We should conclude that they would infallibly blow up a War, between England and France, and join the former. But this, to me, at least is very doubtful. Notwithstanding the Complaint against Mr Dumas and the Recall of Mr Vanberckel, if that should be agreed to, you will not find any hostile Disposition towards the United States— if France remains quiet, as she ought at present, for it is now too late for her to move, all Nations and Parties will sit down Satisfied with the Restoration of the Statholder, for some years, and there will be no formal Rupture with France or America. England has blustered, and France has Slept. but the former, have at heart no Inclination for War. Fifty Millions of Debt added to the Present, would produce a Tornado in this Country, the Consequences of which cannot be computed. England Holland and Prussia will be very glad to remain as they are. and France shows no Disposition to disturb them. As I take all the late Transactions to have been merely a System of Intimidation, You will not hear of those rigorous Prosecutions and cruel Punishments of the Patriots in Holland which are held out in Terror. Neutrality, eternal Neutrality will Still be the Passion and 217 Politicks in the United Provinces, both of Stathouderians and Patriots. There are no Warlike Characters among them. And the present dominant Party will be as anxious as their Adversaries, to avoid every Provocation to a War, either with France or England. William the Fifth is neither the Politician nor the Warrior, as William the third was.3 An Appearance of Spirit, and even of Arrogance has been assumed in the Netherlands as well as in England merely to overawe, and upon the Secret Presumption that they should not be forced into a War in earnest. This Policy has Succeeded so well, that I cannot help suspecting there was better grounds for it, than the World in general were acquainted with. I know that the Patriots in Holland, some of them at least, as long ago as Mr Rainevall made his curious journey into that Country, Suspected that their Ideas of Liberty were not to be supported, and accordingly thought very Seriously of emigrating to America.4 I dont mean however, by this the Capital5 Characters. Money is however so much better understood, and more beloved than Liberty that you will not hear of Many Emigrations. The Friends of France, affect to Speak slightly of Holland at present and of her Weight in the Scale. This is neccessary to excuse their Inattention, and Blunders, on the late occasion but France never committed a greater Error in Policy than she has done, by her Unskillful Negotiations at Berlin the Hague and London, since the Peace.— If Holland should be forced into a Renovation of her Connections with England America in my opinion, will have Reason to regret it. For I have not, a doubt, that England Holland & Prussia would get the better in a War against the House of Bourbon and America will be obliged to join the latter in self defence for after having humbled France, England would not Scruple to Attack the United states. That our Country may Act with Dignity in all Events: that she may not be obliged to join in any War, without the clearest Conviction of the Justice of the Cause, and her own honour and real Interest, it is indispensably necessary, that she should Act the Part in Holland of perfect Independence and honest Impartiality, between the different Courts and Nations who are now struggling for her Friendship, and who are all at present our Friends. This has ever appeared to me so clear and obvious, that I never could approve the Conduct of Mr Dumas or Messieurs Vanstaphorsts, in taking so decided Parts in favour of France and against the statholder, altho, I fully believe they followed the Judgments of their Understandings and the Inclinations of their hearts with Integrity and Honour.

218

With great Respect I have the Honour to be / dear sir your most obedient and most hum / ble servant

John Adams6

RC and enclosures (PCC, No. 84, VI, f. 563–574); internal address: “His Excellency John Jay / Secretary of State. &c &c &c”; endorsed: “Letters from Mr. Adams of / 25 Octr. and 15 Novr. 1787 / February 14. 1788 / Referred to the Secy. for foreign / Affairs to report.—” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 112.

1.

Sir James Harris reported to the British ministry on his efforts to aid the Orangists, which included mobilizing anti-Patriot mobs for the “Orange terror” of 1787–1788, and appealing to merchants and intellectuals in Amsterdam (Schama, Patriots and Liberators , p. 106–107, 165).

2.

Several British newspapers reported that JA and Thomas Jefferson petitioned Hendrik Fagel on C. W. F. Dumas’ behalf (London Chronicle, 27–30 Oct. 1787; London Morning Herald, 9 Nov.) and also summarized Fagel’s reply to JA of 18 Oct., above. Dumas received an annual pension of 1,500 livres tournois from Louis XVI for his service during the Revolutionary War, half of which was bequeathed to his daughter, Anna Jacoba Dumas Senserff (Jefferson, Papers , 9:437; AFC , 10:257).

3.

Echoing his earlier comments on William V’s initial opposition to recognition of the United States, JA contrasted him here with William III, who defeated James II in the Glorious Revolution and seized the British throne (vol. 13:125–126; Cambridge Modern Hist. , 8:321).

4.

Joseph Mathias Gerard de Rayneval, former secretary to the Comte de Vergennes, traveled to The Hague in October to meet with Johann Eustach, Baron von Görtz, Prussian minister plenipotentiary to the Netherlands, and negotiate a settlement between William V and the Patriots (JA, D&A , 2:301; Schama, Patriots and Liberators , p. 122, 125–126; Repertorium , 3:333). Here, however, JA was referring to Rayneval’s fruitless 1782 mission to London to broker a peace settlement with Britain, France, and Spain that possibly would have ended American fishing rights in Newfoundland and blocked free navigation of the Mississippi River (vol. 13:481).

5.

In the LbC, WSS wrote “Casuitical.”

6.

JA enclosed a copy of the Marquis of Carmarthen’s 30 Oct. 1787 letter, transmitting a copy of the 27 Oct. British declaration and the French counterdeclaration pledging disarmament in light of the Prussian invasion of Holland. These measures, as Thomas Jefferson described in his 3 Nov. report to Jay, had been “cooked up at Versailles” and indicated that Louis XVI was an unreliable ally ( Dipl. Corr., 1783–1789 , 2:107–108, 817; Jefferson, Papers , 12:309–313).