Papers of John Adams, volume 18

To John Adams from Samuel Adams, 21 July 1786 Adams, Samuel Adams, John
From Samuel Adams
My dear Sir Boston July 21 1786

There are two great Objects which I think should engage the Attention of Patriots here, & which appear to me to involve every thing else—to preserve entire our political Liberties, & to support our National Faith. To effect either of these Capital Ends, we must 398 counterwork the Designs of Great Britan, who to say the least does not appear to be our most cordial Friend, by her Emissaries amongst us, to ruin both. The internal Enemies of this Country ridiculed our early Ideas of Opposition, embarrassed our Measures through the whole Conflict and prolonged the War. They had nearly broke up our Army in 1782,1 and they are now practicing the same Arts, by influencing many weak Men to with-hold the necessary Aid of Taxes, to destroy the publick Faith. I should therefore think it very impolitick to increase their Number by admitting the Tory Refugees without Discrimination. Jonathan Philanthrop whom you well knew,2 with many others took a very active Part, & they were very successful in promoting the Designs of the British Government before the War; There are some among them who would be the fittest Instruments to be employed by that Court in tearing up, or rather undermining the Foundations of our newly erected Fabrick.— If you ask, What has thrown me into this Fit of Zeal against the Refugees? I answer, they already have or soon will in my opinion form a dangerous Faction. But I will be more explicit in my next.3

This Letter I commit to the Care of Mr Benjn. Austin junr whose Father and Connexions you are not unacquainted with.4 Adieu & believe me / your affectionate Friend

S. A.

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Ex̃cy J Adams.”

1.

Samuel Adams probably means 1783 rather than 1782. On 10 and 12 March 1783, in the Newburgh Addresses, Continental Army officers expressed concern over Congress’ inadequate funding of the army and the commutation of their pensions. In July 1783 the Pennsylvania line mutinied against Congress for its disbanding of the army without paying the troops. The initial crisis over the addresses was quelled only by George Washington’s 15 March appeal to the patriotism of the officers who had served under him. The mutiny was ended by regiments that responded to Congress’ appeal for assistance, but it resulted in Congress’ leaving Philadelphia and settling in New York City (vols. 14:410; 15:115–121).

2.

Between 1 Dec. 1766 and early Feb. 1767, Jonathan Sewall, using the pseudonym “Philanthrop,” published a series of letters in the Boston Evening Post defending Massachusetts governor Francis Bernard against a multitude of newspaper attacks stemming from Bernard’s support for the Stamp Act. JA, using the name “Humphrey Ploughjogger” and several other pseudonyms, responded with a series of letters in the Boston Gazette between 5 Jan. and 16 Feb. 1767 (vol. 1:174–211). Sewall, a loyalist who had been one of JA’s closest friends, left Boston for England in 1775. For JA’s 1774 meeting with Sewall at Casco Bay and the two men’s reunion in Sept. 1787, see AFC , 1:135–137.

3.

There are no extant letters between Adams and JA until 2 Sept. 1790 (Adams Papers), and no further expansion by Adams on the loyalist issue.

4.

Benjamin Austin Jr., a Boston merchant who visited the Adamses in late Aug. 1786, had just completed a series of newspaper articles under the pseudonym of Honestus that bitterly attacked the legal profession, for which see Richard Cranch’s 3 Oct. letter, and note 3, below. James Bowdoin also introduced Austin in a 18 July 1786 letter to JA (Adams Papers). Austin was the son of Boston merchant Benjamin Austin Sr. and brother of Jonathan Loring Austin, who had carried news 399 of Gen. John Burgoyne’s defeat at Saratoga to Europe in 1777, and who had served as JA’s secretary at Passy in 1778 ( AFC , 3:262; 7:328).

To John Adams from Charles Storer, 21 July 1786 Storer, Charles Adams, John
From Charles Storer
Boston. 21st. July. 1786.

Nay, Sir, do not confine enthusiasm & patriotism entirely to Tories & Refugees— You have always had a good share of it, and I was going to claim a little too—1 You will see by my letter to Mrs: Adams how I mean to dispose of my self here—wh: I hope will meet with your approbation—2 On an other score I wish to ask your advice & opinion—but I always remember what you once told me, vizt: that, where you could with propriety answer me, you would—further than that you would not—nor do I wish it, Sir—3

I am lately from Passamaquoddy with Gen1: Lincoln—and while there, three of our vessells from the Westward loaded with Lumber were seized by the Sheriff, Naval Officer & others fm. St: Andrews as they were laying at Anchor under Dudley Island, a deed of which our Government sometime since gave to Colo: Allen—4 One sloop was unloading on Campo Bello which is supposed to belong to the British.— It seems they have been laying out the Province of New Brunswick into Districts—and the western District includes Moose, Deer, Dudley, & Frederick Islands, the last of which our Naval Officer lives on.5 Further, they extend their boundary of the Western District “to the western shore of the west passage into the Bay”: thereby claiming both Channels—but, should the Islands belong to them by the exception in the treaty, the channels do not most surely— The People of St: Andrews, howr: talk of havg: guard-Ships & Galleys placed in each Channel—

Leonard, a Refugee Miller fm. this town is Naval Officer on their side and has ordered ours to quit the Bay as having no right there— He was answered, that he knew of no authority but that of Massachusetts, by which he was appointed, & by which alone he should quit his place— However, as we were leaving the Bay we were assured, or at least heard that the Government of New Brunswick has disapproved of the conduct of the Naval Officers & that the vessells were returning, being given up— There are great disputes about our Eastern boundaries— The British say the St: Croix is what is now called the Scudick— we say, & the Indians have been consulted on the point, that the true St: Croix is what is now called the 400 Mecakadawick, 12. or 15. miles farther Eastward—& the river next westward of St: John’s, which I am told you say is the river you meant in settling the treaty— The next thing they claim is all the Islands in the Bay, by virtue of that clause in the treaty which excepts in their favor all Islands, within 20. leagues of the Coast wh: were at the time of the Peace & were formerly within the limits of Nova Scotia— Whether these Islands are in this predicament I know not—but if they are to have them, they have the finest part of the Bay & will have it in their power to injure us greatly— Some there say that the Islands meant in the Treaty were those lying on the eastern side of the Bay of Fundy, near the coast of Nova Scotia, & which come with 20. leagues of our Coast— The British say further that, in proof of those Islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy belonging to them by virtrue of the treaty, Lord Sydney or some Minister writes that tho’ Mr: Adams has been written to on the subject, he has never made any representation to the Ministry;6 which is an acknowledgement that those were the Islands excepted— Now, Sir, mostly for my own satisfaction, as I am going to settle there, I would request you to inform me on the above subject, that I may know how to govern myself— One thing more I would add—which is—that the inhabitants of Moose Island have been repeatedly summoned to act as Jurymen & otherwise to appear at the Courts at St: Andrews—& have as often refused, declaring themselves Citizens of the U: States & under the Government of Massachusetts— On the British side they say, that if that Island is determined to fall within their line, they will make them pay for their refusal— This looks like uncertainty of the right— The Governor & Council have the above matter now under consideration—but what will be the result I know not— ’Tis considered here as a daring insult to the U: States & to Massachusetts in particular— I hope therefore that good-will come from this fracas— I mean that it will determine our boundaries with more precision & certainty—

“Voila un beau tableau” en verite, as you represent it— I am much indebted for your information— If you join in the belief that all will yet be well, I am more satisfied in my opinion— You speak of restraining Commerce— I hold up both hands for confining it to the very narrowest bounds possible— That we are in a fair way of establishing a general system is a peice of information that affords me particular satisfaction— Heaven forbid that it should fail of success!— You speak of having a market in Europe for all our Produce— I hear that Mr: Barrett, not only compleated the Oyl contract he 401 went to France upon—but has also engaged with the French Court to supply their whole Navy with Masts & Spars— Commerce in this way is of no disservice to us— Encouraging our own productions will enrich us—

Accept my thanks for the continuance of your Correspondance— which I wish not to carry beyond bounds agreable to yourself— Be assured Sir, of my best respects, in which our family joins, and that I am with great esteem / Yr: much oblig’d & / humle: servt:

Chas: Storer.

NB. I enclose a Newspaper giving an account of Commencement— You will be probably surprised at the political disputations there introduced—as are many others— There are Subjects that Students have no right to meddle with—& which ought not to be debated in public—7 It was observed that there were many serious truths told, that had better have been concealed— ’Twas really so indeed.—

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “John Adams Esqr:”; endorsed: “Mr Storer.”; and by WSS: “July 21st. 1786.”

1.

Here and in the penultimate paragraph, Storer is responding to JA’s 26 May letter, above.

2.

In his letter of the same date to AA, Storer indicated his intention to move to Maine and settle on land purchased by Gen. Benjamin Lincoln and others at Passamaquoddy Bay ( AFC , 7:277–279).

3.

With regard to the Massachusetts–Nova Scotia (New Brunswick) boundary dispute described in the following two paragraphs, Storer wrote to JA on 19 Aug., below, to ask his advice again, hoping that he would not agree with Lt. Gov. Thomas Cushing, whom he thought was willing to give up the disputed territory.

4.

For John Allan and the events at Passamaquoddy Bay, see James Bowdoin’s 11 July letter, and note 2, above. Allan’s possession of Dudley (now Treat) Island was not finalized until 1788 when the Mass. General Court granted him the deed to Township 12 on Passamaquoddy Bay (Mass., Acts and Laws , 1786–1787, p. 869).

5.

The following two sentences were writen vertically in the left margin and marked for insertion at this point.

6.

See Bowdoin’s 11 July 1786 letter, note 3, above.

7.

The enclosure has not been found, but the 20 July Boston Independent Chronicle contained an account of the previous day’s Harvard commencement. It is difficult to know which of the presentations made by Harvard students concerned Storer the most, but there were two forensic disputes on the questions of “Whether the happiness of the people consists most in the constitution or administration of government?” and “Whether it would be for the advantage of the United States of America to enlarge the power of Congress?”