Papers of John Adams, volume 18

100 To John Adams from Thomas Jefferson, 12 January 1786 Jefferson, Thomas Adams, John
From Thomas Jefferson
Sir Paris Jan. 12. 1786.

You were here the last year when the interest due to the French officers was paid to them, and were sensible of the good effect it had on the credit & honor of the U.S. a second year’s interest is become due. they have presented their demands. there is not money here to pay them, the pittance remaining in mr̃ Grand’s hands being only sufficient to pay current expences three months longer. the dissatisfaction of these officers is extreme, and their complaints will produce the worst effect. the treasury board has not ordered their paiment, probably, because they knew there would not be money. the amount of their demands is about 42,000 livres. and mr̃ Grand has in his hands but twelve thousand. I have thought it my duty under this emergency to ask you whether you could order that sum for their relief from the funds in Holland? if you can, I am persuaded it will have the best of effects.1

The imperial Ambassador took me apart the other day at Count d’Aranda’s, and observed to me that Doctr. Franklin about eighteen or twenty months ago had written to him a letter proposing a treaty of commerce between the Emperor & the U.S. that he had communicated it to the Emperor & had answered to Doctor Franklin that they were ready to enter into arrangements for that purpose: but that he had since that received no reply from us. I told him I knew well that Doctor Franklin had written as he mentioned, but that this was the first mention I had ever heard made of any answer to the letter. that on the contrary we had always supposed it was unanswered & had therefore expected the next step from him. he expressed his wonder at this and said he would have the copy of his answer sought for & send it to me. however, he observed that this matter being now understood between us, the two countries might proceed to make the arrangements. I told him the delay had been the more unlucky as our powers were now near expiring. he said he supposed Congress could have no objections to renew them, or perhaps to send some person to Brussels to negotiate the matter there. we remitted all further discussion till he should send me a copy of his letter. he has not yet done it, and I doubt whether he has not forgotten the substance of his letter which probably was no more than an acknoledgement of the receipt of Dr. Franklin’s and a promise to transmit it to his court. if he had written one proposing 101 conferences, it could never have got safe to Doctor Franklin. be this as it will he now makes advances, and I pray you to write me your sentiments immediately as to what is best to be done on our part. I will endeavor to evade an answer till I can hear from you.2

I have the honor to be with the highest respect & esteem Dear Sir / your most obedient & most humble servant

Th: Jefferson

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mr̃ Adams”; endorsed: “Mr Jefferson Jan. 12 / 1786.”; notation by CFA: “not published.” Note that this letter is written on a folio sheet folded in half, making four pages. Pages 1 and 2 contain this letter, while on page 3 is a second letter of this date, for which see note 2.

1.

Jefferson’s campaign to pay the salaries and interest owed to French officers who served in the American Revolution dragged on for three more years. He petitioned Congress and JA to initiate a fourth Dutch loan and thereby appease the “needy and noisy creditors,” but when the loan came through, Jefferson found the final cost of paying the claim, 254,000 livres, far greater than expected. He conducted a hasty review of the officers’ claims and authorized distribution of the payments via the Amsterdam bankers on 15 Aug. 1789, noting that “neither Congress nor their servants have ceased one moment to feel the justice due to those gentlemen” (Jefferson, Papers , 9:169, 471; 13:155–156; 15: 331–332, 345). See also JA’s 28 Jan. 1786 reply, below.

2.

For Benjamin Franklin’s 30 July 1784 letter informing the Austrian ambassador, the Comte Mercy d’Argenteau, of the commissioners’ 29 Oct. 1783 instruction to undertake a treaty with Austria; the ambassador’s note of the same day promising to send the request to Vienna; and Austria’s 28 Sept. 1784 response agreeing to negotiations, see vol. 16:287, 421, 449. The problem with the response, as Jefferson explained to JA in his second letter of this date, was that negotiations were authorized only with respect to trade with the Austrian Netherlands, and not with “Hungary, Bohemia & the Austrian dominions.” It was hoped, according to Mercy d’Argenteau’s secretary, that approval to widen the negotiations would be forthcoming (Jefferson, Papers , 9:167). The expiration of the commissioners’ powers on 12 May 1786, before Jefferson submitted a treaty, meant that no treaty was made, but see JA’s reply to this letter of 28 Jan., and Jefferson’s 11 May letter, both below.

To John Adams from Edward Church, 14 January 1786 Church, Edward Adams, John
From Edward Church
Much hond. & esteemed Sir Lisbon 14 Jany 1786 1

Notwithstanding the deep wound which one branch of our fishery had rec’d by an act of the british parliament, We were not without hope, while we had a free and an uninterrupted Commerce with the Mediterranean, and it’s neighbouring ports, that we might still be able not only to employ, but increase the number of our fishermen, and from our local advantages, it is not an extravagant Idea to expect, that we might e’er long have monopolized the Cod-fishery, so far at least as to the exclusion of all Europeans, by being able to undersell them at all foreign markets— but this is a Subject which I am well aware you have long e’er now fully investigated, with all it’s vast, and almost endless Train of concomitant advantages to the 102 Commerce of the United States in general, and that of the Massachusetts in particular— it is not therefore with a presumption to offer any Information, that I now take the Liberty to address you, but only to observe—that the Consequences of an interruption to the prosecution of this important object, at this very critical, and alarming Conjuncture, seem to threaten little less than Ruin.

You are doubtless informed that the King of France has sometime since established a Company under his particular patronage for the purpose of carrying on the Whalefishery, and has granted a large Sum of money to be applied to the indemnification of said Company in case of Loss, with particular priviledges to those who serve in that employment— such singular Indulgencies must doubtless give vigour to any enterprize, and the better to secure success to this favorite object, the Company offer such encouragements to those acquainted with the business, as has already drawn a number of americans, and even english, into their Service— In Autumn 1784 I was in Dunkirk, when three ships sailed from thence for the Coast of Brazil, commanded, & in part manned by Americans—also one for Davis’s straights, & another for Greenland, commanded & principally manned by english— The americans seemed to be greatly elevated wth: their flattering prospects, and often regretted that there were not more of their Countrymen to partake with them, as they seemed to express a fear that many of them were almost starving at home for want of employ— this I then considered only a temporary evil arising from a Cause that materially affected the Commerce of all the States, and for which therefore the Wisdom of Congress wou’d soon find a Remedy, more especially when they saw the danger of our being farther exhausted of our remaining Strength by a most potent Rival, at a time when we were just emerging from the havoc of a most wasteful war—when our taxes are enormous—yet incompetent, and the best—if not the only means, to render them more productive, greatly obstructed— I presume not to point out any mode—or even to say that the Case is remediable—but only—that if the danger of remaining in Statu quo is so greatly alarming, the necessity of a speedy—and if possible permanent peace, with all the Powers on the Coast of Barbary is equally obvious, and pressing, and if attainable—cannot be purchased too soon, or perhaps too dear— We have now unfortunately some of our Countrymen groaning in Slavery under the iron hand of those merciless barbarians, These also call aloud on their Country for instant relief, & redemption— The Portugueze I am informed are now making use of the 103 french Interest & mediation to bring about a peace with the Algerines—for notwithstanding they have 7 or 8 Ships of war constantly cruising to protect their trade, yet those pirates still swarm on their Coast—

I came here upon a plan of Commerce peculiarly advantageous to my Country, but not practicable ’till the grand obstacle is removed— I have also lately written to some of my friends in America to ask their Interest & Recommendation in my behalf whenever Congress shall think proper to appoint a Consul here— Shou’d no one appear with a preferable Claim, and you shou’d deem me eligible—May I beg Leave to ask the Favor of you to signify to Congress that such a choice wou’d meet your approbation—and in the mean time permit me to offer myself in any thing wherein I can be serviceable— my Losses have been very great by the War, particularly in the depreciation of our paper money, which totally annihilated a moderate Independence— It is not long since I concluded to try to repair my ruined fortune in this place, the Consulship wou’d greatly facilitate my design— I have a large family who have been long expecting my Return, but I have a better prospect of providing for them here, if the Communication was uninterrupted— I am with Tender of my best Services in all your Commands—of my most respectfull Regards to your Lady & family— / with the most perfect Esteem / Sir / Your most humble & most obedt. Servant

Edwd: Church

P. S. Shou’d you favor me with a Line be pleased to direct to the Care of Messrs. Cruz e Silva & Compy. Merchants—Lisbon—

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “His Excellency John Adams Esqr.”

1.

Boston merchant Edward Church (1740–1816), Harvard 1759, was the younger brother and vigorous defender of the British spy Benjamin Church, who was lost at sea in 1778. Following the Revolution he traveled to Europe, seeking capital for a large-scale cotton production scheme that never materialized, and, from 1792 to 1796, would serve as U.S. consul to Portugal (vol. 3:175; Sibley’s Harvard Graduates , 14:389–393). In regard to the consulship, he received no response from JA, and no further correspondence between JA and Church has been found. However, in 1789, Church grew embittered over his long campaign for a diplomatic post and lashed out at JA in a fit of “poetical Libel,” for which see JA, D&A , 3:384–385.