All the documents you were kind enough to send me have appeared successively in Le politique hollandais, as you would have noticed had you wasted a few moments reading it, in Paris.1 I was too delighted and touched by your attention and continuing confidence not to use such interesting documents. Until now I have found it impossible to devise some means of publishing the rest of the letter from the Daily Advertiser, but you have only yourself to blame for this. How did you manage to successfully conclude with such glorious rapidity an affair deemed to be astoundingly 299difficult by the most profound politicians and the greatest statesmen of our time?2 You had crowned your own glory by spurring on your fellow citizens in their memorable uprising; you had raised it above the reach of doubt and envy by upholding the rebellion and by your legislative plan; but this latest deed ensures you an eternal place among the foremost statesmen who have ever served humanity. I confess I was thunderstruck when I read the treaty between England and America and could not repress a surge of pride, remembering that I had some share of the confidence and friendship of the great man who had planned and concluded it. This eternal monument to the glory of your country—and to your own renown—has brought about the return here of many people who are easily offended by prejudice. As for me, who have my own view of things unmoved by the opinions of others or by particular interests, I have always entertained the same feelings for you that I describe here; and the raucous flocks of crows that darken the sky will never prevent me from seeing the eagle soaring far above. Our European politics and the traps set by petty minds sometimes fall below the straight and simple gaze of great geniuses, but it takes only a mere glance from such a man to destroy all the artifice and intrigue of the petty negotiators found in trade and politics. The tribute I am paying you comes from my heart, and no matter what heaven may reserve for my remaining days—my fortunes having been, until now, rather mixed—these sentiments will always remain. When I took the liberty of consulting you about a history of America, I had predicted and requested all your objections; but it is not so much a perfect history and vast tableau of characters I wish to undertake as a brief account that would immediately give Europeans a better understanding of the other hemisphere and the marvels that have just occurred there. I shall limit myself to a history of this war, preceded by an introduction depicting—if not completely, then at least faithfully—the state of the colonies at the onset of the revolt. I shall forbid myself all imaginary portraits; will allow only general remarks; and will try only to set forth the facts from the point of view most likely to enable present readers and future historians to outline the characters. There has appeared in London a history of the last ten years in the reign of George III3 and a multitude of other pamphlets on the American Revolution. Do you know of anything among these works that might assist me? Mr. Guild told me in a letter that General Washington's diaries might be published after the war, and that one might even be able to obtain them now. I think I told you I was having Mr. Paine's book published. After that I had an idea about the Dissertation on the Canon and the Feudal Law. Would you find it inappropriate if I published it with Mr. Paine's work, given that it contains observations that lend new weight to his remarks and that do at least show how people were thinking in America ten years before hostilities erupted? I would write an introduction. But I didn't want to proceed without your consent. The two books would be bound together, preceded by a title page announcing them both.4 Mr. De Chavannes came and asked me to tell you that his poem is almost ready to be printed, and would you like him to 300send it over before dedicating it to you? Although the actual poetry is rather careless in many places and the work lacks the unities of action, time, and place required by the masters of this art, it does contain some excellent tirades, and America and its minister play a most glorious role.5

I do not despair of seeing you here again, unless you are summoned to some yet greater stage. I imagine it will be after the U.S. ratification will have arrived. As you have taken a strong interest in me, you will not be indifferent to learn that the Duc de La Vauguyon has shown me great friendship and consideration. He recently asked his secretary to come expressly on his behalf and say what pleasure and satisfaction I had caused him in several issues of Le politique hollandais and to assure me he would be delighted if an opportunity arose to render me some service and thereby demonstrate his esteem and gratitude. But all these compliments fail to offer me the prospect of delivering me from the vexing situation where I am, by the obligation and annoyances of editing the gazette under the influence of a man who has no common sense and who would like to deprive others of it.6 I am obliged to swallow my pain, which is particularly bitter for a man whom you have honored with your friendship and in whom this favor naturally inspires pride. I am with the most perfect reverence and devotion, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant