Adams Family Correspondence, volume 15
Since I wrote you last Tuesday in Boston I have received another
letter from you, dated the 21st: of August, which has
completed the satisfaction I enjoyed in the receipt of those which had preceded it—
After a painful expectation of nearly three weeks, I was thus compensated by four
letters in the course of as many days—1 I
was not mistaken in my calculation upon your punctuality, but am still ignorant by what
accident three of the letters were so long detained before their arrival. The most
probable account I can imagine of it is that two, were kept at the Post-Office in
Boston, although they are directed to send them all out here as they arrive— I consider
however all the anxiety I endured as less than a feather’s weight since I have learnt
that you and the children were well.
I always feel obliged to you for your advice, and have often
derived useful advantage from your counsels and admonitions— The precautions which you
have more than once intimated to me, I know are founded in the purest and tenderest
affection— Of the perfectly pacific character of my temper, I believe you have no doubt,
and I believe you will never complain of my not
going far enough to avoid 428 contention— But I
can neither sacrifice my honest and deliberate opinions, nor the expression of them when
and where it appears to me proper, upon any consideration; and least of all could I find
it in my heart to give them up, from motives of personal apprehension— On this subject I
can only add, that I hope you will never have cause to blush for the conduct of your
husband on any occasion.
Your observation that all resentments ought to be buried in the
grave, are at once indicative of a good heart and a sound understanding— I am so far
from extending any animosities further than this life, that I cannot harbour them for
any length of time against the living— But the estimate of a man’s character and temper
is one thing—forming such an estimate upon grounds of hatred or malice is another— The
man who has injured me, I can sincerely and heartily forgive— But if he has injured me
without provocation, and without atonement, I can never view him as deserving marks of
honour, esteem, or affection, living or dead— To join in any such marks would be a species of
hypocrisy to which I cannot descend.— The inky cloak, and customary suits of solemn
black, says Hamlet do but seem—for they are what a man may
put upon—2 Now I think that these ought
not to be assumed, when a man has not that within which passes Show— Upon this principle
I refused to wear crape last Winter, for S. Adams, and old Pendleton—3 Upon the same principle I would neither wear
crape nor join in a funereal procession for Hamilton— I had no respect for the men— Of
old Pendleton I knew very little, and that little was not to his honour— Adams and
Hamilton neither of them had ever personally offended me, but one of them had betrayed a
sacred trust of my father, and the other had slandered him in a lying pamphlet, besides
innumerable other injuries to another near connection— Could I have united in testimonials of veneration, of admiration, of gratitude to such
men without being myself a traitor and a liar?— In my opinion I could not.
In saying this I hope you will not consider me as intolerant.— I
have great respect for many of the characters who have gone the farthest in this
posthumous idolatry of Hamilton— To mention only Mr: Ames,
whose eulogy you have doubtless seen, and admired; there are few men in the world whom I
more truly esteem, and respect than Ames—4 I am persuaded he firmly believed in all the hyperboles he has lavished upon his
memory— But if Ames will believe in political transubstantiation I have no objection— I
must only decline adopting his creed— My belief of Hamilton is that he was a man of
considerable, but overrated abilities, openly and scandalously vicious 429 in his private character, and of views and projects worse than equivocal as a public
man— This opinion of mine, as he says of that he entertained of Burr, may be erroneous,
but is not taken up on light grounds—5 I
could produce glaring facts for every word of it— His tragical end, I lament as much as
any man— The distress of his family, I feel for in common with the warmest of his
friends; but in very deed I do not think he was either a demi-god or a Saint.
The death of Mrs: Sargent was an event
at which I could not but be in some degree affected— Soon after I first arrived from
Washington, on meeting her husband, I enquired how her health was, and he told me she
had been very ill— I concluded however that it was merely
an illness usual in her situation, and that she had recovered— The next I heard of her
was that she was dead— But without intending to affect either indifference or
sensibility, I must assure you that I lamented her loss as I should have done that of
any other young woman the wife of my friend— The sentiments I had felt with regard to
her for at least ten years, were those of a Common acquaintance, coupled perhaps with a
peculiar coldness of reserve— I had none of the feelings of St: Preux in Rousseau’s Heloïse; and might very safely have gone upon a water
party, with her, without the least temptation of plunging her and my self headlong
over-board—6 I never felt the wish to
see her, nor was I conscious of a wish to avoid her— It is not in my recollection that
since my return from Europe, I ever saw her more than two or three times— As to your
suspicions of her disposition towards me, I imagine there was little or no foundation
for them— Judging from what I had told you my self, and from what perhaps others had
told you of the early attachment that once subsisted between us, you naturally construed
every thing that you might witness in her words or actions, with a bias towards the
opinion you had formed, and helped in fancy the inferences you drew— I sincerely join
you in the hope that she is removed to a better world.
The Supreme Court of the State has been in Session this fortnight,
at Boston, and has occasioned my going there three times in the week just expired— But
the Court adjourned yesterday without coming to the Causes in which I was engaged— They
took up an whole week in trying the cause of Mr: Boylston,
against Mr: Gill, of which you have often heard— Mr: Boylston has recovered a Judgment, for one hundred and six
thousand dollars—7 So you may suppose he
is in high Spirits—
I generally call at Whitcomb’s when in Boston— His wife is as 430 round as the terraqueous globe; and not very well; but as I heard a man say in Court the other day, her sickness will soon fall into her arms—8 The House at Concert-Hall is still repairing; and will be very elegant— The dancing Hall is lengthened nearly one half; and widened in proportion. But I doubt whether he will make so much of it as he did of his Coffee-House.— I have at length leased for three years the house he was in, to a frenchman named Delisle—A Restorator—which is another name for A Coffee-House—So it has not changed its destination— But he is to give me a hundred dollars a year Rent more than Whitcomb gave—9 The House has been two months empty.—
The drought, and heat, and dust are excessive— A very light thunder shower while I have been writing has cleared up without cooling the atmosphere— But it grows so dark, and my paper comes so near to a close, that I have scarcely space or light more than to add, that in space or out, in light or in darkness I am ever affectionately yours.
RC (Adams Papers).
LCA’s 5, 12, and 14 Aug. letters to JQA are all above; her letter of 21 Aug. has not been found. LCA also wrote to JQA on 25 and 28 Aug.; on the 25th she reported that GWA and JA2 were “both in perfect health” and that she was glad to hear JQA was enjoying Quincy: “I hope it will help to relieve the depression and … indisposition which you at present labour under. I know nothing so calculated to remove this as chearful company.” In her letter of the 28th, LCA commented on the U.S. military presence in New Orleans and on the separation of Elizabeth Parke Custis Law and Thomas Law. JQA wrote again to LCA on 28 Aug., enclosing $50 and noting, “I have never failed to write you every week, but our Post-Offices somewhere or other are very negligent or careless” (all Adams Papers).
Shakespeare, Hamlet, Act I, scene
ii, lines 77–78, 83–84.
For JQA’s opposition to a Senate resolution calling for the wearing of crepe following the deaths of Samuel Adams and Edmund Pendleton, see AA to JQA, 22 Oct. 1803, note 2, above.
Fisher Ames published a sketch of Alexander Hamilton’s life in
the Boston Repertory, 7 Aug. 1804. “I could weep too for
my country, which, mournful as it is, does not know the half of its loss,” Ames wrote.
“My soul stiffens with despair, when I think what Hamilton
would have been.”
JQA was quoting Hamilton’s “Statement on Impending
Duel with Aaron Burr,” which he wrote immediately before the duel and which was
published posthumously in the New York Evening Post, 16
July. In the document, Hamilton stated that “impressions” he had of Burr “were
entertained with sincerity and uttered with motives and for purposes, which might
appear to me commendable … (until they could be removed by evidence of their being
erroneous).” Hamilton alleged that Burr had assumed a tone that was “positively
offensive” toward him and further noted: “I trust, at the same time, that the world
will do me the Justice to believe, that I have not censured him on light grounds, or
from unworthy inducements” (Hamilton, Papers
, 26:278, 279, 280, 281).
In recalling Mary Frazier Sargent, JQA evoked Jean
Jacques Rousseau’s Julie; ou, La nouvelle Hélotse, in
which the tutor Saint-Preux falls in love with his student, Julie, but her father
forbids their marriage. Julie later dies from drowning (Peter France, ed., The New Oxford Companion to Literature in French, Oxford,
1995).
The Mass. Supreme Judicial Court during its Aug. 1804 Boston
session heard a case brought by Ward Nicholas Boylston, 431 administrator of the estate of his uncle Thomas
Boylston, against Moses Gill (1762–1832), nephew and executor of the estate of
Massachusetts lieutenant governor Moses Gill. The court ruled that Gill’s estate was
liable for a debt he incurred before his death and awarded Boylston $106,176. One of
the cases JQA had expected to be heard was Pollock v. Babcock. In the summer of 1803 JQA
represented Boston insurance underwriter Adam Babcock, who argued that a $15,000 claim
for lost cargo by Allan Pollock was invalid because the cargo was seized after
Pollock’s vessel entered a Brazilian port at which U.S. trade was banned. Pollock
countered that weather forced him into the port and he had no intention of trading.
The court later ruled in Pollock’s favor (vols. 4:342, 8:12, 61; Dudley
Atkins Tyng and others, Reports of Cases Argued and Determined
in the Supreme Judicial Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, [4th
edn.?], 100 vols., Boston, 1866–1870, 3:524–525, 6:234–239;
D/JQA/27, 28 Aug. 1804, APM Reel 30; JQA to Rufus Greene Amory, 6
March, Adams Papers).
Elizabeth Epps Whitcomb gave birth to a son in Nov. 1804 ( TBA to JQA, 17 Nov., Adams Papers).
Caton Delisle operated a dining business in Boston from at least
1798. His lease of JQA’s Half-Court Square property commenced on 1 Sept.
1804, and he was recorded at that location through 1807, providing “first qualities of
Wines and Cordials, brown and Turtle Soup.” In 1806 JQA recorded
receiving rent for the property of $900 per year (D/JQA/27,
30 Aug. 1804, 1 Sept. 1804, 12 July 1806, APM Reel 30;
Boston Directory, 1798, p. 40;
Boston Directory,
1805, p. 42, Shaw-Shoemaker,
No. 8057;
Boston
Directory, 1806, p. 41, Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 50652;
Boston Directory, 1807, p. 60, Shaw-Shoemaker, No. 12180; Boston Columbian Centinel, 22 Sept. 1804).