Adams Family Correspondence, volume 14

John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams, 28 May 1800 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Thomas Boylston
John Quincy Adams to Thomas Boylston Adams
28. May 1800.

I humble myself in dust and ashes to confess that I must at one and the same time acknowledge the receipt of seven letters from you—viz—of 26 and 30. October and 29. December 1799—of 31. Jany: original and duplicate of 1. and 25. Feby: of the current year— But as if you had meant to make my responsibility less burthensome to me the numbers are not regularly noted— For N. 12 is repeated; and after attaining N 14 on the 1st: you return back to N. 13. on the 25th:1 The reason or rather the occasion of my deficiency I have detailed in a letter written two days ago to our dear mother, which you will probably see or hear of, and I forbear therefore to repeat it to you.

With respect to your accounts, and your trans[act]ions of my affairs I give them my full and decided approbation hitherto— The only point up[on] which I could have wished any thing altered was, the shares you took in the Manhattan company at New-York, if it be true that the direction is in the hands of Jacobins.—2 The french proverb says that there are honest men even in hell; where I should indeed as soon think of looking for them, as among that class of mortals.— I will not say there is no such thing as an honest Jacobin; but I must own it has never been my lot to meet with one, and I have instances of the contrary multiplying upon me every day.— Christian charity bids us hope all things, but not to believe all things, and I should think my property just as safe in the hands of a jacobin, as in those of a convicted thief— I know not whether you will think these sentiments illiberal, but these are times and this is a subject that admit not of liberality— The utmost candour I can show to a Jacobin, is not to trust him; for then I can believe of him that he will not betray my trust. I shall perhaps write you again upon my own affairs before long.

It gives me pleasure to find that in your account of political affairs in our Country, there is so little to say— It shews at least a great degree of tranquility, and therefore of comparative happiness. But what you have to say, is not what for the honour of the nation I could wish.— Party spirit is indeed, thank God, not so cruel with us 262 as it has been in France, but it appears in meaner and more degraded colours— The dregs of democracy which are so rapidly sinking in France to that bottom from which the violence of the political flame had raised them, still bubble with us upon the surface— Governor M’Kean was indeed but a party man before he attain’d his present station, and the violence with which he conducts as the head of a faction is perhaps more politic than that canting moderation, which would gladly catch the favour of both sides, but which deserves the contempt of all.— It is I believe one of Machiavel’s rules for a politician, ever to be a strong friend, and a strong enemy; M’Kean practices upon it, and as to delicacy, justice, or decency, he leaves them for the practice of feebler characters.3

As the office of Secretary to the Governor of Pennsylvania, has once got into the way of being a sort of perquisite for foreigners, I suppose it was as well bestow’d upon Cooper, as upon any other man.— From a sollicitor of office, to a libeller upon the person who bestows offices is the most natural transition in the world, in America— There is nothing but the monosyllable No, between them— The idea of setting Doctor Priestley too at the head of an Academy in Northumberland, is well devised, but I hope the Doctor himself will first go through a course of logical study, before he undertakes to instruct our youth in that branch of learning.4

But I suppose you had rather hear me talk of European than of American affairs— The war has again commenced with all its fury, both in Italy and in Germany; it began in the former with some slight advantages on the part of the Austrians; who for a time had shut up Massena, with 25000 men in Genoa, and cut off their communications with France— They thought they had him as snug as a thief in a mill, but at the approach of the first Consul Buonaparte, were obliged to raise the siege, and must now see how to defend themselves— I believe it will be very badly— In Germany the french have carried all before them, are in full possession of all Swabia; probably by this time of all Bavaria; the Court of the Elector having already fled from Munich—5 If Buonaparte was really sincere in his proposals for peace before the campaign, and is not elated by success so as to make it the basis of new claims, it is probable the continental peace will within three months be concluded. It is as evident as proof can make it, that Austria being now deserted by her Russian ally, is no longer a match for France.— The emperor of Russia who last summer broke of all connection with Denmark and Prussia, for refusing to join in the coalition, has 263 now broken off with as little ceremony from his allies; sent away Count Cobentzl the Austrian Minister, and demanded the recall of Lord Whitworth the English one, at Petersbourg—Recalled his own Ministers at London and Vienna, and put four English couriers under guard, untill he can send them away with Lord Whitworth—6

In Egypt, the french army after capitulating to evacuate the country, suddenly attacked, and totally defeated that of the grand Vizier— After this it is not probable they will return to France; but the climate, and the plague which has got among them will probably wear them down untill the people of the country can exterminate them— If they could even preserve their present numbers, there is no force there competent to wrest the possession of the country from them.— Sir Sidney Smith has been much blamed in his own country for acceding to the capitulation that was agreed upon; though I am perfectly convinc’d he was wise and politic in assenting to it.7

I enclose to you, as usual, some letters to be forwarded or delivered. That for the man by the name of Dietert is from his father, who is very anxious to hear from him, or of him— I wrote you about him once before and forwarded another letter— That for Mr: Niemcewics may be forwarded by the post.8

Louisa has been several months without any letters from her family, and is extremely anxious to hear from them— She is just recovered from a very severe attack of the influenza. I propose to make a tour for two or three months, similar to that we made last year, but have not yet determin’d whither— Berlin is, as you know, a very disagreeable residence in the summer to any body—to my wife it is an unhealthy one.

Mrs: Brown’s Molly, is just married to an eminent blacksmith at Charlottenburg.—9 No other marriages in the family— The cornet is at Coventry in England, with his regiment— His parents scarce ever hear from him.

Your’s.

——— ———

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “J Q Adams Esqr. 28th: May 1800 / 23d Septr: Recd. / 28th: Do Answd:.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 134. Text lost where the seal was removed has been supplied from the LbC.

1.

TBA’s letters to JQA of 26 and 30 Oct. 1799 and 31 Jan. 1800 have not been found.

2.

TBA purchased five shares in JQA’s name in the Manhattan Company, which was incorporated by the New York legislature on 2 April 1799 as both a bank and a waterworks for New York City. The financial arm was conceived and managed by Democratic-Republicans as an alternative to the Bank of New York and the local branch of the Bank of the United States, both of which were controlled by Federalists. The institution also 264 served to mobilize support for Democratic-Republicans in the New York legislative elections among voters who had benefited from the services of the bank. Shares were in considerable demand after being offered on 22 April for $50 each, significantly less than the prices of other bank stocks. The water system operated until 1840, and the bank exists today as JP Morgan Chase & Co. (TBA to JQA, 28 July 1800, Adams Papers; Hamilton, Papers , 22:446–451; Isenberg, Fallen Founder , p. 183–186; Madison, Papers, Congressional Series , 17:293, 294; Brian Phillips Murphy, Building the Empire State: Political Economy in the Early Republic, Phila., 2015, p. 76, 77, 108; Burr, Political Correspondence , 1:402).

3.

Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince, ch. 21. Editions of Machiavelli’s works published in 1697 and 1768 are part of JQA’s library at MQA (Catalog of the Stone Library).

4.

See TBA to JQA, 25 Feb. 1800, and note 7, above.

5.

In early May French forces collided with Austrian troops in Italy with limited success at Loano, Montecalvo, Monte Becco, and Monte Creto, while sieges took place at Bard Castle and Savona. Anglo-Austrian forces blockaded French-held Genoa on 19 April and forced the capitulation of the city on 4 June after 34,000 died of starvation. The victory was pyrrhic, however, as Napoleon had crossed the Alps and captured Milan two days earlier. In Germany Napoleon also orchestrated a successful campaign, during which the French defeated the Austrians at Busingen and Biberach and in the Battles of Engen and Stockach and Mosskirch between 1 and 9 May. Bavarian elector Maximilian Joseph IV (1756–1825) fled Munich ahead of the approaching French but later became a staunch ally of Napoleon ( Cambridge Modern Hist. , 9:57–61; Smith, Napoleonic Wars Data Book , p. 180–185; Roberts, Napoleon , p. 256–257; Gregory Fremont-Barnes, ed., The Encyclopedia of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, 3 vols., Santa Barbara, Calif., 2006, 3:121, 122; Archibald Alison, History of Europe from the Commencement of the French Revolution, 10 vols., Paris, 1841–1842, 4:137).

6.

Russia withdrew from the Second Coalition in Sept. 1799 after Russia was unable to persuade Prussia to abandon its neutrality. Emperor Paul I then broke allegiances with Britain and Austria, expelling in Feb. 1800 the British minister to Russia, Charles Whitworth, 1st Baron Whitworth (1752–1825), and sending away in May the Austrian minister to Russia, Count Johann Ludwig Josef von Cobenzl. Later he seized all British assets in Russia, placed an embargo on all British ships in Russian ports, and recalled the Russian ministers to Britain and Austria, Count Semon Romanovich Vorontsov and Stepan Alekseević Kolyćev (1746–1805). In December Russia renewed the Armed Neutrality of 1780 with Denmark, Prussia, and Sweden, for which see JQA to JA, 25 Nov. 1800, and note 7, below (Roberts, Napoleon , p. 237; Hugh Ragsdale, “Russia, Prussia, and Europe in the Policy of Paul I,” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas, 31:87 [1983]; Roderick E. McGrew, Paul I of Russia 1754–1801, Oxford, 1992, p. 307–308, 311, 313–314; DNB ; Wilhelm G. Grewe, The Epochs of International Law, transl. and rev. Michael Byers, N.Y., 2000, p. 388; Jefferson, Papers , 32:296–297, 479; JA, Papers , 19:147; Repertorium , 3:352, 362; Nina N. Bashkina and others, eds., The United States and Russia: The Beginning of Relations, 1765–1815, [Washington, D.C., 1980], p. 1134).

7.

Sir William Sidney Smith (1764–1840), former joint minister plenipotentiary to the Ottoman Empire, was a senior British naval officer in the Mediterranean. On 24 Jan. his negotiations with the French resulted in the Convention of Al Arīsh, which included a provision allowing the remaining 18,000 French troops in Eygpt to return to France. The British government refused to ratify the convention, however, and the troops remained in Egypt until 1802 (DNB; Repertorium, 3:179; Roberts, Napoleon , p. 203).

8.

Polish aristocrat Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz (1758–1841) had lived in the United States since 1797 (Washington, Diaries , 6:297).

9.

Molly was the maid of Mary Huthwaite Brown. LCA attended Molly’s Charlottenburg wedding on 6 May 1800 (D/JQA/24, 6 May, APM Reel 27).