Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12

Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 21 April 1798 Adams, Abigail Adams, John Quincy
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
my dear son Philadelphia April 21 1798

It was with a mixture of pleasure and pain that I read your Letter of December 25th from Berlin No 32—1 it gave me pleasure to see your Hand writing addrest to me, after a painfull interval of three months Some of your communications were attended with circumstances which gave me pain, and anxiety, for my dear Louissa, whose situation under the circumstances you describe; must have been peculiarly distressing to both, her, and you. Nurterd as she ever was, under the tender care and Fostering wing of the tenderest of Parents; unaccustomed to fatigue, and inconveniencies of travelling, either by Land or sea, she has had them all to encounter, in a situation less able to bear them, than usual. happy for you both that they did not prove fatal to her. you must have had your share of sufferings new terrors, and allarms, for new and dear Connections, “even where you had garnerd up your Heart.”2 all your sensibility must have been awakend by a species of anxiety and distress, before unknown to you, and as woes are seldom solitary, The dangerous sickness of your Brother must have enhanced your affliction; I have enterd fully into your domestic distresses, and gratefully acknowledge the kind Providence which has carried you safely through them.—

I wrote you largly by mr Thornton who saild from hence, in the British packet, or rather from N york; the Letters were addrest to the care of mr King. I have not omitted a month since October last, and have frequently written more than once. By this opportunity to Bremin, I send you a duplicate of the dispatches from our Envoys, and instructions to them, together with some News papers.3 By the latter you will see that our Countrymen are seriously allarm’d and are vigorously exerting themselves to put our Country in a proper State of defence. the effects of the communication which have been made in compliance with the request of the House of Rep’s, has made the blind to see and the Deaf to hear; it has been like an Electrical shock, as far as it has yet extended. The instructions which were communicated at the same time, were so candid so liberal, so 517 fully up to any thing which the Party themselves had ventured to a vow, that the words of Milton might justly be applied,

Abash’d the Devil stood, And saw virtue in her own shape, how lovely?

It would be difficult for you at the distance you are; to conceive the change which has taken place in this city; the center of foreign influence, and Jacobinism the Real French Men, the unprincipled Jacobin, the emissaries of France remain unchanged, but real Americans who have been deceived, and betray’d by falshood, and deception; are the mass of the lower class of the people. they are uniting & united, and I would fain hope that the Hydra monster of Jacobinism is crushd never to rise with such mischevious effects again. those in Congress who dare not now act, fearing the voice of the people will cry out against them, whom they have deceived, are falling off, and going home. Giles, Nicholas, Clayton Clopton from Virgina, are gone & going.4 old Findly has written a Letter to his Friends in the Western County, which has by some means got into Peters paper; it is one continued tissue of Lies from begining to end.5 the journals of congress & senate are proofs that it is so, and the old wretch could not but know it. he will get enough of it before Congress rises— the subtle jesuit Gallatin will turn, and twist, twist & turn, but the Indignation of the House rises against him so strongly that he is quite placed in the back ground, and must quit the feild or take a less conspicuous station.6 After the arrival of the dispatches the President sent to both Houses of Congress the Letter of Jan’ry 8th (in which the envoys say, that they have not been received neither do they expect to be,) accompanied with a message to them. a day or two after arrived the whole Bugget which being in cypher took some days to decypher. after reading and considering them, the President sent an other message which you will find in the pamphlet I send you; that Message contains the result drawn from a view of the dispatches, but which at that time the President thought might risk the safety of our Envoys if made publick. he therefore withheld them. This Message was openly & publickly call’d a War speech, and the Jacobin Party did not fail to make the allarm general. they attempted first to stir up the Quakers in this city, but a timely address to them the morning of their meeting, by Peter, who is held in much estimation by them prevented them from petitioning against war.7 having faild here, there next step was to 518 excite meetings in more remote parts of the Union; and to procure them in the Presidents own state accordingly through the influence of Gen’ll Heath a meeting was held in Roxbury, then in Milton Dochester Cambridge and Abington. but before any were received here, except those from Roxbury, the House calld for the dispatches, and instructions which being communicated, produced the effect I have described and now addresses are comeing in from all quarters expressive of the intire satisfaction of the addressors in the conduct of the executive and of their determination to support him, and to adhere to their Government. some you will find in the papers I send you, others are not yet made publick. N york & Baltimore are following this city & state. York Town Presented one yesterday, and the one inclosed was presented to day. I send it you to prove the change wrought—8

[]They seem already to have quench’d seditions Brand And zeal that burnt it, only warms the land The jealous Sect’s that durst not trust their cause So far from their own Will, as to the laws. Him for their umpire and their synod take And their appeal alone to Ceasar make”9

I heard last week from mr Johnston’s and Family. they were well. I mournd with you, and with all good people the loss of Your much esteemed Friend Dr Clark of Boston of whose sudden death I gave you an account in my last Letter10

To my dear Thomas I will write by the May packet. I am sorry he is so great a sufferer by his mother but the Rheumatism is an hereditary Gift I fear.

I wrote to mrs Adams in answer to her kind & joint Letter.11 I hope she has received it. I wrote to you and to Thomas whilst I was at East Chester, about the 6 or 7th of November— your sister also wrote to you at the same time— that your Father does not write you often, you can easily devine the cause— with Love to Mrs Adams and Thomas, I am my Dear son affectionatly / your Mother

A Adams

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by TBA: “Mrs: A— Adams— / 21 April 1798— / June Recd. / 27 Do Answd:.”

1.

That is, JQA to AA, 28 Dec. 1797, above.

2.

A paraphrase of Shakespeare, Othello, Act IV, scene ii, line 55.

3.

Possibly the ship Eagle, Capt. Tate, which left Philadelphia on 22 April 1798 for Hamburg; JQA noted in his 27 June letter to AA 519 (Adams Papers) that he received the 21 April letter “not however by the way of Bremen, but from Hamburg” (Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 19 April; Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 25 April).

4.

Joshua Clayton (1744–1798), elected to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of John Vining, served as a senator for Delaware from 19 Jan. until his death on 11 Aug.; he appears to have been absent from the Senate between 13 and 23 April. John Clopton (1756–1816), University of Pennsylvania 1776, represented Virginia in the 4th and 5th Congresses and later in the 7th through 14th Congresses; on 11 April he received a leave of absence for three weeks. John Nicholas was excused from the House for the remainder of the session on 24 April ( Biog. Dir. Cong. ; U.S. Senate, Jour. , 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 471–477; U.S. House, Jour. , 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 257, 268–269).

5.

See AA to Robert Goodloe Harper, [13 April], and note 1, above.

6.

Albert Gallatin continued to represent Pennsylvania in Congress until 3 March 1801 ( Biog. Dir. Cong. ).

7.

The Philadelphia Porcupine’s Gazette, 26 March 1798, offered a “TIMELY CAUTION” to the city’s Quaker residents that a “Petition is hawking about” by local druggist and Free Quaker minister Samuel Weatherill (or Wetherill). While the petition would appeal to “your well known and amiable principles,” the article warned readers that Weatherill was more pro-French than antiwar, and the petition was likely the work of Democratic-Republicans. The Porcupine’s Gazette, 13 April, further commented on the petition’s disappearance: “Sammy was busy amongst his chemical matters, when a bottle of oil of vitriol accidentally broke; some of it got into his pocket and burnt up the petition” (Joseph W. England, ed., The First Century of the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy, 1821–1921, Phila., 1922, p. 36).

8.

A meeting of the New York Chamber of Commerce on 20 April “unanimously” approved “the candid and honorable overtures of our executive” toward France. The citizens of Baltimore met on 18 April and resolved that “the conduct of the Executive of the United States, in relation to France, has been liberal, wise and just.” That same day the residents of York, Penn., presented an address to JA noting their satisfaction with “the most zealous exertions on the part of our Executive to conciliate the French, and restore that harmony and mutual confidence between the two Republics.” The enclosure has not been found but was possibly the address of the Philadelphia mayor and aldermen, who assured JA “of their perfect approbation of your administration, and their entire confidence in your wisdom, integrity and patriotism” (New York Commercial Advertiser, 24 April; Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 21, 23, 24 April).

9.

John Dryden, “To His Sacred Majesty. A Panegyrick on His Coronation,” lines 79–84.

10.

That is, AA to JQA, 8 April, for which see her letter to JQA of 13 April, note 5, above.

11.

See AA to LCA, 24 Nov. 1797, above.

Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch, 22 April 1798 Adams, Abigail Cranch, Mary Smith
Abigail Adams to Mary Smith Cranch
my Dear sister 22 April Philadelphia 1798

By the post of yesterday I received yours of April 151 as the post will now go more frequently I hope you will get Letters more regularly It was very unfortunate for Mrs Porter, to have mr sole taken sick the very day after he came, and the more so because she is now encumberd with more buisness. I have written the dr. that I think it would be best to through two Chambers into one and to have access to it from without by stairs, which Chamber may hold all the Books in regular order, and be a pleasent Room for the President to do buisness in, as we are so confind in the House there are in the 520 granery some Book shelves which may be made to answer in addition to those we have, and may be new painted—2 I mean to have the whole executed without Mr Adams knowing any thing of the accommodation untill he sees it and when the building is finishd for the Book Room, I must request Brothers Cranch to see the putting the Books up in order. the Room now used for the Books will serve mrs Porter for a Lodging Room. The Gentlemen say they will let me go home early in June, but it is difficult to keep the good Men together. there are now absent nine Federal senators, from some excuse or other, some for a fortnight, some for three weeks, and some for the remainder of the session.3 I think it difficult to excuse absence at so Critical a period. the Antis, all stick by, tho the senate are strong; yet they appear to be weak from the absence of so many federal men— in the House they are become so strong, as to do Buisness by a considerable Majority. the Jesuit Gallatin is as subtle and as artfull and designing as ever, but meets with a more decided opposition, and the Party, tho many of them as wicked as ever, are much weakened by some whose consciences will not let them go all lengths with them. as the French have boasted of having more influence in the united states, than our own Government, the Men who now espouse their cause against their own Country, and justify their measures, ought to be carefully mark’d, they ought to be brought into open light. Addresses from the Merchants Traders & underwriters have been presented and signd by more than 500 of Men, of the greatest Property here in this city, highly approveing the measures of the Executive. a similar one from the Grand Jurors, one from york Town, and yesterday, one from the Main Aldermen & common counsel of the city a very firm and Manly address. others are comeing from N york from Baltimore, and I presume Boston will be no longer behind than time to consult, upon the measure. they must in this way shew the haughty Tyrennts, that we are not that divided people we have appeard to be; their vile Emissaries make all our trouble, and all our difficulty. a Report is in circulation that Our Envoys left Paris for London on the 16 Feb’ry but nothing has been received from them here later than Jan’ry 8th tho many Rumourd accounts of dispatches, has been circulated4

I would recommend to my countrymen the judicious observations of mr Burk, who says []a Great state is too much envied, too much dreaded, to find safety in humiliation To be Secure, it must be respected, Power and Eminence, and consideration are things not to 521 be begged. they must be commanded and they who suplicate mercy from others, can never hope from justice through themselves. often has a Man lost his all because he would not submit to hazard all in defending it.”5

See the opinion of the French minister at Berlin upon our Naval defence. Mr Adams writes, I have had some conversation with the French Minister here concerning the New law against Neutral navigation which he admitted as contrary to the Law of Nations. But he says it is only a necessary Retaliation against the English, and if the Neutral Nations will suffer the English to all their vessels, the French must do the same I told him without being disposed to justify or apologize for the Predatory practise of England, which I utterly detested, I must say they never had been carried to an extent any thing resembling this regulation— That besides England was now making indemnification for many of the depredations committed under coulour of her Authority, that if the Principle of Retaliation alledged as a warrant for this new measure on the part of France were founded there could never be any such thing as Neutrality in any maritine war, for that it would require every Neutral power to Make War upon the first instance of improper capture of a vessel under her flag.— No said he, that is not necessary, but the Neutral powers should shew a firm countanance, and determined resolution to Mantain its Rights and send all its commerce under convoy.— I askd him what a power was to do that had no ships of war to give as convoys?— He said they must raise sufficient for the purpose—6 this you see is the opinion of even a French Minister, yet no longer ago than fryday. our House of Rep’s sit till near 8’ oclock combatting Gallatins motion, that the President should be restricted from useing the ships built & to be built as convoys in time of Peace, thinking I presume as he could not prevent their being built, he would defeat the use of them at this present time, as France had not declared War, and it was not probable we should, the Federilists cast out the motion by 50 to 34—7

I believe I have wearied you with politicks. I wrote mrs Black last week, and in hopes that she might get the Letter sooner inclosed it to mr smith, who when it arrives may be absent, which I regreet please to tell her that I received her Letter of the 16 yesterday8 that since I took the child from mr Black, he nor his Housekeeper have not been near it, that they retaind all the Cloaths which the child had except what it had on, and those which mrs Black Sent it. I 522 knew it must have more clouts or it could not go the journey. never having had more than 8—I have therefore got some diaper and made 13 for it, a couple of yellow flannel coats & two calico slips, all of which we have made and if mr Black does not think proper to give up the other things, I will see that the Baby shall have every necessary article. I shall be answerable to the Nurse for its Board, but they made the poor thing sick by taking it out in the Evening and giving it Rum, the Nurse says to make it sleep. it was more uneasy and gave her more trouble than when it was sick with the small Pox— I was quite unhappy about it it is better now, and I expect to see it to day. I believe I should have lost it, if they had kept it a week, and gone on in the way they began.— I shall rejoice when I hear it is safe with its Patron and Benefactress— let me know when the Box for cousin Betsy arrives. has mrs Norten been unwell? I hope it is not her old sickness.— my Love to her. when she is Blessd with a daughter I shall think she deserves well of her Country—and need no further aid it with Recruits—

I quite long to see you all. I do hope the buildings will be all finished so that Mrs Porter may be able to remove into them when we come. I should like to have the kitchin floor & stairs painted, and the chamber floor where the Girls used to sleep. I hope particular attention will be paid to the chimny peice in the parlour to get the smoak of that it may dry—

I inclose 5 dollors. will you be so good as to get something of the value of a couple of dollors & present to mrs Porter. perhaps a new Bonnet might be acceptable. I will not confine you to two dollors— please to pay sister smith as she knits & keep her supplied with cotton. I will put ten dollors instead of 5 in, that you may draw upon it for a load of wood to Pheby if she wants or Bread corn—

I sent to get an other of mr Harpers Books to send to the Library, but tho two thousand were Printed they are all gone. a new Edition is comeing out9

I am my dear sister / most affectionatly / your / Sister

A Adams

Mrs otis who with her Family always dine with us on sundays desires to be rememberd to you we live like sisters—

my dear sister the Aniversary of this day awakens all my feelings.10 is poor suky yet living?

The Baby has been to see me to day. it grows very fat since it had 523 the small pox. I dont think it half so pretty since as it was before yesterday the nurse went to mr Blacks and they sent it what things it had. they had got over their anger, but said they would take it away at the end of a fortnight, but I do not believe them—

my pens are very bad but I cannot copy my scrawls—

RC (MWA:Abigail Adams Letters).

1.

In her letter to AA of 15 April, Cranch mentioned the construction at Peacefield. She also described the reaction to JA’s hesitance to publish the envoys’ dispatches and instructions: “Tis hard, very hard indeed, that the People Should Shew Such a jealousy & want of confidence in the President after Such proofs as he has repeatedly given of his wisdom & faithfulness & his unshaken attatchment to the true interest & Safety of his Country. will people never reason? must they be drub’d into the use of their Senses? what mules they are— Tis in the Power of a few designing artful men to lead them astray at any time” (Adams Papers).

2.

AA to Cotton Tufts, 16 April, for which see Tufts to AA, 31 March, note 1, above.

3.

In addition to Joshua Clayton, the Federalist senators who obtained leave between 12 and 18 April were Elijah Paine and Nathaniel Chipman, both of Vermont, and James Lloyd of Maryland. John Sloss Hobart of New York resigned his seat on 16 April, after receiving an appointment to the federal judiciary. James Gunn of Georgia had obtained leave for the remainder of the session on 14 March, and John Rutherford of New Jersey does not appear to have attended the session prior to July. The remaining Federalist senators had all been present as recently as 19 April (U.S. Senate, Jour. , 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 455, 471–475, 524).

4.

AA was possibly referring to the Philadelphia Carey’s United States’ Recorder, 21 April, which reported, “A vessel in a short passage from London, seen going into Baltimore, reported, that the American commissioners had left Paris, and were in London.”

5.

AA paraphrased two paragraphs from Burke, Letters on a Regicide Peace , p. 8.

6.

The conversation AA recounted here derives almost verbatim from JQA’s letter to Timothy Pickering of 30 Jan., in which he commented on the likelihood of a French invasion of England and the fact that it was “embroiling herself by turns with every inferior power which in its ruin may satiate her ever growing avidity.” JQA further reported the arrest of the Portuguese and Roman ministers in France and described French efforts to bring the Swiss cantons to heel (LbC, APM Reel 132).

7.

A bill authorizing JA to purchase or build additional vessels “for the protection of the trade of the United States” led to a protracted and heated debate in the House of Representatives between 18 and 20 April, during which Albert Gallatin proposed an amendment that the vessels “shall not, in time of peace, be employed as convoys to any foreign port or place.” Gallatin admitted that French depredations and the recent decree against neutral shipping were offensive, but he argued that convoys could not successfully protect maritime trade and could lead to war, thereby harming American commerce more than if French privateering was submitted to for the time being. John Allen, a Federalist from Connecticut, condemned Gallatin’s argument, accusing him of being an agent of French influence in the United States. Gallatin’s motion was defeated 49 to 34, and the bill was enacted on 27 April ( Annals of Congress , 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 1440, 1466–1521; Biog. Dir. Cong. ; U.S. Statutes at Large , 1:552).

8.

Esther Duncan Black’s letter to AA of 16 April has not been found.

9.

The third edition of Robert Goodloe Harper’s Observations on the Dispute Between the United States and France was published in Philadelphia in May (Evans, No. 33841).

10.

AA was likely referring to the deaths of Mary Smith and Susannah Boylston Adams Hall, for which see her letter to JA of 23 April 1797, above.