Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
I received yesterday your kind Letter of March 19th.1 I expect a Letter every week if you have nothing else to say, but as Sterns observes, “how the Shadows Lengthen, as the sun declines” and this may be applied to the well as the natural System.2 as we descend the Hill of Life, our gay and vissonary prospect vanish, and what gilded our meridian days, our Zenith of Life, as the Shadows lengthen, we see through a different medium and may justly estimate many of our persuits, as vanity and vexation of spirit.
“But theres a Brighter world on high” which opens to us prospects more permanant, and pleasures more durable.3 to that let us 467 aspire in the sure and certain hope, that by a patient Continuence in the path of Religion and Virtue, we shall assuredly reap, if we faint not, the happy fruits of a glorious immortality
when I took my pen this morning, with the rising Sun, I did not think of moralizing thus, but the visions of the Night had left an impression upon my mind, and those visions were occasiond by reflections upon the Dangerous and Hazardous situation in to which our Country is brought, by that Demoralizing wicked and abandoned Nation, or Government of France. when no Sacrifice on their part was required, when justice and Equity is all we wanted, when two repeated offers of accommodation have been generously offerd to them, they turn a Deaf Ear and refuse to listen eitheir to the voice of Reason, or the call of Honor; but answer only by renewed insults and more audacious plunder. in this situation our Country is calld upon to put themselves in a state of defence, and to take measures to protect themselves by sea. this is calld a declaration of War on the part of the President, by those who would gladly see their Government prostrate, Religion banishd and I do not know if I should judge too hardly if I said our Country, shared by France— That war will not be the concequence of the conduct of France towards us is more than I can say; it certainly leads to it, as the most probable Event, but the President did not make our difficulties, nor has the Government. no Nation has more strictly adhered to nutrality, none sufferd so much—none bourn with more patience the spoiling of their Property.
union is what we Want, but that will not be easily obtaind. it is difficult to make the people see their Danger, untill it is at their doors, or rouse untill their country is invaded. the senate are strong. they are much more united in their measures than the House. there is an attempt in this city to get a petition Signed to congress declaring their determination not to go to War with France—and they hope to sit this measure in opperation through the different states.4 is it possible that any person can suppose this Country wish for War by which nothing is to be obtaind, much to be expended and hazarded, in Preference to Peace? but in self defence we may be involved in War; and for that we ought to be prepared, and that is what the President means. What benifit can War be to him? he has no ambition for military Glory— he cannot add by war, to his Peace comfort or happiness. it must accumulate upon him an additional load of care toil trouble, malice hatred, and I dare say Revenge, but for all this he will not Sacrifice the honor and independance of his
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Country to any Nation, and if in support of that, we are involved in War, we must & we ought to meet it, with firmness with Resolution & with union of sentiment.
I shall sigh for my retirement at Peace Feild, before I shall reach it. if I can leave here in May, I shall be content, but I cannot say positively. the Roads will not be tolerable untill then; I should like to have what I proposed done as soon in the season as it can be with advantage.
The President says you may keep a Cow at the Farm through the season.
I had a Letter from your Son two days after he got home.5 he found little William had been dangerously sick with a fever, but he was on the recovery, and he mournd the loss of a very valuable Friend a mr Deakins who dyed in his absence, a Man possessd of a most Estimable Character in whom he says he had found an other Father. mr & Mrs Law returnd last week. I really think she is a truly worthy Woman
I inclose to you a News paper because it contains a speech of mr Reads upon the foreign intercourse Bill. it contains as much good sense and is more to the point than the three & four hours Harangues of Some others. mr Read very seldom Speaks—6
what have I got so near the End of my paper before I was aware. I have more to say Yet, but Louissa warns me to Breakfast, and I bid you adieu for the Present— affectionatly your
RC (MWA:Abigail Adams Letters).
In her letter of 19 March, Cranch thanked AA for her attentions to her son during his visit to Philadelphia, commented on the number of local bankruptcy claims, and asked whether Congress would consider a bankruptcy act. She also teased AA for her “local prejudices” and speculated that the slave trade was the reason for southerners’ poor manners (Adams Papers).
Laurence Sterne, “The Levite and His Concubine,” The Sermons of Mr. Yorick, 4 vols., London, 1766, 3:35.
Isaac Watts, The Psalms of David, Imitated in the Language of the New Testament, Psalm XXIV, line 5.
On 20 March a motion was introduced in the Penn. house of representatives declaring “their disapprobation of seeking redress by arms” and that its members were “against war in any shape … especially against a people with whom their hearts and hands have been so lately united in friendship.” The motion failed 37 to 33. However, on 3 April Albert Gallatin presented an unofficial memorial to the House of Representatives signed by forty Pennsylvania legislators calling on Congress “to avert the horrors of the war which threatens” and “not merely to deprecate a public annunciation of hostilities, but firmly to discountenance every measure which tends to inflame the spirit of animosity, and to dissolve the bond of amity with that Republic” (Journal of the First Session of the Eighth House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, which Commenced at Philadelphia, on Tuesday, the Fifth Day of December, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety-Seven, Phila., 1797, p. 306–307, Evans, No. 34326;
Annals of Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 1373–1374).
William Cranch to AA, 12 March, above.
The enclosure has not been found, although the Philadelphia American Daily Advertiser, 27 March, printed John Reed’s 5 March speech in the House of Representatives. Reed argued that John Nicholas’ proposed amendment to the foreign intercourse bill was based on “a fear, or apprehension of abuse in future” by the president, “which in my estimation, is very far from being a reason, sufficient to justify the measure in contemplation.” Reed stated that the amendment was “not only unnecessary, but improper, and accordingly contrary to the intention and spirit of the Constitution. We find no violation of constitutional trust, in the executive— no flagrant abuse of power is pretended—no instance of improper conduct, which can, in the least degree justify the measure in contemplation.”
I fully unite with you in sentiment, that much ill Blood and warmth of Passion is excited by Town meeting Government.1 the Merchants who are most interested ought to be left free to Arm or not as they please. You cannot conceive what Mischief will result to our Country from the inteference of People, who can have only a partial view of subjects of this nature; I will tell you Sir, that the Money paid by Portugal to France to purchase her Peace, was applied to the Army of France and enabled France to overthrow the directory on the 4 of sep’br. this being accomplishd, more Money is wanted, and the Portegeeze Ambassador is imprisoned to obtain it—2 England might have purchased a Peace as lasting as the present Rulers if she had not spurnd the Proffer— so that Money is what they want, plunder is their object, and no meaness too grose for them to resort to—3 where money cannot be obtaind the small weak States are parssel’d out amongst the conquerers— what I have mentiond with regard to Portugal & England is little known you will not name your Authority. it is however received through such channels as cannot be doubted. the report respecting America which you have seen in the publick papers—Viz a demand for 2 Million of dollors—is perhaps judging from Annalogy, not improbable— should you be willing to pay your proportion for a Six Months Peace, which Price might be again demanded by the next set of Directors—
The unfortunate movement in our state will and has given Impudence to Bache, if it was possible to add to his former audacity, and dampd the Friends of Government. it has given triumph to the Jacobins— it weakens the hands of Government, and has a Hydra Head of evils—4
Inclosed is a paper with Some debates which you may not perhaps get. I send you a pamphlet a speech of mr Harpers—5 adieu my 470 dear sir excuse a very bad pen and be assured of the affectionate / Regard of your / Friend
RC (MHi:Smith-Carter Family Papers); addressed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “William Smith Esqr, Merchant / Boston”; endorsed: “Philaa. 30 March 98 / A. Adams—”
It is unclear when Smith had previously written to AA regarding this issue. The residents of Roxbury, Mass., met on 20 March and agreed to draft a petition “to entreat that Congress will not allow the Merchants to Arm their vessels by Public Authority.” Harrison Gray Otis presented Roxbury’s petition to the House of Representatives on 30 March. In a letter to Cotton Tufts of 30 March (Adams Papers), AA wrote, “I am sorry very sorry to see Massachusetts commence Town meeting government. how is it possible they should have sufficient information to judge of measure which are best calculated for the benifit of so widely extended a people as we are.” She also reported, “The Jacobins are all life spirit and triumph upon this Roxbury meeting & petition.” Similarly, a town meeting held at Milton on 22 March resolved, “as citizens who must eventually feel the distressing consequences of any measure tending to war, we most earnestly deprecate the system of arming.” The petition was presented in the House on 2 April by Joseph Bradley Varnum (Boston Independent Chronicle, 19–22 March; Dedham, Mass., Minerva, 29 March;
Annals of Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p. 1357, 1367–1368).
AA possibly learned this information from Rufus King’s dispatch to Timothy Pickering of 18 Nov. 1797, in which he reported: “The fate of the late Treaty between France and Portugal would confirm this Truth, was it doubtful. Portugal was also required to pay down a sum of money to be distributed as a preliminary to Negotiation and she advanced it. By a secret article of the Treaty she was bound to make a loan to France, a part of which was paid at the Signature of the Treaty and was the money that enabled the Directory to march the Army which effected the Revolution of the 18th Fructidor. You may depend on this information” (The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, ed. Charles R. King, N.Y., 1894–1900, 6 vols., 2:243).
On 23 Dec. King wrote to Pickering from London, “This Cabinet last night, after several days consideration, gave a decided negative to a proposal of Peace made by the Directory thro’ Talleyrand.” According to King, “the price was a Bribe of a Million Sterling to be divided among Directors, Ministers and others.” King noted that this information was “obtained in a way that forbids its publication in this shape or as received from me” (same, 2:261–262).
The Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 30 March 1798, printed “the spirited resolutions of Roxbury” and believed that “Milton will follow their worthy example.” The Aurora also commented on the impact of town meetings on arming: “The contagion of common sense will spread from town to town, from county to county, and from state to state till the aristocracy throughout the Union, are scared into their senses.”
Enclosure not found. For Robert Goodloe Harper’s pamphlet, see AA to Mary Smith Cranch, 3 March, and note 3, above.