Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12
Your kind favor of November 7th:
written at East Chester came to hand on the 24th: ulto: and I have now to acknowledge the receipt, on this day, of
your more recent communication, dated the 3d: ulto: at Philadelphia. I have written to you but once since our
arrival here, but my brother has been so frequent & copious in his letters both to
you and my father, that I derive a sort of excuse for my own negligence, from his
punctuality. You do not know perhaps, how extremely irksome & discouraging a thing
it is, to be employed as a copyist of all sorts of letters for eight or ten days,
sometimes without intermission, & then to be under the necessity of composing an original letter. I have not my brother’s facility in writing
nor his readiness, nor yet his diligence. This, you will say perhaps, is my own fault. If I thought it such myself, I would endeavor to
correct & reform it, but some length of experience has persuaded me, that in these
particulars, there is no equality between us. Even the flattering compliment you are
pleased to pay me, upon the style of my letters, does not convince me so much of my own
merit as of your maternal partiality.
I am pleased to hear that you have proposed to Mr: Malcom to take my place here, & I hope he may find it
convenient & agreeable to accept the offer, as I am resolved to embark, if possible,
early in the coming fall, for America.— I shall hope therefore that Mr: M—— may make his arrangements for departure about the same
time, so that no considerable interval may elapse between my embarkation & his
arrival. I shall be sorry to leave my brother alone, but my inclination so irresistibly
calls me home & is therein so nearly connected with a prudent regard for my own
interest, that I could not reconcile to my feelings or to my sense of propriety, the
protraction of my stay in Europe beyond the above mentioned period. I am even now
impatient for its arrival, for altho’ the residence of Berlin has been rendered
infinitely more comfortable by the family establishment of my brother & his aimiable
wife, than it otherwise would have been, yet what can compensate for a tedious &
painful separation from 392 every thing worthy of the love affection &
veneration of an American citizen, his Country and his friends?— To a mind interested in
what nearly concerns the welfare of others, & attentive to the current events, the
residence of any part of Europe must hourly become more odious & insupportable. The
picture which presents itself to inspection is to my view the most humiliating, that the
history of man has ever furnished. When violence is seen stalking abroad, and by far the
greater portion of men are worshiping it as their redeemer, what hope is there that its
progress will be arrested, short of the attainment of its object, the downfal of virtue
of wisdom, (& perhaps reason too may be added to the list) throughout the world. I
think this cause ought to be resisted more effectually than it has been; but it must
eventually triumph over all opposition in Europe. It is an insurrection of poverty
against wealth & in such a contest superiority of numbers must prevail.
I do believe that a majority of our Countrymen are content with
their present form of Government; that they deprecate a revolution, and are ready to
make great sacrifices in defence of what freemen hold most dear. I even anticipate with
a sort of enthusiastic impatience the commencement of the struggle, which I believe to
be not far off, and though I have not been bred to arms, I feel an ardor in the cause,
which would render delightful to me the assumption of them in its support. The present
tranquility which pervades the United States, I sincerely hope to be but vengeance
asleep, & when the recent measures of the french government shall be known, it will
be time in my opinion for it to rouse from slumber and grapple with its antagonist. That
the United States are at peace with all the world may yet afford to Chief Justice McKean, triumphant occasion to render thanks to God,—to me I freely confess, it
inspires no such holy fervor. Whether this disposition of mind savours of impiety, I
know not, but hypocrisy at least has no share in it.
In speaking of the Chief Justice, I allude to a late very
extraordinary charge of his to a grand Jury, delivered at Philadelphia, in which the old
dotard prates about the necessity of government, which “may
be called a Representative Democracy.” In the same
charge he denounces a printer for calumniating & traducing, in his newspaper, our
magnanimous allies, & recommends to the Jury to present the impudent fellow, who in
flagrant defiance of a recognizance to keep the peace, still persists in his outrageous
behaviour, in contempt of his (the Chief’s) authority. Now this high guardian of the
laws, says not a word to the Jury, about certain other publishers 393 of newspapers, from whose presses the vilest slander is continually issuing against
all the decent & respectable characters in his darling democratic government. No!
No! Scandal, Falsehood, defamation, in short, every engine which is of use to destroy
reputation, that belongs to his own Countrymen, is very far from meeting his
animadversion. It is only against Porcupine, (who sometimes divulges family secrets, to be sure, rather unseasonably, but who
oftener tells monstrous true-tales of our great allies
& their little allies) that the mad-rage, or if you
please (the Madeirage) of his Honor is pointed. “The Market
street Scoundrel,” may go on with his hireling abuse upon American Citizens, and never
stand in awe of a reprimand from the same Honorable gentleman.1
I beg pardon for digressions, but I do
confess that this strain pleases me greatly; it flows with ease & rapidity from an
abundant source; for scarcely any subject so much occupies my thoughts & irritates
my nerves as the tolerance of such a press as Bache’s at the seat of Government. I am
not fond of reforming abuses by the help of mob’s, but I would cheerfully abate such a
nuisance in a summary manner. Were I a personal sufferer by french spoliation, I could
not bear to see the mockery of my calamities, the exultation in my distresses of which
Bache is so prodigal. The reading of these detestable papers has made me as intolerant
in politics as they are themselves. I hate the dirty, low hypocritical democracy of
them, and I sincerely hope that for every Bache there may be a Porcupine throughout the
world. As to complaisance or decency or delicacy, these are words not to be found in the
dictionary of the vulgar tongue, which is doubtless the
only one consulted by these Editors of newspapers in the amendment or reformation of
their orthography; but if there exists a man shameless enough to tell the people of the United States, that the cause of the french Republic, is their cause, I am
glad there lives another man to tell the people that he
lies.
The one other book to which you
allude, has, as you conjectured, already reached us. I hardly know what to say of it,
though by the rules of galantry I should pronounce the hero guilty of a notorious breach
therein; for his awkward management and want of address. The benefit of telling one’s own story in these cases, is not much to be courted.
The ladies never forgive that
crime. It admits of no apology, and whoever is reduced to the extremity of confession
must suffer all the consequences of such an offence.— But there are different grades in
vice, and in the opinion of every man, the outrage 394 of the ex-Secretary upon public decorum, bears no
comparison with the behaviour of those who extorted it from him. Has not the man, who
has published a book of 406 pages, betrayed confidence also; divulged secrets of State,
infinitely momentous in comparison of a paltry amour? Has he not discovered upon every
occasion since his return a malign spirit, a base temper, fit only for a Devil or one of
the Illuminati? What sentiment of honor or morality can
possess that man’s mind, that has not pride or generosity enough to sacrifice a
resentment to a sense of public good, but will rather expose to the enemies of his
Country those sacred secrets deposited with him, while he was employed in its service?
God be praised there are no more such Ministers from the United States in Europe, nor is
there more than one man in our Government at home, liable
to be seized with the distemper, so common among his neighbors & intimates, that of
betraying their Countrys trust.
We hope our friends will send us the works mentioned in your
letter, the volume of M—— & the book of F——.2 I have little fear that they will disturb the
repose of the late President in his retirement; he must know too well their drift, and
be too well fortified with conscious rectidue to be apprehensive of their effects upon
the minds of that portion of his fellow-citizens, who supported his administration, and
whose approbation he must be always solicitous to retain. But the repeated instances of
ungrateful returns, which he has experienced from men whom he patronized, who owed him
their advancement & the only real consequence they possess, must inflict a wound
upon his sensibility. To know the real worth of fidelity in attachments some experience
of ingratitude is perhaps necessary; but it is a painful proof, and few minds can endure
it with composure. The writing of pamphlets & letters
against the Executive of the United States, is no longer a paltry trick of party, it has
long been reduced to system, though borrowed, like so many other infamies from the
french reformers. If we do come to extremities, I should hope that a coat of tar & feathers will point out to scorn & derision the
authors & publishers of such works. I am particularly partial to this lenient mode of punishment, for if I mistake not it is
national; it is our own yankee invention, & the salutary effects of it are already
known among us from experience. It is further recommended by the facility with which it
may be administered, but a one horse cart is a necessary appendage to it, for the
purpose of giving the patient an airing, in full view of his assembled fellow-citizens.
It suits 395 all shapes and sizes of vilains & malefactors,
for a daub more of pitch or a daub less, a feather more or a feather less in the plumage
is not perceptible to even the nicest connoisseurs.
Since our residence here we have received intelligence from our Country more frequently & generally later, than we used to get in Holland—but for much the greater portion of it we are indebted to our dear parents. My friend Quincy indeed, has resumed the pen, which courtship & marriage & such like employment compelled him to lay aside, and promises faithfully to atone for past remissness. I have heard from him twice in the course of the winter, & learnt with pleasure from his own relation, how abundantly happy & satisfied he is with his change of condition.3
The distresses of my beloved Sister must be felt & regretted by all her family; for myself, I can say with sincerity, that her sufferings affect me deeply. She is worthy an happier lot. From your letters prior to the last we had concluded she would pass the winter with you at Philadelphia— I shall soon write to her myself.
It was natural to expect that a period of four years, which I calculate as the term of my absence, should give birth to a variety of incidents, some of them painful, & some, to which the sympathising tear would be justly tributary. Even the narrow circle of our family connections, mourns the loss of members, not long since counted among its fairest ornaments. To us, at a distance the chasm already created seems wide, and we dread as the greatest of all calamities, any addition to it from those, who are unspeakably dear to us.
In my last letter to you, (22d: Decr:) I mentioned an expectation that I should have but little
intercourse with the Society of Berlin during this season.4 I had purposely & from choice avoided a
presentation at Court, and thereby kept myself for sometime out of sight, but I have
already been detected, and shall not be able to persist much longer in my systematic
distance. Upon the recovery of their Majesties the king & queen, I expect therefore
to be presented, & for this purpose I have caused a suit of the United States uniform to be made for me, in which as one of
their Citizen Soldiers, I shall appear. It is the most commodious and at the same time
the least expensive of all Court dresses, and none is more in vogue here.—5 I hope not to be reduced to the same extremity
as was once a Russian General, who being present at a
review of the royal guards at Potsdam, was asked by the Great Frederic how he found the
manoeuvres & evolutions? The Russian, somewhat embarrassed 396 replied—“Sire, Je ne suis qu’un Général Civil.” Ah! replied the Monarch—“Nous ne
connaissons pas ça ici.”
The uniform I have had made, is very nearly the same with that
prescribed by the Secretary at War, for our Navy Officers, though when it was ordered I
had not seen his directions.6 I dare say
the french Minister here will look askance at it, & I hope he may, for he can’t
question my right to wear it, and I want him to see how an American looks in the livery of his own Country.7
With the tenderest affection, I am, my dear Mother / Your Son
P.S. The Ring which was entrusted to the care of Mr: Hall, as a present to you & which he lost, was of no
great value, but I regret its miscarriage, because I know that such little tokens are
often prized by the receiver much above their intrinsic worth.
The Report which you mention as accompanying your last letter, has not yet come to hand.8
RC (Adams
Papers); addressed: “Mrs: A Adams / Philadelphia”;
internal address: “Mrs: A Adams.”; endorsed: “T B Adams /
12 Febry 1798.”
Thomas McKean’s 27 Nov. 1797 charge to the grand jury of
Pennsylvania, in explaining the three classes of treason, stated that the third form
was aiding or assisting an enemy of the United States during wartime. After giving his
explanation, McKean noted, “It will be unnecessary to enlarge under this head, as we
are (thank God) at peace with all the world.” McKean also commented that in “a Representative Democracy” those in power “are chosen
immediately by the people,” and he declared that “a free and
equal government” was “one of the greatest temporal blessings the Almighty ever
bestowed on mankind.” At the same time McKean indicted William Cobbett for seditious
libel for articles he published from May to July about the Spanish minister Carlos
Martínez de Irujo. In the end the grand jury dismissed Cobbett’s indictment. The
Philadelphia Porcupine’s Gazette, 16 Nov., referred to
Benjamin Franklin Bache as “The Market Street Scoundrel” and described him as an
“atrocious wretch (worthy descendant of old Ben),” who
“knows that all men of any understanding set him down as an abandoned liar, as a tool
and a hireling, and he is content that they should do so” (Philadelphia Gazette, 29 Nov.; Marcus Daniel, Scandal
& Civility: Journalism and the Birth of American Democracy, Oxford, 2009,
p. 225–227, 360).
For the publications by James Monroe and Jean Antoine Joseph Fauchet, see AA’s letter to TBA of 3 Jan. 1798, and note 4, above.
Letters not found.
Although this letter has not been found, AA likely summarized a portion of it describing LCA’s illness in her 21 April letter to Mary Smith Cranch: “The extraordinary exertion and fatigue of our Voyage and journey proved too much for the delicate constitution of mrs Adams, and Since our arrival she has undergone Severe illness, illness of Such a nature as an experienced Matron would easily divine upon calculation and comparison of dates, but which a young Batchelor knows not how to describe, but by the use of terms which practise very properly renders familiar only to professionals.— I conceive that you take my meaning, notwithstanding the veil of Mystery, which is thrown over it.” AA also reported TBA’s comments on the poor quality of their lodgings and his description of Berlin (MWA:Abigail Adams Letters).
On 24 May TBA was presented to King Frederick
William III, Queen Louise, and Prince Henry. He described the event in his 397 Diary, “introduced at Court, Ball & Supper …
very glad when the ceremony was over.” He also noted that Prince Charles of Nassau
“spoke to me of my uniform” and “enquired how many troops we have upon foot—&ca Being now one of the initiated I may follow the fashions
if agreeable” (TBA, Journal, 1798
, p. 17).
On 24 Aug. 1797 James McHenry distributed regulations regarding
uniforms for naval officers. The captains’ uniform consisted of a “full dress Coat” in
“Blue Cloth, with long buff lappels, and standing collar and lining of buff to be made
and trimmed full with a gold Epaulet on each shoulder.” The vest and breeches were
also buff in color with matching flaps and buttons “so as to correspond and be in
uniform with the Coat” (United States Office of Naval Records and Library, Naval Documents Related to the Quasi-War between the United
States and France, 7 vols., Washington, D.C., 1935–1938, 1:10, 11).
Antoine Bernard Caillard (1737–1807) served as the French
minister to Prussia from 29 Oct. 1795 to 5 July 1798 (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale
;
Repertorium
, 3:131–132). For more on Caillard, see LCA, D&A
, 1:72, 73.
That is, the report on William Blount’s conspiracy, for which see AA to Mary Smith Cranch, 6 July 1797, note 4, above.
I wrote you on the 23 Jan’ry. you have
not received a Letter of that date, for a very good reason, that it still lies unfinishd
in my desk, and now it is so much out of date that I do not think it worth sending. in
it however I acknowledgd a Letter from you, and one for Mrs smith which I sent, also 2
Letters from the children all of which I forwarded to their Mamma.1 I have now the pleasure of informing the
Children that their Father returnd to East Chester about a fortnight since in very good
Health, as there Mamma informs me.
Yesterday my dear sister I received Your kind Letter of Jan’ry 28th I thank you for it. I know
your many cares and avocations, and can allow for your not writing frequently tho I
always regreet whatever deprives me of that pleasure. Eliza is not firm, and should not
be exposed. I am sorry to hear she has had such an attack, but I believe it is of the
Rhumatic kind, which you and I entaild upon our Children I am scarcly ever free from it,
yet do not think it worth while to complain unless it is when attended by fever I have
then found much relief from bleeding. I hope cousin Betsy made use of the same remedy. I
will send you a receit for some powders which I have found great releif from and always
keep by me. cousin william wrote me a very good Letter for which I thank him.2 he is eager after knowledge and would not
deserve to claim kindred with his Country if at a period like the present he was not
alive to every event which affects her. this anxiety however ought not to interfere 398 with the persuit of those studies which more
particuliarly fall to his investigation whilst at the university. The only fault I have
found with him on this Head is permitting his persuits to be too desultory, not
regarding the Maxim of the Great De Witt, “one thing at one time” by that means he
accomplishd Great things, but to derive advantage from any science or persuit, it should
be persueded with assiduity, and investigated with attention.3 any person at all conversant in the world must
be stupid indeed not to take an interest in the Great Events which are now acting upon
the Theater of the World, particuliarly the French revolution which astonishes the
universe. I know not how better to describe it than in the words of a late writer
[“]It is an atrocious tragedy,
directed by monsters, and supported by Heroes. The military department commands
admiration, the political part horrour. The Men of France as soldiers are unconquerable,
as Citizens they tremble and suffer. Intrepid in the field before the most Warlike
troops of Europe, but at Home the slaves of a handful of Wretches.” at the End of the
1794, according to a report presented to the convention of France, the war at that
period had cost the French Armies Six hundred and fifty thousand Men. if says the writer
(who was one of the General of their Armies) [“]if to this
number, which is one third less than the truth, we add the losses by Emigration the
Guillotine, want and civil war it will be seen with horror, that this state of anarchy
has deprived France of twelve hundred thousand Men without including the aged, the women
and Children”4
What a dreadfull warning this: how many must have fallen since, in the course of the last four years? Yet in this state of that desolated and desolating Country, behold in our National Legislature a Number, much too formidable Who would lay this Country, its Government Laws & Liberties prostrate at the feet of that awefull Nation, Who would change our present happy and mild Government, for a tyrranny worse than was ever exercised by Nero or Caligulla. by a thousand efforts are they endeavouring to undermine our Religion. they assure it by Books by pamphlets, by Emisaries, by a corruption of manners, well knowing that untill they can prevail destroy that Barrier which exalteth a Nation, no weapon formed against us shall prosper—and may God of his mercy preserve us, not withstanding our merited punishment;5
I am ashamed to mention a most disgracefull buisness which has 399 occupied for ten days the national Legislature, and has been finally determined by the party who are ever opposed to all measures for the support of the order and dignity of the Government. in this particular case a majority is not sufficient. the constitution has required that 2 thirds of the members should concur in the expulsion of its members. instead of considering what was due to the Honour of the House, as Legislatures and as gentlemen, they have sufferd narrow party views to opperate, and one vote on their side could not be spaired, tho given by a brute or a savage— this one act has created more warmth, more wrath more ill will, than the most momentous questions of National concern. Mr Griswold the Member insulted is a very respectable Man connected with all the first families in the State of Conneticut, whose Ancesstors was Govenour of the state,6 and who has himself been long in publick office but nothing has arrisen to give the Jacobins so much pleasure as to mortify that state which they hate with a more peculiar venom— my dear sister, I am sick, sick sick of publick Life, however enviable it may appear to others and if the End of our Creation was not best answered by the most good we can do, I Should wish to hide myself in the shades of Peacefeild, Secured from the Noise of the World, its power and ambition. Publick service becomes urksome to all men of talents and to men in Years, who are worn out by continual opposition and by constant exertions to support order Harmony and peace against ambition disorder and anarchy. I hope we may be held together, but I know not how long, for oil & water are not more contrary in their natures, than North and south. yet I see so many evils arrising from a devisision that I deprecate it during my day—
but I will quit a subject upon which conjecture becomes painfull. I will add a hope at concluding, that the mean spirited wretches from our own state who could vote for continuing Lyon in his place, may never again be sent to disgrace our state.7 be cautious to whom you communicate my sentiments. I am not asshamed of them, but perhaps I ought not to write Them so freely
I am rejoiced at the favourable account you give me of the Children. my Love to them. the better they are the more I shall Love them I design to write to them soon. I have heard of my Childrens leaving Hamburgh for Berlin, but have not any Letters from them since.
Not a word of an official nature has transpired from our Envoys— there is foul play I doubt not and their communications are stop’d, 400 but of what may we not suppose a government capable, who can lay every obligation prostrate before them, who are bound by no tye and restraind by no principle—
Give my Love to miss Polly and tell her I wish her very happy in her connection—
I have not had a Letter from Mrs smith for more than a week
The President desires to be rememberd to you. if Congress sit till June as it seems likely and do—as they have done—I do not know but they will destroy, one of the Countrys best Friends.
Tell Abby she must learn to write and send me a Letter— I have some Books for John When I have an opportunity of sending them. if the Children want any thing let it be known to your affectionate / Sister
RC (DLC:Shaw Family Papers).
Peabody to AA, 19 Dec. 1797, above.
Charles François Du Périer Dumouriez, A
Political View of the Future Situation of France, London, 1795, p. 1, 64.
In this sentence, AA conflated passages from Proverbs, 14:34, and Isaiah, 54:17.
Roger Griswold was the son of Matthew Griswold, the Connecticut
governor from 1784 to 1786, and the grandson of Roger Wolcott, a colonial governor
from 1750 to 1754. He was also the nephew of Oliver Wolcott Sr., the state’s governor
from 1796 to 1797 (
ANB
).
Massachusetts representatives Nathaniel Freeman Jr., Thomson
Joseph Skinner, and Joseph Bradley Varnum voted against expelling Matthew Lyon from
the House (
Biog.
Dir. Cong.
;
Annals of Congress
, 5th Cong., 2d sess., p.
1008–1009).