Adams Family Correspondence, volume 12

Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts, 14 June 1797 Adams, Abigail Tufts, Cotton
Abigail Adams to Cotton Tufts
Dear sir Philadelphia June 14th 1797

I have felt every day as if I was conscience smit for neglecting to write to you. I have been some encumberd with cares and ceremonies which tho not very pleasent, the custom of the World, and the state of society have made them necessary in publick Life. the sitting of congress has added to my cares, at a season of the Year when I should very gladly have dispenced with so much company as we are now obliged to entertain. I however bear the heat better than I apprehended I could, and my Health was mended by my journey after I had recruited from the fatigue of it, which was so great from the bad Roads through the Jersies, that I thought I should feel no temptation to make a second journey this season. But the close application to buisness for Nine Months together which has fallen upon the President, requires Some relaxation, and his Health Suffers for want of it. I see it in a languor, and in a lassitude which every day succeeds the hours of Buisness. I do not tell him how much of it is visible, but I shall make no objection to accompany him on a journey as soon as congress rise, which I hope will be by the beginning of july, and his Farm at Quincy is you his Hobby Horse. I think we shall come on there & spend a Month or two from July untill october if circumstances will permit. I could wish you sir if possible to accomplish it, to have the Chamber over the 161 office finishd as I know not what I shall do for lodging room for Men servants. I must leave it to you to judge whether the wood house could be done as we proposed, so that mr Porter and Family might be accomodated, but as our stay at furthest will be of short duration this season, I shall be willing to do what I can by way of accommodation, tho I fear some inconvenience from the mixture of Domesticks.1 we shall have four men servants with us— the President has proposed Boarding them at Marshs,2 but I think the expence of that would exceed the cost attending finishing that Room if it could be done in so short a time, and there would arise perhaps some other difficulties from a measure of that kind but I must leave that to your judgment, and the proposal to remain between ourselves without notice to any one but the Chamber I know will be the work of only ten Day or a fortnight. Stables we must have an other year and if the Frame could be got at the same time that the Boards are procured it would be best. capt Beals stables I think would answer for a model.3 he talkd of having the post longer a greater convenienc, but you can judge of that. we have a Brass Harness at Quincy a leading harness, which I should be glad to get conveyd to mr Frothingham to pack with the Carriage which he is going to send by water to us immediatly.

I believe I must not scarcly touch upon politicks in this Letter, but the late news from all quarters is sufficient to put us on our Gaurd, and to lead us to be in a state of preparation for defence. The Seperate peace of the Emperor, the Mutiny on Board the British Fleet are events which in their concequences may essentially affect us.4 the Devouring Rapacity of the Galick Nation increases with their power and ability of gratification.

our senate are firm and strong. our House too equally divided. our state is wanting to itself to send such a Tony Lumkin, such a dead weight, such a narrow soul, sordid minded creature as V——m to represent so wise so patriotick, and in general so judicious a state as Massachusetts—5

But I quit the subject, and present my kind regards to mrs Tufts & to miss Warner6 from Dear / Sir your truly affectionate / Neice

Abigail Adams

RC (NHi:American Historical Manuscripts Coll.—Adams, Abigail); endorsed: “Mrs. Adams June 19 1797 / recd. the 22—”; notation: “3 / x.”

1.

The “outhouse” directly behind the Adamses’ residence was a 54-foot-long structure divided in three sections—wash house, woodshed, and office. The wash house, situated on the west end of the structure, remained relatively unchanged until its demolition in 162 1869. Alterations to the remaining structure were completed in two phases. By mid-July 1797 two upper chambers were completed to house servants. A more extensive addition to the woodshed and office was begun in April 1798 and largely completed by June; for the best description of this addition, see Tufts to AA, 31 March 1798, below (Helen Skeen, “Documentary Narrative of Buildings Shown on Historic Base Map of the Adams National Historic Site,” unpublished report prepared for the National Park Service, Adams National Historic Park, 1965, appendix III; Tufts to AA, 27 July 1797; Mary Smith Cranch to AA, 22 June 1798, both Adams Papers).

2.

That is, the tavern run by Jonathan Marsh (vol. 9:335).

3.

JA also wrote to Tufts on this date similarly asking that boards and shingles be procured for a stable. Construction, however, was deferred until the summer of 1799, when a new barn and stable were erected at Peacefield (private owner, 1971; AA to TBA, 15 June 1799, Adams Papers).

4.

The Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 12, 14 June 1797, reported “A SERIOUS MUTINY” within the British Channel Fleet. It was the first of two significant mutinies within the British Navy. In February sailors at Spithead (near Portsmouth, England) had petitioned the admiralty for better wages and provisions. Their demands went unanswered, and in mid-April they refused the order to weigh anchor, even as a French invasion threatened. Resolution was swift; the government met most of the sailors’ requests, including a pardon from the king, and the majority of the fleet was again at sea by the end of the month. In contrast, the mutiny in May of seamen anchored at Nore (at the mouth of the Thames River) carried a more extensive lists of demands, including the removal of unpopular officers, the disbursement of prize money, and revisions to the Articles of War. It also ended more violently when the admiralty denied the sailors’ demands and executed approximately a dozen of the mutineers. Reports of this second mutiny would reach the United States in late July; see, for example, the Philadelphia Aurora General Advertiser, 22 July (Ann Veronica Coats and Philip MacDougall, eds., The Naval Mutinies of 1797: Unity and Perseverance, Woodbridge, Eng., 2011, p. 1–2).

5.

Tony Lumpkin is an “idle but cunning” character in Oliver Goldsmith’s 1773 play She Stoops to Conquer (Dinah Birch, ed., The Oxford Companion to English Literature, 7th edn., Oxford, 2009, p. 914).

6.

Susanna (Sukey) Warner (1778–1798) was the daughter of Elias Elwell Warner and Hannah Gould and the niece of Tufts’ second wife, Susanna Warner Tufts. Her father had died in 1781, and Sukey was at this time living with her aunt and uncle (Andrew Oliver and James Bishop Peabody, eds., “The Records of Trinity Church, Boston, 1728–1830,” Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns. , 56:52 [1982]; John J. Babson, History of the Town of Gloucester, Cape Ann, Including the Town of Rockport, Gloucester, Mass., 1860, p. 259; Cotton Tufts to JA, 2 May 1798, Adams Papers).

Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams, 15 June 1797 Adams, Abigail Adams, John Quincy
Abigail Adams to John Quincy Adams
my Dear Son, Philadelphia June 15 1797

I have not written a line to you for a long time; yet scarcly an hour of the day passes in which you are not present to my mind; I fear my last Letters were captured the ship, captain scott, was taken by the French.1 you will think me more tardy than I have really been.

by the date of this you will see where I am. it was not my intention to have come here untill the Fall of the Year. I expected your Father would have been able to have returnd to me, and to have relieved himself from the weight of Buisness and care which has oppressed him; by a month or twos relaxation in the rural occupations 163 of his Farm, which are so necessary for his Health of Body and vigor of mind.

But the critical state of our Country as it respects France, the daily and increasing depredations made upon our commerce, and refusal to receive our Minister, were Subjects of so allarming a Nature, as to induce the Executive to convene Congress. This measure left me no alternative. I thought it my Duty to risk my Health, and Life in a climate which has heretofore proved injurious to the one; and hazardous to the other, for I could not permit your Father to be left Solitary, wanting my care or aid, after he had commenced Housekeeping.

on the week I was to have sit out on my journey, I was suddenly calld to pay the last sad office of respect to the Remains of your venerable Grandmother. she died on the 21 of April, after a short illness. her wish was fulfilld which was to be removed before I left her: she had lived to an advanced Age having enterd her 89th year.

But seldom comes a solitary woe. two days after her Death, I was again arrested in my journey by the death of Mary Smith. She had been in a decline for three Months. she had resided at your Uncle Cranchs for several years, and was a fine girl, with a very improved mind. her death at the Age of 21, was severely felt by us all. patient resignd and Submissive, she evinced to all the justice of the poets sentiment That,

“Whatever farce the Boastfull Hero plays, Virtue alone has Majesty in Death”2

These melancholy harbingers following, so closely each other, cast a Gloom over every object, and saddend the otherways Cheerfull Scenes of Nature, which were just waking into Life, and putting on new verdure after a long and severe winter.

I cannot Name to you the date of your last Letter to me, having undesignedly left it at Quincy. I know the Month was March.3 I find here a double pleasure and advantage having the priviledge of reading all your Letters. Your last publick Letter was March 27th 4 those which I have seen to your Father since I came here, were dated Feb’ry 3d 7th & 16th March 4th and 18th.5 the originals and duplicats have all safely arrived, tho not always in the order of Time, but they never come too late to communicate authentick information, and have not been a little instrumental in disolving the facination which had bewilderd too many of the well disposed of our Countrymen.6

164

There are so many occurences of a publick nature which daily arise that I cannot undertake to detail them to you. that which more particularly affects you is the Change of your mission from the Court of Lisbon to Berlin. the reason which opperated in affecting this Change will be obvious to you, that of being more usefull to your Country at the present time, than you could be in Lisbon. it was necessary that the Nomination should take place early in the session, that you might be prevented an unnecessary voyage. the senate concured in the appointment, 19 to 9: those who were opposed, said it was not to the person, but to the Mission; it was contended that the constitution gave them no Right to judge of that, that the power lay wholy with the Executive. The Jacobins endeavourd to make use of it, as tho it was an advancement from the Residentship at the Hague, to a Plenipotentiaryship and being the first nomination, was held up by communications in Baches papers, as a proof of the asspiring views of the President, but this could only impose on a few. the subject was clearly stated, but Envy is always Malignant. the Faction are not Idle, but their views are perfectly understood.

The next nomination was of Envoys Extraordinary to France. Judge Dana, and Genll Marshal of Virginna are joind with mr Pinckny. these Gentlemen were also opposed by Some in senate, tho a very small Number, 4 against 22–2 were absent. the reason given was that they were voilently opposed to the French; they would not have been chosen by the Executive if that had been the case. they are true Americans, and as such, will be desirious of setling all differences amicably upon just and equitable Terms, which is the sincere desire of every real Friend of both Countries. War we deprecate with any power, and Peace will be cultivated by every means consistant with our National honour and independence.

I presume you may have seen a Letter which has been the subject of much conversation here, and was publishd just before the meeting of congress. The writer may say with the poet,

“What sin to me unknown dipd me in Ink”7

Mazzei committed a breach upon a private correspondence when he publishd it. from the stile of it, and the sentiments it contains, I presume it was Written, about the period when the writer was anxious to convert all political Heriticks to French Faith.— I believe it 165 has been republishd in every News paper throughout the united states and is thought, to be genuine, as the writer has never denied it, tho publickly calld upon to do it; You may be sure it has not escaped censure, and will never be forgotten by the Characters traduced.8 my paper remind me that it will not contain more / than the affectionate Regard of your / Mother

A Adams

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed by TBA: “Mrs: A Adams 15 June 1797. / 22d July Recd / 29 Do Answd.” Tr (Adams Papers).

1.

The brig John, Capt. James Scott Jr., which left Boston on 23 Jan. en route to London, was captured by the privateer L’Amitié on 27 Feb. and carried to Roscoff, France. On 4 April a French tribunal of commerce condemned the John for lacking “a rôle d’équipage in good form.” After several appeals the vessel and its cargo were condemned a second time on 3 June 1799 by a French civil tribunal on the grounds that there were irregularities with the passport, bills of lading, and rôle d’équipage (Williams, French Assault on American Shipping , p. 203–204; U.S. House, Documents , 59th Cong., 1st sess., No. 807, p. 1–2).

2.

Edward Young, The Complaint; or, Night Thoughts, Night II, lines 649–650.

3.

The most recent extant letter from JQA to AA is dated 8 Feb. 1797, for which see vol. 11:546–550.

4.

In his 27 March letter to Timothy Pickering, JQA described the French Directory’s latest navigation decree and reported rumors that France intended that the U.S. government pay French debts to American citizens for previous shipping seizures and that a secret treaty between France and Prussia had been signed (LbC, APM Reel 129).

5.

In his letter to JA of 4 March, JQA reported rumors of JA’s election in Europe. He commented on various French attempts to influence U.S. politics and the complicity of Democratic-Republicans in those attempts. JQA also briefly described European affairs, including the recent successes of the French Army and the civil unrest across the Batavian Republic (Adams Papers). For summaries of JQA to JA, 3, 7, and 16 Feb. (all Adams Papers), see vol. 11:550; for a summary of JQA to JA, 18 March, see AA to Thomas Welsh, 6 June, and note 4, above.

6.

JQA’s 3 Feb. letter to JA was reprinted in the New York Minerva, 25 May, and the Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 29 May.

7.

Alexander Pope, “Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot,” lines 125–126.

8.

On 24 April 1796 Thomas Jefferson wrote to his former neighbor Philip Mazzei, then living in Pisa, Italy. Written at the height of the Jay Treaty debate, the letter revealed Jefferson’s thoughts on the current state of American politics: “In place of that noble love of liberty and republican government which carried us triumphantly thro’ the war, an Anglican, monarchical and aristocratical party has sprung up,” among which Jefferson included the president, the courts, two-thirds of the legislature, and “all timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the boisterous sea of liberty.” On receipt of the letter Mazzei sent copies to several friends, one of which was published in the Paris Gazette nationale ou le moniteur universel, 25 Jan. 1797. An excerpt first appeared in the United States in the New York Minerva, 2 May (Jefferson, Papers , 29:73–88). For JQA’s views on the letter, see JQA to AA, 29 July, below. For more on Mazzei, see JA, Papers , 9:483 and 17:xvi–xvii.