Adams Family Correspondence, volume 11

John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams, 18 January 1797 Adams, John Quincy Adams, Abigail
John Quincy Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dear Mother The Hague January 18. 1797.1

A few days ago, I received a Letter from my father dated at Quincy the 28th: of October, and brought by a vessel directly from Boston. But there came with it, none from you either to my brother or to me, and my father does not mention the state of your health, so that we are much concerned about it, particularly as a Letter 509 from Mr: Cranch at Washington, written in September mentions by information from my aunt that you were then unwell.2 We hope to be soon relieved from our anxiety by Letters directly from yourself.

I still remain here in expectation of orders to remove; which I do not at present suppose will reach me before mid-summer ensuing. If Portugal should not be swallowed up by the alliance of a french Democracy and a Spanish Monarchy, I may perhaps reach Lisbon in the latter part of the year now commencing.

My father does not approve my projects intimated in one of my former Letters to you, of quitting the Diplomatic career; and of making a settlement in one of the Southern States.— The former of these designs I had already suspended; it was formed upon the consideration of the particular situation in which I was placed, and the remoteness in my own mind of any prospect that it would be advantageously altered.— My station was comfortable for me singly, but would not allow me the charge of a family, and it would have been certainly more eligible for me, to try once more the fortune of my own industry in my private affairs, than to chill in the torpid and comfortless solitude of a celibacy without prospect of its termination.— With regard to the public, I knew the Government might with perfect ease find many young Men, able and willing to perform all the duties of this place, and had no reason to imagine that the affairs of my Country would suffer in the smallest degree by my retirement, and I had therefore concluded, at the expiration of my third year of residence here to return home as I wrote you. A probable chance of having advantageous inducements of a settlement such as I noticed to you, had led me to contemplate that as one of the resources of futurity, and I had then no right to expect under the President at this time any diplomatic promotion. Under the next there would be two contingencies in one of which I was certain and determined never to be the subject of an appointment, and in the other I was strongly suspicious that I should not hastily receive one— Such therefore were my views when a new destination, designated to me in a manner, which it would have been culpable to disregard bound me with new obligations to continuance in the public service, and my intention to return home being of course postponed for the purpose, my views of a private settlement are also no longer the same.

Whether I shall find it in my power to make my final domestic arrangements in Europe, is not yet altogether ascertained. It is my intention upon my removal from hence to go through London, and 510 take my companion there; but various accidents may take place to make this design impracticable, and if so, I shall submit to the gloomy prospect of a solitary life during my future mission, like that which I am leading in the present; or even much worse, unless I can prevail upon my brother to continue with me a year or two longer in case he should not be stationed here at the time of my departure.

My father further observes to me that I need not be anxious about the succession to the Presidency, or apprehensive that any of the Candidates who have been mentioned, would pass over any rational pretension of mine to promotion. I have never had any doubt of that, though I have not been and am not yet insensible to the possibility that the Spirit of Party may intrude itself into the chair of the Union; and if so, my father knows as well as I do what I should have to expect, if it were for no other reason than my relation to him.— But I never have been anxious for Promotion, nor I trust ever shall be. Ambition is far from being a pungent Passion in my Heart, and with a strong conviction of the Vanity of all human greatness, I have been taught a sense of Independence and delicacy which will always deter me from a very fervent wish for any thing that it is in the power of man to confer or deny.— I have besides had from the Executive of the Union, promotion, beyond my merits or expectations, and if I can reasonably indulge any desire for further notice or honour from my Country, there are other constitutional and regular judges of merit and talents, clear-sighted to discover and ready to employ them, to whose suffrages I can cheerfully leave the estimation of my titles to the means of public service.

My anxieties on account of the succession to the Presidency are of a different nature and arise from other sources. They are deep, but not personal. From some of them, at least from the suspense of expectation as to the issue of the Elections I hope soon to be relieved. The mode of choice provided by the Constitution is subject to errors, accidents and questions. I shall not be altogether exempt from uneasiness on this account, untill I shall know the choice to be ascertained.

At this Season of the year, the opportunities for conveyance of Letters to America happen so seldom, that I do not expect this Letter can reach you earlier than the Month of May. Such at least is the presumption which arises from the experience of former years, and therefore it will be perhaps useless for me to give you a detail of news, which will be known long before my letter can be received. The Death of the Empress of Russia, will perhaps produce some 511 alteration in the political system of Europe. It was very sudden like that of almost all the crowned heads that have fallen, during the last seven years, and not one of them as it should seem so richly deserved a sudden end.—3 You will have heard of the negotiations for Peace commenced by the British Government, and broken off by the orders of the French Directory, as well as the endeavours of the same Directory to make a separate Peace with the Emperor. They have sent an Ambassador for the purpose to Vienna, but whether he has been received or refused is not certain as the reports at present are contradictory.—4 In the mean time they have been many months preparing a formidable maritime expedition from Brest, which although untill after it had sailed there was a mockery of secrecy as to its destination was long before announced in the public papers to be meant for an invasion of Ireland, to spread the holy flame of insurrection.— On the 16th: of December a fleet of about twenty ships of the line, with as many transports and twenty-five thousand men sailed from Brest.— In going out, they totally lost one Ship of 74 Guns, and the principal part of twelve hundred men embarked in it. The fleet was soon after scattered; part of them arrived on the coast of Ireland, and anchored several days in Bantry Bay at the Southern extremity of the island. At length they were driven off by the violence of a tempest; part of them have returned to Brest, and all the rest who have the good Fortune to escape the dangers of the Season, and the superior force of the British, have in all probability before this also returned: so that in every sense of the words it may properly be termed an Irish expedition.5

The fort of Kehl after a siege of two or three months is at length taken by the Austrians.6 This will probably nearly terminate the hostilities upon the Rhine untill the next Season. The situation of the French armies is not apparently advantageous. The Generals are resigning one after another; the troops are badly paid, and such is the penury of the French finances that they find it extremely difficult even to pay for the feeding of their armies. Their real situation is as distressed as their conduct is insolent.

I regret that I have not at present the opportunities to send you the interesting new English Publications, as I could while I was in London.— Though so near to that Country it is with extreme difficulty and after long delays that I can ever get any thing from thence myself. For besides the State of War which constantly impedes the intercourse, I find from a long and often repeated experience, that scarcely any thing is so rare as an attentive 512 correspondent. I intend soon to send several new french publications to my father, and among them a very curious work of Madame de Stael, the daughter of Mr: Necker. A Treatise upon the influence of the Passions on the happiness of individuals and of Nations.7

I remain with the tenderest duty and affection, your Son

John Q. Adams.8

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs: A. Adams.”; docketed by Louisa Catharine Smith: “January 18 ’97.” LbC (Adams Papers); APM Reel 128.

1.

The LbC of this letter reads “No 25.”

2.

William Cranch to JQA, 16 Sept. 1796, above.

3.

Catherine the Great died on 6 Nov. at the age of 67, having ruled Russia for 34 years. JQA had written to JA on 24 June condemning Catherine’s alliance with Great Britain and her influence over other European countries. When Sweden, an ally of France, tried to provoke Great Britain into a war, the “system … was on the point of succeeding, when the Empress of Russia, interfered in her usual style by prescribing the most humiliating conditions, to which after some blustering, Sweden was compelled to submit.” JQA further noted that “the same terror of Russia controuls the Danish Cabinet, which appears inflexibly determined upon the preservation of neutrality, though they are no less indignant than ourselves at the depredations and insolence of the British” (John T. Alexander, Catherine the Great: Life and Legend, N.Y., 1989, p. 324, 325, 326; Adams Papers).

4.

In November the French Directory decided to send Henri Jacques Guillaume Clarke to Vienna to propose a general armistice followed by negotiations for peace between France and Austria. While en route, Clarke received word that Emperor Francis II refused him entry to Vienna but that instead he could meet with Maurizio di Gherardini, the Austrian minister at Turin. In the meantime, the emperor charged two generals, Heinrich Josef von Bellegarde and Maximilien von Merveldt, to negotiate with Napoleon. On 7 April 1797 the three men agreed to a six-day armistice during which a Franco-Austrian peace would be negotiated. Although Napoleon had no authority from the Directory, he, Merveldt, and Marzio Mastrilli, Marquis del Gallo, the Neapolitan ambassador to Vienna and only true diplomat of the group, signed the preliminary peace treaty of Leoben, Austria, on 18 April (Biro, German Policy of Revolutionary France, 2:705, 707, 710, 712, 733, 734, 748, 750, 751; Philip G. Dwyer, Napoleon: The Path to Power, New Haven, Conn., 2008, p. 285).

5.

As early as June 1796 the Directory had conceived a broad plan to invade Great Britain and launch a smaller expedition to India; however, the plan was scaled down to encompass a single invasion of Ireland with a diversionary attack on the British coast. Poor organization, communication, and training doomed the expedition, which launched on 16 Dec. when 45 French vessels, under the command of Rear Admiral Justin Bonaventure Morard de Galles, sailed from Brest. Early confusion from a course change led to the division of the fleet and the loss of one vessel. Progress was further confounded when the frigate carrying Morard de Galles was chased off course by the British, leaving the fleet without clear command. With standing instructions to reunite at Mizen Head, the fragmented flotilla entered Bantry Bay and launched a halfhearted attack with 16 vessels on 22 December. Continued bad weather forced the retreat of the remaining fleet, all of which had abandoned their orders and returned to Brest by 6 Jan. 1797 ( Cambridge Modern Hist., 8:472–474).

6.

The siege of Kehl lasted from Nov. 1796 to 9 Jan. 1797. French forces had captured Kehl in the fall of 1796, prompting Archduke Charles to lay siege to the fort by commandeering available guns from other Rhine fortresses. Both sides suffered heavy losses, and the French surrendered the fortress after the Austrians moved their artillery close enough to cut off French communications across the Rhine (Martin C. Dean, Austrian Policy during the French Revolutionary Wars, 1796–1799, Vienna, 1993, p. 80, 81).

7.

Madame de Staël, De l’influence des passions sur le bonheur des individus et des nations, Lausanne, Switzerland, 1796. Madame de Staël argued that the main obstacles to happiness in individuals were human 513 passions; she believed that passionate individuals were marked for a life of pain and needed to adopt a philosophy to reduce their suffering. Yet the author offered little practical guidance, insisting instead that governments should create policies based on probability theory to increase the happiness of nations as a whole. She did not, however, believe passions should be absolutely restrained to achieve happiness (Madame de Staël, Politics, Literature, and National Character, transl. and ed. Morroe Berger, New Brunswick, N.J., 2000, p. 55, 56, 57).

8.

JQA had written to JA on 14 Jan. 1797 lamenting the absence of remittances from America to the Dutch bankers, detailing James Monroe’s delivery of his letters of recall to the French Directory, and suggesting that the American government produce a document stating that the Jay Treaty did not violate any previous treaties made with France (Adams Papers).

Louisa Catherine Johnson to John Quincy Adams, 20 January 1797 Johnson, Louisa Catherine Adams, John Quincy
Louisa Catherine Johnson to John Quincy Adams
London Janry: 20th 1797

Almost immediately after I had dispatched my last, I recieved yours of 31st December, and was delighted to see that you were again become the tender and affectionate friend I had always found you.

All the family but me recieve letters from Boston, and Tom excuses himself by saying, it is generally supposed I am married and have accompanied you to Lisbon. he desires Mama to send him my picture, which he says will be some recompence for my loss. and informs them that Mr: and Mrs: Adams approve our union, which tends greatly to promote my happiness. he tells Mama that they have been very kind to him, that he staid a day and night at their house where they treated him with great politeness and attention, for which my friend I suppose we are indebted to you. they were very well, and expressed their satisfaction at your appointment to Portugal, which they said was placing you in a situation much beyond their expectations—

It is possible they might have wished you to resign your situation at the Hague but if they are so pleased with your new commission it is hardly probable they would desire you to relinquish that or any station so advantageous to a young man— I certainly feel myself very much interested, and most cordially wish your duty to the public, would enable you to return to your own Country— But however unacustomed to habits of reflection, I am well convinced it would be highly improper, and though it does retard my happiness and lengthen our seperation I prefer it to the painful idea of being by any thing I may have said, the cause of future uneasiness and regret— You have from being early placed in these flattering situations, insensibly acquired a taste for them, and however free you may fancy yourself from ambition, you would feel infinite mortification 514 when you reflected, that by resigning these you gave up the many advantages resulting from them. I will not apologize for what I have said but should you think my sentiments on this subject erroneous be kind enough to write me yours and point out my error—

You have ceased to mention the Harp— I much fear I shall never make any proficiency in this charming accomplishment as I confess I am not yet able to play one Song— I suppose this acknowledgement will make you angry, but it is the truth, and truth must not be concealed— if my friend you should be very angry reflect upon yourself, as I confess my harp has not like your Books, usurped the primary place in my heart—

I concluded my last with a hasty congratulation on your fathers being elected President of the United States being always anxious to afford you pleasure I wished to be the first to convey such pleasing intelligence I think I mentioned his being elected by a majority of five votes I have taken the enclosed from this days chronicle which will enable you to judge for yourself—1

Your friend Mr. Hall has long been very sanguine respecting your father and is become a violent politician—

Mama and Sisters desire to be affectionately remembered as does Miss Henning, though she is fearful she must write you herself to excuse her impertince,2 believe me my beloved friend with the most fervent attachment, the most tender most sincere of your friends

L. C. Johnson3

RC and enclosure (Adams Papers); addressed: “John Q. Adams Esqr. / Minister Resident at / The Hague”; endorsed: “L. C. J. / 20th: January 1797. / 1. February. recd: / 7. do: Ansd:.” For the enclosure, see note 1, below.

1.

The election returns LCA enclosed were from the London Morning Chronicle, 20 Jan.; the article is affixed to the third page of the letter with red sealing wax.

2.

Miss Henning was the governess of the younger Johnson daughters (LCA, D&A, 1:41).

3.

JQA also wrote to LCA on this date, noting that he had written to her every week and was waiting for a response (Adams Papers).