Adams Family Correspondence, volume 11

Abigail Adams to John Adams, 22 February 1796 Adams, Abigail Adams, John
Abigail Adams to John Adams
My Dearest Friend Quincy Febry 22 1796—

Mr Quincy and Mr Copley made me a visit this afternoon. mr Copley arrived from England about 2 Months Since and is going to spend a year in America. he is the only son of our Friend. I believe you may recollect him. he talk of visiting Philadelphia. if he does I shall give him a Letter to you. mr Quincy seems much pleas’d with his Tour, and Speaks with much gratitude of the kindness and attention he experienced from you, whilst he was unwell in Philadelphia. I fear he will be a looser by the late failures.

I saw a paragraph in Russels centinel of Yesterday which is a very lose and blind one. “Summarhy of the Southern Mail arrived last Evening. Charles Adams esqr has arrived in Philadelphia, and is said to have been charged with the Treaty lately concluded with the Dey of Algiers, who has Sent as a present to the President of the united States an Elegant Gold Mounted Sword.” no date, no place arrived from, mentiond I do not know, nor ever heard of any Charls Adams a broad I can not Suppose it Thomas. I do not know how he could come by the Treaty. The only conjecture I can Make is that possibly Such an instrument may have arrived at N York to the care of the Govenour, and that he may have Deputed Charles as the Bearer of it to Philadelphia—1 It is also said that the Treaty with Spain had arrived, and was sent on from Boston.2 if so, the Senate 185 will awake from their Slumber, and buisness will begin to be more interesting. Captain Beals as usual when he returns from court, comes in to see me, and tell me as well as he knows how the News and politicks of the Week. his News of last Evening was that the President had determined to resign. I askd him where he learnt such News he said he had Dined with Mr T Russel and heard it at his Table. I asked him who the company were. he said a Number of country Representitives. the intelligence was from mr Russel

I did not chuse to ask him what Was said upon the occasion. I only remarkd to him that such a Rumour had formerly prevail’d;

I have written You several Letters the week past. I hope, as you appear to be so anxious about Letters, that you will get them in Due Season. I would not willingly dissapoint you. I have nothing very interesting to write. it can only be a solisitude to know that I am well for even the Farmers calender is at this Season comprised in a Line. I am sorry to inform you, that we have two Lambs—poor Rogues the Season is too cold for them yet. our Men begin to grow very covetous about their English Hay, and do not like that James’s Horses should spend so much of it. I suppose I shall be obliged to Buy some. Trask calld upon me for 8 Dollors which he said he was to have for clearing a swamp in Curtis’s pasture, & I Supposd it was right, and I pay’d him; no News yet from our Dear Sons. there is a vessel in from Roterdam which left it, Middle of December. she is at the Vineyard.3 no Letter or Paper from her yesterday. I do hope to hear.

Mr Quincy made Me very happy by telling me that you appeard to enjoy your Health very well this winter. I hope it may be continued to your / affectionate

A Adams

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Feb. 22 ansd / March 3. 1796.”

1.

A treaty of peace and amity with Algiers was signed at Algiers in early Sept. 1795. The result of the United States’ agreeing to pay a tribute to the Barbary States of nearly $600,000 plus an additional $21,000 annually, the treaty promised free passage for American ships seeking to trade in the Mediterranean and the end of the capture of American sailors by Barbary pirates. The treaty arrived in New York on 7 Feb. 1796 and was carried by CA to Philadelphia, where George Washington submitted it to the Senate on 15 February. The Senate consented to it on 2 March, and it was formally proclaimed on 7 March (Miller, Treaties, 2:275–317; New York Argus, 9 Feb.). For the squib mentioned by AA, see Boston Columbian Centinel, 20 February.

2.

Pinckney’s Treaty between the United States and Spain, signed at San Lorenzo el Real in late Oct. 1795, arrived in Boston on the Ruby, Capt. William Cole, on 15 Feb. 1796 and reached Philadelphia the following week. The Senate received it on 26 Feb. and consented to it on 3 March. Negotiated by Thomas Pinckney, the treaty clarified the borders between the United States and Spain’s colonial empire in the Americas and confirmed the right of U.S. ships to navigate freely on the Mississippi River (Miller, Treaties, 2:318–345; Boston Columbian Centinel, 186 17 Feb.; Philadelphia Gazette of the United States, 24 Feb.).

3.

The Boston Columbian Centinel, 20 Feb., reported, “Capt. Clark, from Rotterdam, which he left the middle of December, has arrived at the Vineyard. She may speedily be expected round;—and intelligence from Rotterdam is direct, and always accurate.”

John Adams to Abigail Adams, 27 February 1796 Adams, John Adams, Abigail
John Adams to Abigail Adams
My Dearest Friend Phila. Feb. 27. 1796

I dined Yesterday with Mr Madison. Mrs Madison is a fine Woman and her two sisters are equally so: one of them is married to George Washington one of the two Nephews of the President who were sometimes at our House. Mr Washington came and civilly enquired after your Health. These Ladies, whose Names were Pain, are of a Quaker Family once of North Carolina.1

The Treaty with Spain is arrived and is according to our Wishes. The Algerine Treaty is horridly Costly. It is worse than the British: but will not be so fiercely opposed.

There is no Vessell here for Boston: I can not yet send any seeds.

The great Affair is as it was— I hear frequent Reflections which indicate that Jefferson, although in good hands he might do very well; yet in such hands as will hold him, he would endanger too much.— Some Persons of high Consequence have Spoken to me confidentially— But in general there is great delicacy on that head and I hold an entire reserve. The Question with me is between entire Ease and entire Disquietude. I will not fly from the latter nor will I court it. I can live as happily without a Carriage as Hamilton

Two great Political Questions have been agitated in the supream Court. one about Virginia Debts paid into the Treasury—the other the Constitutionality of the Carriage Tax. Hamilton argued this last for three hours with his usual Splendor of Talents & Eloquence as they say. In the Course of his argument he said no Man was obliged to pay the Tax. This he knew by Experiment: for after having enjoyed the Pleasure of riding in his Carriage for six years he had been obliged to lay it down and was happy.2

There is no hope of getting away till June. The House never went so slowly on.

I am

J. A

RC (Adams Papers); internal address: “Mrs A”; endorsed: “Febry 7th 1796.”

1.

Dolley Payne (1768–1849) was born of Quaker parents in North Carolina but raised in Virginia and later Philadelphia. She married John Todd Jr. in 1790, but he died during the yellow fever epidemic in 1793. In 1794 she married James Madison. Her three sisters were Lucy Payne (1777?–1846), who had married George Steptoe Washington (ca. 187 1773–1809) in 1793; Anna Payne (1779–1832), who married Richard Cutts in 1804; and Mary (Polly) Payne (1781–1808), who would marry John George Jackson. The other of George Washington’s nephews mentioned by JA was probably Lawrence Augustine Washington (1775–1824), George Steptoe’s brother. Both boys were educated at the University of Pennsylvania thanks to the support of their uncle ( Notable Amer. Women ; The Selected Letters of Dolley Payne Madison, ed. David B. Mattern and Holly C. Shulman, Charlottesville, Va., 2003, p. 398, 404, 409, 414; Washington, Papers, Presidential Series, 1:12).

2.

The case of Hylton v. United States challenged the legality of what became known as the Carriage Tax Law, a tax on carriages enacted in 1794 and designed to raise revenue to pay for defense. Alexander Hamilton was not directly connected to the proposal of this tax in Congress, though he likely had been consulted about it. The dispute centered on whether the tax was a direct or indirect one and thus its constitutionality. Initially heard in the Circuit Court in May 1795, the case came to the Supreme Court in early 1796, when the federal government retained Hamilton and Charles Lee to argue on its behalf. The court ruled on 8 March that the tax was not a direct one in the constitutional sense, and thus it was upheld (Alexander Hamilton, The Law Practice of Alexander Hamilton: Documents and Commentary, ed. Julius Goebel Jr. and others, 5 vols., N.Y., 1964–1981, 4:297–300, 303–304, 307, 314, 330–336). For Hamilton’s notes on the case—which may have provided the basis for his presentation before the court—see Law Practice, 4:342–355.