Adams Family Correspondence, volume 10

Abigail Adams to John Adams, 5 January 1794 Adams, Abigail Adams, John
Abigail Adams to John Adams
My dearest Friend Quincy Janry 5th 1794

I did not receive your Letter of decbr 15 till I had closed mine of the 30th two of later date came first to Hand.1 the reason as I suppose that Bringhurst did not send in his account before I left Philadelphia, was that he never used to make out his account but once a 9 year. I had pay’d him up to Jan’ry 92; Robert by his drunken frolicks exposed us to double a necessary expence and the Chariot was wholy sacrificed to him, but I know not how Bringhurst does to make up such a Bill, unless he charges for the stand for the Coach & the care of it.2 I had the same thought with you respecting the carriages. the Cochee is in good order, and an admirable made carriage for the purpose it was designd for, as ever went out of a Workmans Hands. the chariot I believe would be considerd of very little value even as a Hack. more carriages than are necessary, are quite a useless expence which I neither wish or desire. in my last Letter to you I inclosed my account, as luck would have it—and as I have often observd upon like occasions, savil brought me his Bill but as sixteen Dollors was really more than I could boast I told him he should be paid in the Month I have to pay one other account which feels to me a debt of honour and amounts to 9 pounds—I mean to Dr Phips. I wrote you my reason for not calling upon Dr Tufts as you told me I might do, before you knew what arrangments he had made. You will write me soon whether it is inconvenient to you to make me a remittance from Philadelphia. I have had two applications from two different Men for the Farms—one by the Name of Hunt belonging to Randolph a Young man who has a wife and no children and whom your Brother speaks well of.3 the other is of one Richards who has a wife & a grown son & daughter. the Man has property of his own, and means to let a son lately married live upon it, if he can go upon an other he has the Character of a sober honest Man.4 I do not think it amiss to hear those who apply and to inquire into their Characters, that we may not be at a loss when the Time comes for placing hands upon the Farms I am told that Dr Tufts knows this Richards, and of him I shall inquire. Thayer is not removed.5 we have not had any snow to lye more than a day, it seems as difficult to snow as it did last summer to Rain. I am very apprehensive that Cheeseman is lost. such a report prevaild yesterday in Town. I did not pay any attention to the Trunk as I supposed the vessel was so nigh sailing when you went away that the Trunk was put on Board by mr Brisler. upon inquiry I believe it was taken from Dr Welchs by some of Cheesemans people & no receit given for it, or Bill of Lading. Yet as Cheeseman was accustomed to carry things for us, and the Trunk was addrest if he arrives there will be no difficulty, but there is reason to fear for him as he has been out so long. our son came up last Evening & brought me yours of the 22 10 & 23 of December.6 You are at the fountain and get so far before us, that we do not keep pace with You. only two Letters have yet been publishd of the important correspondence one of mr Jeffersons to mr Morris & Genetts answer; a fine specimin of his Learning and of his English, of his civility & Breeding.7 a Number of peices have appeard in the Chronical under the Signature of Americanus, as false and Hollow as is the Heart of the writer, but he has an opponent to deal with who throws him upon his Back in every passage, and when he knows not what to say, he whines & cants like the Hypocrite he is calls the performances of columbus purile, & Literary Plagiarism from junius affected wit &c. and that even the high station of his Sire will not Screen him from contempt.8 so true is the words of the Poet, “envy will merrit as its shade persue”9 even those who know the value of the writings are ready to say, “Rather than thus be overstopd

Shall I not wish his Lawrels cropt”10

But the Time will come when this young Man will be sought for as a Jewel of great price. I say this to you who divested of all connection would acknowledge the talants and abilities of Columbus, tho perhaps neither you or I might feel so sensible a pleasure from the Perusal as I am free to acknowledge is experienced by / Your ever affectionate

A Adams

P S this is my Family pride to call this Son mine look in the Chronical for Barnevelt—11

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “Mrs A. Jan. 5. 1794.”

1.

For JA’s letter to AA of 15 Dec. 1793 and AA’s to JA of 31 (not 30) Dec., see vol. 9:472–473, 494–496. For the two other letters from JA, dated 19 and 20 Dec., see vol. 9:476–477, 479–480.

2.

In his letter to AA of 15 Dec., JA commented on the arrival of a bill from the Germantown, Penn., carriage maker John Bringhurst. The Adamses had purchased a carriage from Bringhurst in fall 1792. They had earlier dismissed their coachman Robert, probably for drunkenness (vol. 9:278, 316, 317, 472).

3.

Possibly Joseph Hunt (1777–1822) and his wife Betsey Sylvester (1777–1844) of Randolph (Sprague, Braintree Families ).

4.

Probably Nathaniel Richards (1740–1822) and his wife, Deborah Blanchard Richards (1739–1823), who, like Cotton Tufts, were longtime residents of Weymouth. The Richardses’ eldest son, Jacob (1761–1844), married Lydia Colson in Weymouth on 26 Nov. 1793. Their only daughter, Deborah (b. 1773), was married to Abraham Shaw of Braintree ( History of Weymouth, 4:593–594).

5.

The Adamses had purchased fifty acres of land with a house and barn on the border between Braintree and Quincy adjoining their existing property from Elkanah and Mary Thayer in November. The purchase also included some salt marsh and woodlands (Adams Papers, Adams Office Manuscripts, Box 2, folder 13). Elkanah Thayer (1747–1829) was originally from Williamsburg, Mass., but had moved to Braintree by 1772, when he married Mary Adams. After 11 selling their land to JA, the Thayers and their children returned to Williamsburg (Sprague, Braintree Families ).

6.

For JA to AA, 22 Dec. 1793, see vol. 9:481–482. His letter of 23 Dec. thanks AA for her continuing care for their farm and notes the importance of George Washington’s popularity in thwarting the Democratic-Republicans’ efforts to bring the United States into the European war on the French side. Finally, JA compliments Columbus, describing the articles as a “masterly Course of Reasoning, in a Strain of Eloquence, which no other Man in this Country that I know of is equal to” (Adams Papers).

7.

Thomas Jefferson’s letter to Gouverneur Morris of 16 Aug. first appeared in Boston in the American Apollo, 27 Dec.; Edmond Genet’s letter to Jefferson of 18 Sept. first appeared in the Massachusetts Mercury, 27 December.

8.

James Sullivan, Massachusetts attorney general, published six articles under the pseudonym Americanus in the Boston Independent Chronicle, 19, 23, 26, 30 Dec., 2, 6 Jan. 1794, in response to Columbus and later Barneveld (for which see note 11, below). Closely parsing the Constitution to reflect on such questions as the nature of executive authority and the role of “the people” in the U.S. government, Americanus argues against the president’s right to dismiss a foreign minister, as in the case of Antoine Charbonnet Duplaine.

AA closely paraphrases here another piece in the Independent Chronicle, 2 Jan., that defended “the manly, rational and deliberate arguments” of Americanus against the “juvenile writer” of Columbus and Barneveld.

9.

Alexander Pope, An Essay on Criticism, Part II, line 266.

10.

Jonathan Swift, “Verses on the Death of Dr. Swift,” lines 25–26.

11.

A series of four articles by JQA under the pseudonym Barneveld appeared in the Boston Independent Chronicle, 26 Dec. 1793, 2, 6, 16 Jan. 1794. Barneveld responds explicitly to Americanus, continuing the debate begun with Columbus over the legitimacy of Duplaine’s removal as vice consul and, more broadly, the powers of the president. The pseudonym is presumably a reference to the Dutch statesman Johan van Oldenbarnevelt.

John Quincy Adams to John Adams, 5 January 1794 Adams, John Quincy Adams, John
John Quincy Adams to John Adams
Dear Sir. Quincy January 5. 1794

I must apologize for not having answered before this your last Letter;1 but your conjectures with respect to Columbus were not without foundation, and what with politics and Law, what with public and private discussion, I have scarcely had a moment that I could call my own to perform my duties to you.— Columbus has been attacked in the Chronicle by a writer under the signature of Americanus, and defended by another subscribing himself Barneveld. Columbus and Barneveld we are told, are one and the same person, and the discussion is therefore still protracted; though I hope it will soon be closed.

The public here, have been sufficiently favourable to Columbus: the applause which from many different quarters has been bestowed upon his Letters, in private conversations has been so much superior to their merits, that I dare not repeat the observations which have been reported to me, lest you should suspect the author 12 of Vanity beyond the limits of common extravagance. In one of the late Centinels there is a Sonnet to the writer of Columbus, which you will probably have seen before this reaches you, and by which you will perceive that even the Muses have promised him the wreath of Glory to entwine his brows.2 On the other hand the saturnine Genius of the Chronicle has devoted to ineffable contempt the “petulance and affected wit of Columbus and Barneveld most of which (he says) is a sort of litterary plagiarism from Junius[”]; they are called the “aspirations of family pride,[”] and the “Juvenile author” is assured that he will not be rescued from contempt even by the “high station of his Sire.”3

You will not suspect me to be much affected by criticisms like this. But there is one symptom, calculated above all others to congeal every source of future exertion. It is the manner with which these publications are received, by some of my friends, and by many others, who would be clamorous enough in praise of the sentiments, if they were not disposed to check the aspirations of the writer. The public is a Lady having so many admirers, that a favour is not to be obtained from her by one of them with impunity. And even when the favour desired is nothing more than a simple smile of approbation, she cannot grant it, without exciting all the evil energies of those whose ardour aims at much more familiar caresses.

Yet I cannot write for the common purposes of Ambition. I cannot wish to be the rival of any candidate for public office of any kind. My first, and certainly at present my only object is to run with honour and reputation the career of my profession; and whenever I have joined in the public discussion of political questions, it has certainly been from motives more patriotic than personal. My Country is entitled to my services however small their value may be, and if she will but approve, I shall not ask her to reward them.

The state of our public affairs assumes an appearance, not only critical, but alarming. Yet I cannot think our greatest danger to be apprehended from external enemies. They may distress us, but we can be ruined only by ourselves. We shall soon have no friends on this side Heaven, and we shall have none but enemies there, unless we heal in some measure our internal divisions.— To conciliate and unite appears to me at the present moment more than ever, the interest and duty of every American.— With respect to Genet, and his frenzies the object is in some measure accomplished. But the prime agent to produce this effect has been his own folly. I wish that the 13 wisdom of others may extend the principle of reconciliation to the other important interests of the Country.

The winter vacation has given me some considerable respite from the forms of attending upon Courts: but our Common Pleas commence their Session this week, and for the future three months my attention will again be directed to my own concerns. No Man, I find can serve two Masters, and my professional studies have been somewhat neglected, while I have been perplexing myself with the affairs of the Nation.— The Attorney General is now at home, so that I shall of course be superseded in my official ministration at the Sessions. He looks at me with less complacency than ever, and is said to be the writer of Americanus.— He intends it is said to stand as candidate for Governor, and I have some curiosity to see how he will manage his card so as to keep upon terms with the prophet Samuel, and his party. Both Jacobins; both Frenchmen; both pretending so be the slavish adorers of our Sovereign Lords the people.— It is however conjectured by some that Sullivan, will crouch, and accommodate by taking the second station: this would certainly be his best policy, and would probably unite a strong party in his favour. The oldest head will no doubt wear the Tiara, but his Ambition will perhaps not be contented with a place, which would deprive him of his present office, which is doubly lucrative, and perhaps tie up his tongue at the bar.4

My mother and all our friends here are well.— My Brother Thomas will accept of my affectionate remembrance, and my congratulations upon his opening at the bar. I shall write to him as soon as possible.

With all filial respect and affection I remain your’s

J. Q. Adams.

RC (Adams Papers); endorsed: “J. Q. Adams / Jan. 5. 1794.”

1.

Of 14 Dec. 1793; see vol. 9:469–470.

2.

On 1 Jan. 1794 the Boston Columbian Centinel published a “Sonnet, Addressed to the Writer in the Centenel under the Signature of Columbus.” Signed “U. S. A.” and describing Columbus as “Patriot of the World, the Friend of Man,” it opined, in part, “So, with like temperate zeal, ’tis thine, bright Sage, / To smooth the gloomy brow of discontent, / And truth’s fair statement in thy learned page / Aims faction’s base intentions to prevent.”

3.

See AA to JA, 5 Jan., note 8, above.

4.

James Sullivan did not pursue the governorship in 1794; he did, however, run unsuccessfully for the position in 1797 and successfully in 1807 ( DAB ).