Adams Family Correspondence, volume 1
Copyright @2006 by the Massachusetts Historical Society
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Funds for editing The Adams Papers have been provided by Time, Inc., on behalf of Life, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, under whose supervision the editorial work is being done.
Includes bibliographic references.
December 1761-May 1776
L. H. BUTTERFIELD, EDITOR IN CHIEF
SERIES II
Adams Family Correspondence
L. H. BUTTERFIELD, EDITOR
WENDELL D. GARRETT, ASSOCIATE EDITOR
MARJORIE E. SPRAGUE, ASSISTANT EDITOR
Volume 1 • December 1761–May 1776
THE BELKNAP PRESS OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
1963
© 1963 • Massachusetts Historical Society • All rights reserved
Distributed in Great Britain by Oxford University Press • London
Funds for editing The Adams Papers have been provided by Time, Inc., on behalf of Life, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, under whose supervision the editorial work is being done.
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 63–14964 • Printed in the United States of America
This edition of The Adams Papers
is sponsored by the massachusetts historical society
to which the adams manuscript trust
by a deed of gift dated 4 April 1956
gave ultimate custody of the personal and public papers
written, accumulated, and preserved over a span of three centuries
by the Adams family of Massachusetts
- Thomas Boylston Adams,
Massachusetts Historical Society - Walter Muir Whitehill,
Boston Athenaeum - Thomas James Wilson,
Harvard University Press
- Samuel Flagg Bemis,
Yale University - Julian Parks Boyd,
Princeton University - Paul Herman Buck,
Harvard University - David Donald,
The Johns Hopkins University - Philip May Hamer,
National Historical Publications Commission - Mark DeWolfe Howe,
Harvard University - Leonard Woods Labaree,
Yale University - Robert Earle Moody,
Boston University - Samuel Eliot Morison,
Harvard University - Kenneth Ballard Murdock,
Harvard University - Stephen Thomas Riley,
Massachusetts Historical Society - Ernest Samuels,
Northwestern University - Arthur Meier Schlesinger,
Harvard University - Clifford Kenyon Shipton,
American Antiquarian Society - Vernon Dale Tate,
United States Naval Academy
The acorn and oakleaf device on the preceding page is redrawn from a seal cut for John Quincy Adams after 1830. The motto is from Caecilius Statius as quoted by Cicero in the First Tusculan Disputation: Serit arbores quae alteri seculo prosint (“He plants trees for the benefit of later generations”).
[Note: for permissions reasons, not all illustrations from the letterpress volumes
are available in this digital edition.]
This unsigned ink and water-color drawing of the parsonage of Rev. William Smith, who settled in the First or North Parish of Weymouth in 1734, is mounted in a scrapbook kept by
The larger forward section of this house was built about 1685 by one of Smith's predecessors, Rev. Samuel Torrey; after Smith was settled, the Parish negotiated with him for several years on the terms of his use of the parsonage house and wood lot. In 1738, after a committee had been appointed “to vew the House on said Pasonage to know what may be Proper to be acted with said House Betwen the Revd. Mr. William Smith and The Parish,” it was agreed to sell the house to him, and he bought it for £45 in May 1738 (MS Records of the North Parish of Weymouth [microfilm in Massachusetts Historical Society], 27 March and 3 April 1738; “Diaries of Rev. William Smith and Dr. Cotton Tufts, 1738–1784,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 42 [1908–1909]:446). Almost at once Smith found himself in legal difficulties with Rev. James Bayley, minister of Weymouth's South Parish, over the rights to the Parish lands and house. The disputed claims were bitterly contested in the courts as the “Weymouth Case” for decades; as late as 1761 John Adams, then a fledgling lawyer, expressed his opinion that “it cant be thought that Either Party to that deed entertained a Thought of dividing that House and Land among 50 ministers, that shall happen to settle within the Borders of that Town” (Diary and Autobiography, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961, 1:202).
After Parson Smith's four children were born, between 1741 and 1750, the demands for space forced him to contract in 1761 with housewrights and suppliers of building materials at a cost exceeding one hundred pounds for wages, “Clab-boards,” “Painting,” “Glass,” “window Frames,” and “Spouts,” presumably to build the ell, visible in the drawing, behind the house. In August 1762 he xspent another £31 for materials and labor and “Repaired my house” by “Shingling The fore part of my house” (Rev. William Smith, MS Diaries in Massachusetts Historical Society, 1761 and 1762; the published diaries cited above are abridgments).
On his death in 1783 Smith left the house to his oldest daughter, Mary Cranch; the Cranches never occupied it but rented out the house and ell separately for several years to various people, including the English nonconformist minister William Hazlitt (father of the essayist of that name) for a time. The Cranches finally sold the old parsonage in 1788 to the new minister of the North Parish, Rev. Jacob Norton, who the following year became their son-in-law by his marriage to Elizabeth Cranch (Norton, MS Diary in Massachusetts Historical Society, under date of 12 March 1788). Norton continued to live in the house, after the death of his wife in 1811 and his second marriage in 1813, until 1824, when, much against his will, he was forced to resign because of his inclination to preach and practice Baptist theology. Upon his resignation he promptly sold the house to Ansiel (or Ansel) Burrell.
Controversy soon erupted between Burrell and the Parish over the boundaries of his property, the Parish charging that Norton during his occupancy had moved the fences and encroached on the burying ground. After continual harassment, Burrell sold the old parsonage back to the Parish in 1826 for occupancy by their new minister, Rev. Josiah Bent. But after contending for the next dozen years with weakened chimneys in the house, the North Parish appointed a committee in 1838 “to take into consideration the subject of building a parsonage house so far as it relates to building on the Old Site” (MS Records of the North Parish of Weymouth, 15 January 1838). After the demolition of the oldest and largest section of the Smith parsonage had been completed and a new structure built on its site, Rev. Joshua Emery, minister of the North Parish at that time, entered the following information in the church records under the date of October 1838: “The old Parsonage House, belonging to the 1st Parish in Weymouth, was taken down in the month of March 1838. Some parts of it has been standing over 150 years. The frame for a new Parsonage was raised May 17th 1838 on the old site.”
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Water color in the first volume of a manuscript by Diary and Autobiography
, 1:102, 111–113. The house depicted here was built on the shore of Quincy Bay and commanded a splendid view of Boston Harbor, but is now hemmed in by other houses on Muirhead Street in the Wollaston section of xiQuincy. From here its first owner reported to his friends John Adams and Gen. George Washington, among others, movements of British naval forces and troops in the harbor, and more than once during the siege of Boston took temporary refuge with his family at the Adams farm farther inland; see Abigail Adams to Mercy (Otis) Warren, 2 May 1775 and note (p. 190–191, below). Here in October 1775; Mrs. Adams dined with an assemblage of notables that included Benjamin Franklin, James Bowdoin, and Rev. Samuel Cooper; see p. 313, 320–321. Ex-President Adams paid his last visit here shortly before his death on the Fourth of July in 1826. The Adamses were in fact familiar with the house over several generations, for three successive Josiah Quincys—the Colonel, his son the Patriot, and his son the President of Harvard—resided in it, and one son and several daughters of President Josiah recorded in their diaries and reminiscences the comings and goings between the two most prominent families of the town until well into the 19th century. See Figures of the Past, from the Leaves of Old Journals, ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Boston, 1926, and The Articulate Sisters, ed. M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Cambridge, 1946.
From the Quincy family this superb example of New England domestic architecture passed to Mr. and Mrs. Edward R. Hall, who deeded it in 1937 to the Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities; see “The Colonel Josiah Quincy Homestead, Wollaston, Quincy, Mass.,” in Old-Time New England, 28:85–89 (January 1938).
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
In the spring of 1774 Thomas Hutchinson, governor since 1771 of His Majesty's more or less loyal Province of Massachusetts Bay, was superseded by Lt. Gen. Thomas Gage at the head of four regiments of British troops and a powerful fleet under orders to enforce the Boston Port Act and other punitive measures. On the first day of June, Hutchinson sailed for England on what he thought would be a temporary leave from his native province, but he never returned. Just before his departure he received testimonials from his friends and other supporters of royal government in various Massachusetts towns, including an Address from the “Merchants and Traders of the town of Boston, and others,” dated 28 May, which ventured to declare that “Had your success been equal to your endeavours, and to the warmest wishes of your heart, we cannot doubt that many of the evils under which we now suffer, would have been averted, and that tranquillity would have been restored to this long divided Province” (Peter Force, ed., American Archives, Washington, 1837–1853, 4th series, 1:361–363).
The approximately 125 signers of the Boston Address formed a beadroll of persons most objectionable to the patriotic party. Within a few weeks two broadside listings, both probably produced by Edes xii& Gill, printers of the Boston Gazette, were circulated (Charles Evans and others, comps., American Bibliography, Chicago and Worcester, 1903–1959, Nos. 13279 and 13767; Worthington C. Ford, comp., Broadsides, Ballads &c. Printed in Massachusetts, 1639–1800, Boston, 1922, Nos. 1699 and 1700), in which not only the names but the residences or shops of the “Addressers” were given, together with contemptuous characterizations of many of them. John Adams heard about the broadsides while he was traveling what proved to be his last Superior Court circuit in the District of Maine early in July; see his letter to his wife, 7 July 1774, and a note there (p. 130–132, below). Quite a few of the Addressers turn up in Adams' Diary and in the family correspondence now being printed, in roles obnoxious to the Adamses and their circle. Note, for example, the Winslows, Benjamin Davis, Harrison Gray, Ezekiel Goldthwait, William Jackson, Byfield Lyde (“Powder-Monkey”), and Sheriff David Phips. On the other hand, “John S. Copley... Portrait Painter,” was, with his tory wife, to be present at the private wedding of the younger Abigail Adams at the United States Legation in London, June 1786.
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
“Chappel of Ease” and Church of Statesmen: Commemorative Services at... the First Church of Christ in Quincy, Quincy, 1890, facing p. 81. Wilson, who was for years the minister of the First Church of Quincy and an able local historian, illustrated his books profusely but failed to provide information about his sources that later historians would like to have. That could be replaced by another. Meanwhile, the pictures are unique, and must remain so” (Daniel Munro Wilson Papers, Massachusetts Historical Society). A search by the editors of Mr. Wilson's papers still in the possession of his daughter, Miss Marjorie Wilson of Newport, R.I., and inquiries elsewhere, have regrettably failed to turn up a location, attribution, or date for the original of this only known likeness of Smith. There is reason to believe that it may have been owned in the 19th century by some of the numerous descendants of Richard and Mary Cranch, the latter being Smith's daughter and the elder sister of Abigail Adams.
This profile sketch of “Chappel of Ease,” facing p. 81, without source, attribution, or date; see the note on the portrait of Rev. William Smith, preceding. The illustration confirms Abigail Adams' description of Cranch as “leaner than ever” with a “Grave, Yet chearful countenance” (to Mrs. Cranch, 6 October 1766 and 12 January 1767, p. 56–57, below). John Adams and Richard Cranch courted the Smith girls at Weymouth together, and through-out the rest of their lives commonly addressed each other as “Dear Brother.” Innumerable letters in the
Adams Family Correspondence
attest the strong and unvarying affection that subsisted between the statesman and his watchmaker-farmer-postmaster relative by marriage.
Mrs. Catharine (Sawbridge) Macaulay, later History of England, from the Accession of James I to That of the Brunswick Line, London, 1763–1783, from an engraving by Williams, after a painting by Catherine Read, in the London Magazine, July 1770. The crusading zeal of this “historian in petticoats” made her the darling of political radicals in both England and America; her literary achievements won for her the unlimited admiration of emancipated and literate women like Mercy Warren and Abigail Adams. See a remarkable letter printed in the present volume (p. 177–179), in which Mrs. Adams undertook to give Mrs. Macaulay a view of American affairs in 1774, and an exchange in 1778 between Mrs. Adams and John Thaxter on a marble statue of her as Clio recently commissioned by one of Mrs. Macaulay's English admirers (vol. 2:391–393, 400–401). John Adams went so far as to call her “one of the brightest ornaments not only of her Sex but of her Age and Country” (
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:360)—a judgment that many Americans accepted then, though few today remember her name or have read her History. For an illustrated account of her and her writings, including her sensational tour of America in 1784–1785, see Lucy M. Donnelly, “The Celebrated Mrs. Macaulay,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3d series, 6:173–207 (April 1949).
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
This portrait of Mercy (Otis) Warren by John Singleton Copley, and its companion piece of her husband James Warren (both dated conjecturally between 1763 and 1767), descended in the Warren family; they were bequeathed to the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, by Winslow Warren of Dedham in 1931 (Barbara N. Parker and Anne B. Wheeler, John Singleton Copley: American Portraits, Boston, 1938, p. 199–201).
The Adulateur (1773) and The Group (1775). Both the Adamses admired her labored literary style extravagantly, and found themselves the recipients of a great many of her epistolary and poetical productions; with respect to The Group John Adams acted in the role of Mrs. Warren's literary adviser and agent; see p. 185–188, below. Clifford K. Shipton in his incisive sketch of her husband says of Mrs. Warren: “She was a woman whose strong character and never-quiet pen made her more famous than her husband. Untroubled by logic, reason, or perspective, furious in her prejudices, she poured upon the leading men of the times a confident and assertive correspondence which caused many a pitying glance to be cast toward her husband” (Clifford K. Shipton, Sibley's Harvard Graduates, Boston, 1933– , 11:584).
The Warrens and the Adamses were intimate friends and constant correspondents until the late 1780's, when, for a variety of reasons, they drifted apart socially and politically. Mercy Warren was keenly disappointed when John Adams and the Federalist administration failed to favor her husband and sons with political appointments; in spite of Adams' placatory explanations she sharply criticized his public conduct in her own political testament, the History of the Rise, Progress and Termination of the American Revolution, published in three volumes in 1805. Adams answered her in ten long and vehement letters written during July and August 1807; see his letters, with her answers to some of them, in the Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 5th series, 4 (1878):317–491. James Warren died a year later; it was not until 1812–1813, through the mediation of Elbridge Gerry, that Mercy Warren and the Adamses resumed social correspondence and allowed old wounds to heal (see the “Appendix” in same, p. 493–511). But even in the moment of the revival of their friendship, Adams sternly reminded Gerry that “History is not the Province of the Ladies” (Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 73 [1925]:380).
Courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.
From the folding frontispiece map, “Boston, with its Environs,” engraved by T. Conder, London, in the second volume of William Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United States of America..., first published in London, 4 vols., 1788. (The present reproduction has been reduced from the original, and the southern portion has been xvtrimmed away to increase the legibility of the remainder.) On the whole this appears to be the most satisfactory single map, among many that were produced at the time, to illustrate the topographical features, encampments, lines, batteries, and operations of the two armies during the eleven-month siege of Boston, May 1775–March 1776. Nearly every feature bearing a legend on the map is mentioned in the letters published in the first two volumes of the
Adams Family Correspondence
, many of them repeatedly. One may trace the routes of Abigail Adams' visits to the headquarters of the Continental Army in the winter of 1775 and to the Roxbury lines soon after the British evacuation. One may see how Washington's successful action against Dorchester Heights and his fortification of Nook's Hill, so quaintly described by Peter Boylston Adams (who was one of the “hardy hereos” who took part in it), rendered the position of Howe's army in Boston utterly untenable. (See P. B. Adams to John Adams, 4 April 1776, p. 371–372, below.)
An English nonconformist clergyman who had arrived in America not long before the Revolution, William Gordon ministered to a congregation in Roxbury, took a personal part in the fortification of Boston Harbor after the British left Boston, and assiduously collected materials for his History from the beginning of the war. For evidence suggesting that he drew on John Adams' letter files in the preparation of his book, see the descriptive note on Isaac Smith Sr. to John Adams, 24 June 1775, p. 229–230, below.
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
This “Plan of the Town and Chart of the Harbour of Boston” is reproduced (reduced about one half) from a folding plate in the Gentleman's Magazine, vol. 45: facing p. 41 (January 1775). The engraving is not signed, but it is dated at the foot “Feby. 1st. 1775.”
Commerce being the lifeblood of the Province and most Bostonians being connected in one way or another with seafaring, they knew better than their descendants do the maze of islands, rocks, and tidal flats that clutter Boston Harbor and leave only a few well-defined ship channels and “roads” or deep-water anchorages. The present chart shows them all, names most of them, and thus admirably illustrates the letters of the Adams family circle during the Revolution. Abigail Adams' Smith and Tufts family connections lived in the highly exposed town of Weymouth (bottom center of chart), and were driven from their homes by the British raid on Grape Island, May 1775, in the repulse of which both of John Adams' brothers took part as members of the local militia. Just northwest of Weymouth on the chart is a structure marked “Quinzey,” evidently representing the house of Mrs. Adams' uncle, Norton Quincy, on the shore of old Braintree (near present Wollaston Beach). The Adamses' own “cottage” and farm were a mile or two inland from there; and it was at Norton Quincy's house in February 1778 that John Adams met Capt. Samuel Tucker, walked across Hough's Neck (the little peninsula indicated on the chart only by xvi“Hoffs Tombs” north of it), and was rowed with his son John Quincy Adams to the Boston frigate lying in Nantasket Roads (between the bluff designating present Hull, Mass., and George's Island) for their secret embarkation for France. (See Adams' letters to his wife, 13 February 1778, vol. 2:388–389.) The letters of Mrs. Adams and others during and after the siege of Boston allude repeatedly to British forays for hay, cattle, and fuel on many of the islands in the inner and outer harbor, to raids and counterraids to destroy and repair Boston Light at the Brewsters, and to engagements between British naval patrols and American armed vessels, from Chelsea at the north to the “Rocks of Kenchaset” (off modern Cohasset), in the southeast corner of the chart. The chart also makes clear why John Adams and others felt that it was both feasible and imperative, following the British evacuation, to make the harbor impregnable by fortifying all the islands on which there were eminences adjacent to ship channels.
Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
On 13 January 1775 Edward Dilly, the London bookseller, wrote John Adams: “I have also sent you 4 Copies of Mr. Robinson's Considerations on the Measures carrying on with respect to the British Colonies in America The 2d Edition with considerable Additions” (Adams Papers). Dilly's letter was acknowledged by Abigail Adams on 22 May, since her husband was attending the Continental Congress when it arrived, and with her letter she sent some newspapers containing pieces written “under the signature of Novanglus Considerations illustrated here is undoubtedly one of the four sent by Dilly early in 1775; Adams' ownership is indicated by the insertion in his hand of the author's name and a marginal comment at the head of the title page (unfortunately cropped in binding) which reads: “... Fortune in the County of Kent—one of the warm
Courtesy of the Boston Athenaeum.
John Adams apparently first acquired and read Thomas Paine's Common Sense on his return journey to the Continental Congress early in February 1776, for on the 18th he wrote his wife from Philadelphia: “I sent you from New York a Pamphlet intituled Common Sense” (p. 348, below; see also note 1 at p. 349). Even though Adams often acquired duplicates of books and pamphlets over the course of many years, this copy of the second edition of Common Sense from his collection of books in the Boston Public Library could be the one sent to Mrs. Adams, since this edition had xviibeen printed and advertised by late January 1776; see Richard Gimbel, Thomas Paine: A Bibliographical Check List of “Common Sense” with an Account of Its Publication, New Haven, 1956, p. 26, 65–66. The Adamses frequently commented on this influential polemic by Paine, and in the spring of 1776 John Adams wrote his Thoughts on Government expressly to counteract, not Paine's arguments for independence but “a form of Government I considered as flowing from simple Ignorance, and a mere desire to please the democratic Party in Philadelphia” (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:331). Adams conceded that Paine was a more effective stylist than he himself was, but, “this Writer has a better Hand at pulling down than building” (to Mrs. Adams, 19 March 1776, p. 363, below).
This copy of Common Sense has received rough usage and is mutilated at the end of the text. Moreover, when it was cropped for binding the early notation in an unidentified hand at the head of the titlepage, “Adams Library,” was partially cut off.
Courtesy of the Boston Public Library.
In the formidably complex plan of publication of
The Adams Papers
, the volumes now issued are the first two of an estimated twenty or so in Series II:
Adams Family Correspondence
. Series II will extend in a single chronological sequence from 1761 to 1889 and embrace the letters exchanged by members of the family through three full generations and part of a fourth, beginning with the courtship of John Adams and Abigail Smith and ending with the death of Abigail Brooks Adams, wife of the first Charles Francis Adams, United States minister to London during the American Civil War.1
The earliest manuscript letter among the Adams Papers at the Massachusetts Historical Society that, by stretching the term, can be called an Adams family letter, was written in 1678. In the fall of that xxyear the Reverend
These lines are only in hast to tell you that my body is here at hingham in good order and health, as for my heart I must require an account of it from your Selfe for I left that with you at Boston. Dear Soul, I am always with you but cannot at present be permitted to visit you. I am exceedingly rejoyced and lightened to hear it is so well with you. the Lord continue it, and give you a comfortable restauration, that is the dayly prayer of him that desires nothing more than to se it.
I am interrupted, and cannot write
The congregation at Hingham and the young lady in Boston both found Norton's words fair, for in the last week of November 1678 he was ordained at Hingham and married to Mary Mason. The town built a handsome new meetinghouse for him, which still stands, and he labored successfully there until his death.2 In 1715 his daughter Elizabeth married John Quincy of neighboring Braintree, colonel of xximilitia and sometime speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, and their daughter Elizabeth, who in 1740 married the Reverend William Smith of Weymouth, became the mother of Abigail Smith, who was from 1764 the wife of John Adams of Braintree and Boston, second President of the United States.
John Norton's love letter makes an auspicious starting point, but for the next eighty years there is little in the Adams Papers that by any definition can be called family correspondence or that is particularly informative about the families from which the Presidents sprang. Among the indentures drearily recording the purchase of cedar swamps, the land plats, receipts, bonds, wills, and inventories of Nortons, Shepards, and Quincys—all forebears of Abigail Smith Adams, it will be noted—one comes occasionally upon a scrap whose embrowned ink still gives off a small but unquenchable spark of life. A memorandum in a tiny and unidentified hand begins with a list of “Books lent to Cous Samuel Shepard November. 12. 1.6.8.6,” including “the wekly paquet of advice from Rome thre volums thre Books,” and goes on to list similar loans to others, for example “to Mr. Emarson A french Bibel” in February 1690/1 “and A rethorik Book lent the 16 day of Agust. 1.6.9.1.” In June 1704 the minister at Woodbridge, New Jersey, Samuel Shepard (grandson of the famous Thomas, who was Abigail Adams' great-great-grandfather), writes to his “Kind Sister” (read “Kinswoman”), Mrs. John Norton, in Hingham, boasting about his wife's cheeses, for she “is become a great Dary-woman”; and Shepard goes on to avow that “Ye heap of Nonsense (as Yu. are pleasd to term Yr. Lr.) has
In the early 1760's, when John Adams, a young lawyer of Braintree, began to court Abigail Smith in the Parsonage at Weymouth, the file of family correspondence truly begins, thickens in the next xxiitwo decades while Adams served in the Continental Congress and as a diplomat abroad, and swells to a torrent in the 1790's when their children, dispersed here and there on both sides of the Atlantic, start their regular contributions to the stream of family intercommunication. For a century thereafter the torrent flowed without stopping. At the age of eighty John Adams announced the birth of a great-granddaughter on his own birthday and observed that “It is very ungenteel in these days of Politeness and civilization to have so numerous a Posterity: but I cannot help it, and would not if I could.”4 A few years later he told a friend: I lay no serious claim to the title of Father of the navy or of any thing else but my family.... I have now living two Sons, Fourteen Grand Children and five Great Grand Children. Of this Tribe I claim to be a Father but I assure you the duties I owe to this little flock are greater than I can perform with my utmost exertions, anxiety and privation, to the satisfaction of my own conscience.5
He meant, among other things, that because of failing eyesight and a “Quiveration” in his fingers he could not answer all their letters promptly and fully. For all of them who were old enough to put pen to paper wrote him ceaselessly, and he could only do his poor best, through sundry devoted but not always very competent amanuenses, to keep up his side. At the foot of scores if not hundreds of his notes of reply in later years he affixed his short name in such jagged characters that it would be unrecognizable if the sentences above did not breathe both the fire and affection that John Adams' letters always had—and always will have.
Abigail Adams had died only a few months before her husband wrote the letter just quoted, and the patriarch himself was to go at length, on the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence. Such deaths were turning points in the family's history, but they did not stem the tide of letter-writing. As Adams' letters imply, many more pens were busy when he was eighty than had been earlier, and this pattern continued to the end of the century. Three full and successive generations of Adams statesmen served in public stations in the capitals of the United States and Europe. Sometimes their wives accompanied them on their missions, with some or all of their children; sometimes not. But whatever the arrangements were at a given time, there was always physical separation within or between generations—between husband and wife, sister and brother, brother and brother, father or xxiiimother and son or daughter, grandparents and grandchildren, parents-in-law and children-in-law—hence the obligation, enforced by example, training, and conscience, to inform each other in an endless and complex network of correspondence from every vantage point of observation. Little John Quincy Adams, who in 1781 went to St. Petersburg as Francis Dana's companion and French interpreter, described for his father the sights of that ice-locked city and his progress with Latin authors in letters that are as full and formal as diplomatic dispatches. Two generations later, Henry Adams' pronouncements on German life and institutions, in his letters to his parents from Berlin and Dresden, are less solemn but just as thorough.
The ultimate and gathered product of all this activity with pen, ink, and paper, it seems safe to say, is unsurpassed by any other accumulation of its kind. Its bulk is of course impressive, but its real distinctions are its continuity and its literary quality. Readers should be left to judge of the latter, but the editors may be allowed to point out that the series of
Adams Family Correspondence
, now begun, forms a contrapuntal personal record of 130 years of modern history during which the United States won its independence, fought to preserve it, fought again to prevent its own dissolution, and rose to the rank of a leading world power; during which, as well, both western Europe and Latin America were politically and socially revolutionized, in some measure under the force and inspiration of the United States' example; and during which, finally, technological innovations so transformed men's lives as to make such families as the Adamses (as one of them said) seem by the end of the 19th century merely “troglodytic.” It is not with these vast events themselves that the letters now printed mainly deal—though to be sure many among them do—but with the conditions of human life that were both their causes and effects. What we can read in the letters is a faithful, day-by-day transcript of the thoughts and feelings of men, women, and children during an era of onrushing change—from the sailing vessel and the horse, for example, to the Cunarder and the Pullman car—such as the world had never before known. Yet at the same time basic human concerns and problems remain in the foreground, and in their illustrations of these the family letters are inexhaustibly rich: in the relationships of the human pair, between members of the same and different generations, between servant and master or mistress, between the family and the world outside, and above all between individuals and their own consciences and desires. Births, marriages, and deaths are staple topics of discussion in this as in all other families. Romances xxivare followed by marriages, or perhaps are not, and always touch off flurries of concerned or humorous comment. Sickness and its treatment are perpetual subjects; with few exceptions the treatment seems to improve little until toward the close of the period covered. On the other hand, although the First Church of Quincy and Harvard College remain in the same location and equally prominent in the family annals throughout the entire period, by the end of it their spiritual and intellectual fare has been transformed as completely as the dress worn by those who worship in Quincy or study in Cambridge.
Since the record of these constants and these changes is so extended and so detailed, and since the letters that the Adamses wrote each other have been so carefully preserved, the editor in chief decided at an early stage in his planning to present the family correspondence as a unit by itself. A disadvantage of this arrangement is that it adds another chronology to a pattern already complicated enough. But its advantages seem much greater. For one thing, it will present the letters and replies of the Adams statesmen to each other in the same sequence, rather than widely separated in the volumes devoted to each statesman's general correspondence and other writings. For another thing, it enables the women of the family, both those born into it and those who married into it, to take their places beside the Adams men instead of being obscured by them. Finally, and, as the editors believe, most significantly, certain kinds of evidence furnished by the family correspondence are not too abundant in print elsewhere and are better recognized today than formerly by historians as peculiarly precious. The principal archivist-editor of the family,
Our history is for the most part wrapped up in the forms of office. The great men of the Revolution, in the eyes of posterity, are many of them like the heroes of a mythological age. They are seen, for the most part, when conscious that they are acting upon a theatre, where individual sentiment must be sometimes disguised, and often sacrificed, for the public good. Statesmen and generals rarely say all they think or feel. The consequence is, that, in the papers which come from them, they are made to assume a uniform of grave hue, which, though it doubtless exalts the opinion entertained of their perfections, somewhat diminishes the interest with which later generations study their character. Students of human nature seek for examples of man under circumstances of difficulty and trial; man as he is, not as he would appear; but there are many reasons why they are often xxvbaffled in the search. We look for the workings of the heart, when those of the head alone are presented to us. We watch the emotions of the spirit, and yet find clear traces only of the reasoning of the intellect. The solitary meditation, the confidential whisper to a friend, never meant to reach the ear of the multitude, the secret wishes, not to be blazoned forth to catch applause, the fluctuations between fear and hope, that most betray the springs of action,—these are the guides to character, which most frequently vanish with the moment that called them forth, and leave nothing to posterity but those coarser elements for judgment, that may be found in elaborated results.6
In short, the editor offered the family letters he was printing as a contribution to the history of “feeling” rather than to that of “action” during the Revolutionary era; but his point was that feelings are the real clues to action. He himself felt some trepidation in violating the privacy of a generation not long dead, and, as we shall see, he stayed well within the reigning proprieties in selecting and editing the letters he published. But to a modern reader his self-justification, though admirably phrased, seems altogether needless. If we are fully to understand an historical figure, we certainly ought to know, if we can find out, what he said to his wife and what she said in reply (or perhaps said first). The surviving morsels of Franklin's correspondence with Deborah Franklin are invaluable, even though she was not especially articulate on paper. For Washington and his wife and for Jefferson and his, we have next to nothing, and we are the poorer. For John and Abigail Adams we have a full and frank record of the forty years from their courtship until John Adams' retirement from public life, and for later generations we have correspondence sometimes as extended if not always of the same high merit on both sides.
These are the considerations that have persuaded the editors to present the
Adams Family Correspondence
in the form it now assumes. For their part, the editors envision the series, when completed, not simply as a contribution to the history of an eminent American family or even simply to the history of a growing nation, but as a substantial and enlightening chapter in the history of humanity during the age just antecedent to our own.
“Whatever you write preserve,” John Adams sternly ordered two of his grandsons when they sailed to join their parents in the American legation in London in 1815.7 Among Adamses this injunction seldom xxvilost its force, and what they preserved constitutes the chief but by no means the only source of the materials to be printed in the
Adams Family Correspondence
.
Accounts of the creation and transmission of the family archives and of their ultimate placement in the service of scholarship have been printed elsewhere.8 But it is proper to provide in this place a summary view of the materials available therein for the present series and of their previous use and publication.
The letters written by one member of the family to another throughout the century and a third spanned by this edition are ordinarily present in the Adams Papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society as holographs (“A.L.S.'s” in the parlance of the autograph trade, recipients' copies or “RC's” in the terminology of this edition). The successive custodians of the manuscripts in the 19th century usually gathered runs of family letters as units and had them stitched into stout leather binding cases with appropriate gold-lettered titles. But as the network of correspondence grew more complex, there was no possibility of a logical classification; supplements could be added, but many family letters never got bound at all. In preparing the manuscripts for microfilming and editing, the staff of the Adams Papers discarded all earlier schemes of classification, disbound the bound letters, and filed all originally loose letters and papers, both public and private, in a single chronological sequence that forms Part IV of the Microfilms of The Adams Papers under the title “Letters Received and Other Loose Papers.”9 Very, very few accidental losses have occurred over the years among the family letters, and there was only minor pilfering for autographs during the decades before the Civil War when autograph collecting first became a fad in the United States.10 But the papers of some members of the family in early generations did not join the main archives (examples of consequent dispersals, losses, and a few happy recoveries will be mentioned below), and some members, especially in later generations, were faithless to John Adams' injunction. The younger
Other gaps that will never be filled are the result of Charles Francis Adams' orderly habits of mind. He worked longer with the family accumulations than anyone else did, and we owe much to his archival and editorial labors. But he was forever sorting out and destroying what he considered “the smaller matters” among the papers, so that he could get the rest into tidy files and within protective bindings.12 In 1852 he told Mrs. Horace Mann, who had inquired about letters of her Palmer forebears, that no Palmer letters survived among the Adams manuscripts:
A year or two since, after a thorough examination of all the papers of John Adams and of his Wife, I selected such as seemed to me of any value, and destroyed the remainder.... It is proper to add that of the letters addressed to Mrs. Adams during the period not more than a dozen or two are preserved, and they are for the most part from men active in the revolution, or from Mrs. Warren, and her own sisters.13
The writer should of course have added to his exceptions the letters written to Abigail Adams by her husband, children, and numerous other relatives. His weeding of the papers of his mother, Mrs. John Quincy Adams, appears to have been conducted on the same principles but was perhaps even more rigorous.14 And there are serious gaps in C. F. Adams' own correspondence (for example with his wife, Abigail xxviiiBrooks Adams) that may be attributed partly to his sense of good housekeeping and partly to a determination that his private life never become a matter of public record.Besides the recipients' copies there survive in the Adams Papers alternate versions of a great many of the letters exchanged by members of the family. These are ordinarily in the form of letterbook copies (“LbC's” in our editorial terminology). All three of the Adams statesmen kept letterbooks during most of their lives, though with more perfect fidelity during their periods of public service than at other times.15 On the eve of American independence John Adams bought two ledger-size blank books from a Philadelphia stationer and began keeping copies of his outgoing family letters in one and copies of his more general and official letters in the other. His letter to his wife of 2 June 1776 recites the benefits he hoped to obtain from this practice and adds that he will send her such a book if he can find a conveyance, “for I really think that your Letters are much better worth preserving than mine.” The children, he points out, will soon be able to do the tedious work of copying, “which will improve them at the same Time that it relieves you.”16 Except for one brief interval Mrs. Adams never brought herself to keep a letterbook, with or without her children's aid.17 Of the thousands of letters she wrote, some hundreds of the more important ones and especially those going long distances or overseas, do, however, survive in draft form. These she usually scribbled hastily on odd bits of paper and far too often failed to furnish with dates or even recipients' names; and they have therefore proved somewhat mixed blessings to the editors.18 John Adams was more persistent but far from ideally methodical. Gaps in his record of outgoing letters appear early and late; bored with paperwork, he occasionally xxixmade only skeleton or summary entries in his letterbooks; he sometimes used the same letterbook at different periods of his life and for different purposes, and sometimes kept several such books going at once without discernible distinction in their contents.
Serving from boyhood as his father's amanuensis (and thus establishing a pattern often followed in later generations), John Quincy Adams began his letterbooks earlier and slaved harder at them all through life than his father did. From Passy on 27 September 1778 he wrote his “Honoured Mamma” that upon advice from his father, who had given him “a Convenient Blank Book for this end,” he proposed to keep copies of his letters hereafter, although “a letter Book of a Lad of Eleven years old, Can not be expected to Contain much of Science, Litterature, arts, wisdom, or wit.”19 He was evidently not quite so good as his word because the earliest of his letterbooks now among the family papers dates from his sojourn in St. Petersburg, 1781–1782. With his appointment as American minister resident at The Hague in the spring of 1794 he began keeping separate “private” and “public” letterbooks, and the entries in them continue with relentless regularity until within a few days of his death.20 Charles Francis Adams' letterbooks begin in 1826, when he was nineteen, and extend to 1882. The editors have not yet closely analyzed these volumes, but they have a clear impression that although C. F. Adams was extremely conscientious in recording his letters relating to public affairs he was highly selective in making copies of his private letters, including those he wrote to members of his family.
Other gaps will be only partially supplied in the
Adams Family Correspondence
because some members of the Presidential line did not keep their papers or place them in the main family archives. Of the four children of John and Abigail Adams who grew to maturity, the papers of three have suffered various vicissitudes. Young Abigail married William Stephens Smith of New York in 1786 and had children. A daughter of theirs, Caroline Amelia Smith (Mrs. John Peter de Windt), published in the 1840's two small volumes contain-xxxing tantalizing extracts from her mother's journal and a thin selection of family letters.21 In 1862 a fire totally destroyed the de Windt homestead at Fishkill Landing on the Hudson (now Beacon, New York), and only fragments of the younger Abigail's once voluminous papers have turned up since.22 John Adams' letters to his second son, Charles, a long and valuable series written while Charles was studying law in the 1790's, were fortunately acquired by purchase for the Massachusetts Historical Society from a California descendant of Charles in 1948–1951.23 Other descendants of the same son own a large assemblage of family letters written over four generations; in 1936 they permitted the New York Public Library to make photostats of them, from which, with permission, microfilm copies were made for the present enterprise. On the other hand, the diaries kept and letters received by Judge Thomas Boylston Adams, the youngest of the brothers in that generation, evidently left the possession of his family not too long after Thomas' death, were dispersed through the autograph market, and now come to light, if they do so at all, singly or in twos and threes in private collections and public repositories in many parts of the country.
Since Abigail Adams was so erratic in keeping copies of her outgoing letters, it is pleasant to find that her letters to her sisters, who were among her most faithful correspondents, have survived with little attrition. Some 200 letters she addressed to her elder sister Mary (Mrs. Richard Cranch) between 1784 and 1811 were purchased in 1942 by the American Antiquarian Society from a Cranch descendant.24 A few years later the parallel series of Mrs. Adams' letters to her younger sister, Elizabeth (successively Mrs. John Shaw and Mrs. Stephen Peabody), was acquired by the Library of Congress as part of a larger collection of Shaw and related family papers.25 Since xxxiElizabeth's son, William Smith Shaw (known in Boston circles as “Athenaeum” Shaw), served as his uncle John Adams' private secretary during Adams' Presidency, the Library of Congress collection fills in other chinks in the family correspondence as well. One wishes that the papers of the Cranch family, interconnected with the Adamses in so many ways, had been as carefully kept together. The materials at the American Antiquarian Society, mentioned above, form the largest but only one of many remnants. Judge William Cranch, only son of Richard and Mary Cranch and from boyhood a close friend of his cousin John Quincy Adams, had thirteen children. From the present dispersion of Cranch manuscripts in public collections and private hands throughout the United States, it has sometimes seemed to the editors of
The Adams Papers
that each of the Judge's surviving children must have received a numerically proportionate share of the extensive papers he inherited and accumulated. That such divisions took place later, fractionalizing the papers still further, is known from the testimony of a Cranch descendant, who told one of the present editors that his mother, a grand daughter of William Cranch, had divided the papers that had come to her by dealing them out to her children round a table like playing cards. That particular distribution has been repaired (for the editors) by the cooperation of the children concerned in furnishing photocopies. Relevant materials in collections of Cranch papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society, the Albany Institute of History and Art, the Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities, and elsewhere have also been tracked down, duplicated, and brought under editorial control. As recently as December 1962 a group of nearly forty letters, mostly dating before 1800 and mostly Adams-Cranch exchanges, was presented to the Massachusetts Historical Society by Mrs. E. Emerson Evans of Framingham Center, Massachusetts, a descendant not only of Richard and Mary Cranch but also, through a de Windt who married a Cranch, of John and Abigail Adams.
These instances are more than enough to show that, while much once lost to sight has been recovered, the search for family letters must continue indefinitely into the future. The editors of
The Adams Papers
are as eager now as ever to hear of estrays, in ones, twos, and larger numbers, that have so far eluded them. They will be happy rather than distressed if from time to time they are obliged to add supplements to the present series, out of chronological order, for newly found letters that help to tell the story of the Adams family on two continents.
The earliest suggestion for publishing any part of the Adams family correspondence seems to have come from John Adams himself. In a letter of 1809 to his old friend Francis Adrian Van der Kemp he said:
It is a little remarkable that you never heard the Litterary Character of my Consort. There have been few Ladies in the World of a more correct or elegant Taste. A Collection of her Letters for the forty five Years that We have been married would be worth
tentimes more than Madame Sevignés, though not so perfectly measured in Syllables and Letters: and would or a[t] least ought to put to the Blush Lady Mary Wortly Montague and all her Admirers.26
This passing hint Van der Kemp did not forget, and a few years later, having meanwhile exchanged some letters himself with Mrs. Adams, he improved it by asking her husband for letters of hers that ought to be published. She answered this appeal herself: “You terify me my dear Sir when you ask for Letters of mine to publish!” She conceded that two or three letters she had written to Thomas Brand Hollis and one to her son John Quincy Adams had somehow or other made their way into print, but “those I beleive are all the mighty works which ever have or will by my consent appear before the public.”27 “A pretty figure I should make,” she remarked on this scheme to an intimate friend. “No. No.... Heedless and inaccurate as I am, I have too much vanity to risk my reputation before the public.”28
So the matter rested until John Quincy Adams retired from the Presidency in 1829 and gave some thought and labor to the family papers. But he never gave his heart to the task, and it fell to his son Charles Francis, who had both leisure and scholarly tastes, to sort the accumulations and try to decide what might best be done with them. His diary during the 1830's records in great detail his “methodizing” of the papers at the Old House in Quincy. “I feel unwilling,” he very sensibly wrote on 31 August 1833, “to leave them to take their chance again in old trunks and damp rooms”; and so he proceeded to arrange them for binding, to compile indexes, and to make copies of the more interesting letters and papers he en-xxxiiicountered.29 Gradually the idea of editing a collection of his grandmother's letters formed in his mind, and although delayed by ventures in political journalism and other literary projects, it resulted in the appearance, in September 1840, of Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams, consisting of an excellent biographical “Memoir” and 114 letters of Abigail Adams written between 1761 and 1814. The editor's justification for giving the world “materials for a history ... of feeling” rather than of “action” has been quoted above, but it was followed by an apology for an undertaking so “novel” that he thought it unlikely to succeed.30
He need not have worried. A second edition was required six weeks after first publication, a third in 1841, and a fourth in 1848. Each varied at least slightly from the others in content, for as an editor Adams was nothing if not fussy, adding and withdrawing letters and even passages within letters in the successive editions. As if at last fully assured that the public approved of what he was doing, he greatly enlarged the fourth edition, which contains 153 letters. In the meantime he had brought out a more or less matching selection of John Adams' letters to his wife, because, as he said in the preface, “a wish has been expressed by some persons to the Editor, that the mode and degree in which the affection and sensibility of the lady were returned should be shown.”31 This collection contains 301 letters dating from 1774 to 1801. About the same time, though we do not know exactly when, C. F. Adams projected a scheme for continuing the family correspondence into the second and even the third generation. Among his papers were found three bundles wrapped in brown paper containing transcripts on loose sheets, perhaps 1,500 pages in all, in his own hand and his wife's, of family letters from 1780 to 1843. In this sequence John Quincy Adams was to have been the central figure, represented by copious selections from his correspondence with his parents and from his letters to his wife (beginning during their courtship), to his brother Thomas Boylston, and to two of his sons (including C. F. Adams). But this plan came to nothing. Adams turned instead to the editing of John Adams' Works, published in ten volumes between 1850 and 1856 and including a long biography and extensive editorial apparatus. Family letters were rigorously excluded from the Works (except for a few inserted in the “Life”), though with a half-promise that these and other private letters of John Adams would be xxxivmade available at “a later period.”32 But for fifteen years thereafter the family editor was wholly occupied with politics and diplomacy. When the centennial of independence approached he had the happy inspiration of presenting both sides of John and Abigail Adams' correspondence during the Revolution in a single sequence between two covers.33 In the preface to this volume he noted that the earlier collections had become so scarce that he could not procure copies himself and that for the years concerned (1774–1783) he was adding to the new collection further letters hitherto unpublished.34
The volume of Familiar Letters was evidently printed in a large edition. It soon became a standard source for historians and eventually a minor literary classic. No other account of the Revolutionary struggle in personal terms has ever matched it, for here was a dialogue between two highly articulate and observant people who were not only thoroughly involved but strategically placed to see and hear what was going on. And since they were man and wife on terms of perfect understanding, there were no bars to complete freedom of communication except temporary and, for such correspondents, rather easily evaded official restrictions and the risks of the post. But, as we shall see, the editor's treatment of the texts did erect bars between the letters as they were originally written and the readers of the letters in printed form.
Charles Francis Adams' policies and practices in editing John Adams' Diary and Autobiography have been described and illustrated in the general introduction to
The Adams Papers
.35 His editing of his grandparents' correspondence exhibits the same virtues when compared with the work of other historical editors of his time and the same faults when judged by scholarly standards of our time.
With Adams' selection of letters for publication one perhaps has little right to quarrel. He had to make a limited choice among great riches, but he grew bolder, or at least more inclusive, as he proceeded from edition to edition between 1840 and 1876. For the period covered by the two volumes of family correspondence now published, December 1761—March 1778, he printed, in all, 235 letters exchanged between John and Abigail Adams. The present editors have found (and printed) 469, or almost exactly double the number xxxvhitherto published. Adams invariably omitted letters that according to 19th-century canons of taste were too revealingly intimate, for example all but a single one36 in the spirited courtship series of 1761–1764, and all of Abigail's letters reporting the progress of her pregnancy ending in the stillbirth of a daughter in July 1777. He excluded letters too graphically descriptive of diseases, for example nearly all of Abigail's accounts of the dysentery epidemic in Braintree in 1775,37 and most of those describing her and her children's prolonged and agonizing experience with smallpox inoculation in 1776, thereby rendering some passages in her husband's letters unintelligible. It has never been considered polite to discuss family finances in public, but C. F. Adams' reluctance to allow anything to reach print that touched even remotely on his grandparents' business interests amounted to a phobia, and deprived readers of what they would most like to know about the management of affairs in wartime. An example is Mrs. Adams' “Letter wholy Domestick” of 14 May 1776 dealing with weather and crops, the scarcity and wages of laborers, and the bills she has collected and paid.38 More understandably, perhaps, he could not bring himself to print letters that spoke caustically of the conduct of the Adamses' Braintree neighbors. One of Abigail Adams' greatest difficulties during the siege of Boston was finding room for friends and relatives among the hordes of refugees that spread over the countryside from the beleaguered city. It is hard to imagine a more typical episode of the war in New England than her dispute with old Mr. Hayden, a tenant in the farm cottage now known as the John Adams Birthplace, who for many months steadfastly refused to make room for anyone else in the house even though his sons (whose labor was supposed to contribute toward the rent) were away in the army. “In this Day of distress for our Boston Friends” Hayden flatly declared that “all the art of Man shall not stir him.... What not have a place to entertain his children in when they come to see him
In the letters that he did select for printing the family editor regularly excised passages, usually without any indication that he had done so, that treat matters of the kinds mentioned above and still others he thought either unimportant or indelicate. Abigail's expressions of endearment, sometimes verging on the sensual, were of course suppressed.40 Her informative letter of 13–14 July 1776, reporting her arrival with all the children at her Uncle Isaac Smith's in Boston for inoculation, was at length printed in Familiar Letters but with heavy excisions, among them both the cow driven in from Braintree to furnish the family with milk and the favorite mare lamed by an accident. “She was not with foal, as you immagined,” Mrs. Adams added in her businesslike way, “but I hope she is now as care has been taken in that Respect.”41 These were evidently not subjects for founding fathers and their wives to be discussing, especially in a book that might be read in family circles, and so along with much else about farming operations they were pruned away. So too were the details on the squalid condition of the Adamses' town house after the British troops left Boston.42 The extremity of editorial reticence was reached in the omission of a sentence in which John Adams said, after describing how the sulky he had borrowed for a trip to Congress was wrecked, that he would pay his father-in-law for the damage.43 Eating and drinking had taken on a certain grossness by the 1840's, and although John Adams seems seldom if ever to have overindulged in either, his casual allusions to these necessary and agreeable habits were subject to his grandson's vigilant censorship. A good example is the lopping off, perhaps in deference to the rising temperance movement, of John Adams' approving comments on Philadelphia porter, now that he was deprived of New England cider.44 Less easy to explain is C. F. Adams' suppression of much that a fond mother reported to an equally fond father about their children—their escapades, their prattle, the comfort they furnished her, and the trials they caused her. The editor must have thought these things too trifling for preservation, as perhaps they often were; and there was also the problem of converting the children's questions to “Mar” and their inquiries about “Par” into conventional English.
For like virtually all 19th-century editors, C. F. Adams corrected the spelling, grammar, and punctuation of the texts he printed according to the standards of his own time. Those standards were highly formal and without tolerance for archaisms and country idioms; interest in the history of the language seems hardly to have existed. The resultant editorial processing laundered out much that is both diverting and revealing in the family exchanges, especially in Abigail's letters, because her phonetic spelling and informal grammar preserve many local pronunciations and constructions that were the very essence of 18th-century Yankee speech. In C. F. Adams' texts her “otherways” becomes “otherwise,” her habitual “I arrived here a Monday” is corrected to “on Monday,” her “Canady” and “Frankling” are rendered conventionally, her “lay by” becomes “lie by,” and “a Letter wrote to you” becomes “a letter written to you.” Some of her spellings are, of course, uniquely her own, and the words they represent are not always recognizable at first glance, for example “Revere” (for reverie), “ridged
A device short of straight suppression that the family editor occasionally indulged in was the reduction of names to initials. A typical instance occurs in Abigail Adams' comments on “Mr. G——'s” queer taste in young lady friends, where, happily, it has now proved possible to identify not only the gentleman, whose full name is in the manuscript, but also the lady, whom Abigail did not name at all (and thereby mystified her husband).45
None of these small alterations and suppressions matters much individually, but their cumulative effect amounts to a remodeling of the writers themselves as they appear to posterity. It should be added at once, however, that C. F. Adams almost never resorted to the practice, unforgivable as it may seem to us but common enough in his time, of substituting different words for words that offended his sensibilities in the manuscripts. In the letters now printed the editors have found only a single example. This occurs in Mrs. Adams' vivid narrative of the Boston housewives' mobbing of a merchant who xxxviiirefused to sell them provisions at legal rates. “It was reported,” she wrote, “that he had a Spanking among them.”46 But in the five times that C. F. Adams printed this letter between 1840 and 1876 he rendered this sentence every time as follows: “It was reported that he had personal chastisement among them.”
During the lifetime of the first Charles Francis Adams only one further attempt was made, as far as the present editors know, to put other portions of the family correspondence into print. This was a venture of Henry Adams soon after his return from England with his family in 1868. From boyhood Henry had been strongly attracted by the figure of his grandmother, Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams, wife of the sixth President. An “exotic” he called her, because of her Southern blood and European upbringing, and his affectionate portrait of her in his Education is memorably vivid.47 In 1869 Henry undertook to edit a selection of Louisa Catherine Adams' reminiscences, fragmentary journals, and correspondence with her parents-in-law and her children. He told Charles Milnes Gaskell that the contemplated book might “grow to be three volumes if I have patience to toil.”48 But he had not the patience, or, rather, was drawn away by other projects, and his unfinished collection of transcripts reposes in the Houghton Library at Harvard.
Henry's next older brother, Charles Francis 2d, and his younger brother, Brooks, both later drew more or less extensively on the family correspondence, Charles Francis for his projected life of his father, and Brooks for a life of John Quincy Adams. But neither of these ambitious undertakings ever reached print.49 Meanwhile, in 1905, a family trust had been established for the preservation of the manuscripts (which had been placed in the locked Adams Room of the Massachusetts Historical Society), and in 1909 Worthington C. Ford was brought from the Library of Congress to serve as editor of the Society and given at least some of the powers of curator of the Adams xxxixPapers. He shortly projected his edition of John Quincy Adams' Writings, of which seven volumes (of twelve planned) appeared before the work was dropped as a casualty of wartime publishing conditions.50 Ford drew as freely as he liked on J. Q. Adams' letters to members of his family, but he included relatively few compared with the masses available, discreetly omitted much personal matter from those he did print, and presented only part of a single strand in the great network of family correspondence that developed during his subject's lifetime. Ford was so chary of personal documents and of intimate personal allusions that there is no mention of Louisa Catherine Johnson in the text of his volumes until five months after she had married J. Q. Adams in London in July 1797, although dozens of their courtship letters exist and many of the letters that Adams wrote his parents prior to his marriage of course deal with this interesting subject. The John Quincy Adams of Ford's Writings is a bloodless creature, a mere writing machine, and his wife, though in fact a highly articulate woman, is a wraith.
More satisfactory was a quite different venture of Ford's, the collection that he entitled A Cycle of Adams Letters, 1861–1865,51 containing the three-way correspondence among C. F. Adams, American minister in London, his son Henry, also in or about London, and C. F. Adams 2d, writing from American camps and battlefields. The collection would have been even richer if it could have included letters to and from the eldest son, J. Q. Adams 2d, who was at least as independent-minded as any other member of the family and as spirited a letter-writer.52 The Cycle remains, however, in spite of the floods of other material documenting the period subsequently printed, a superb and indispensable commentary on the conduct and diplomacy of the Civil War.
Ford's final service in putting the Adams family on record was his gathering and editing the letters of his friend Henry Adams. He began his inquiries among Henry's principal correspondents, including members of his family, immediately after Henry's death in 1918, and by 1920 could tell a fellow historian that he already had “enough to fill some five or six volumes, which would be an absurd contribu-xltion.”53 His purpose, he said in his preface, was to make Henry Adams “better and more humanly known than he can be from the detached examination of himself in the 'Education.'54 This the letters he presented were bound to do, and did, despite the editor's selectivity and discreet omissions within letters he printed. Young Henry Adams' mood in reporting contemporaneously his views and hopes and the events he witnessed and participated in could hardly have been more different from what someone has called the “sentimental nihilism” of his later years; and even the letters in Ford's second volume, covering the years 1892–1918, present a different face from the one so carefully modeled for posterity in the Education.55
Only a handful of Henry Adams' letters to his wife, Marian Hooper Adams, survived Adams' several holocausts of his private papers, and none of hers to him. But to compensate for these losses, Mrs. Adams' weekly epistolary reports to her father, Dr. Robert W. Hooper, during the thirteen years of her married life, do survive. When the late Ward Thoron (who married Louisa Hooper, a niece of Mrs. Henry Adams) published his admirable edition of The Letters of Mrs. Henry Adams, 1865–1883,56 he stated that the letters available to him covered only half of the intervals during which Marian Adams, being in Washington or traveling abroad, furnished her journal-letters to her father. The editor could only suppose that her “letters relating to the first two and the last two winters in Washington ... and those written between January and September, 1880, when she was still in Europe,” had, accidentally or otherwise, disappeared forever.57 But the only accident was the unintentional separation of Mrs. Adams' letters into two unequal halves after her husband's death. The larger half came into the possession of Henry Adams' Hooper nieces and comprised the materials published by Mr. Thoron. The missing smaller half, filling precisely the gaps enumerated, had made its way to the Adams Trust, and will amplify and greatly enliven the later volumes of the present series.58
Two other printed collections have already been mentioned in this xliintroduction. One is early, meager, and otherwise unsatisfactory, the Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams of 1841–1842, but we shall be in a degree dependent on it since it contains some materials that are irrecoverably lost.59 The other is recent and of substantial value, the late Stewart Mitchell's edition of New Letters of Abigail Adams, 1788–1801, based on the Cranch-Adams manuscripts in the American Antiquarian Society.60 Aside from a certain number of letters published singly and in small groups in both learned and popular journals, disregarded in the present survey, these complete the record of correspondence among members of the Adams family that has been put into type. With respect to both bulk and quality it is an impressive record. There have been numerous volumes wholly or partly devoted to Adams family letters, and the number of such letters hitherto printed must run to upwards of 1,500, perhaps as many as 2,000. But if compared with the uncounted total number of family letters surviving in manuscript and constituting the Adamses' unbroken chronicle of their affairs and their times, what is in print is a mere patchwork, a collection of fragments in which the gaps are more conspicuous than the pieces that have been supplied. Series II of
The Adams Papers
is designed to remedy this situation.
Series II of
The Adams Papers
, as has been said, will consist of letters exchanged by members of the Adams family in a single chronological sequence from 1761 through 1889. The letters will be principally those written to each other by members of the Presidential line, meaning John and Abigail Adams, their descendants during the following three generations, and the wives and husbands of those descendants through the year indicated.61 But other close relatives by blood and marriage will also be represented when surviving letters of theirs, to as well as from the Adamses and even between each other, appear worthy of inclusion. For example, in the volumes now xliiissued, letters of Abigail Adams' Smith, Cranch, Tufts, and Thaxter connections appear; later on, the Boylstons and Welshes of Boston, the Smiths of Long Island, the Johnsons of London, Maryland, and Washington, D.C., the Brookses of Medford and Boston, and other allied families will contribute to the family annals when they have contributions to make. And, finally, letters from and to the Adams wives and daughters to and from persons outside even this broad definition of the family will be printed in Series II when they deserve to be. Examples in these first two volumes are Abigail Adams' exchanges with Mercy Warren and James Lovell; her correspondence with Thomas Jefferson will duly appear in later volumes. The decision to include such non-family letters here was forced on the editors by there being no other place in
The Adams Papers
where they could go. But since the Adams ladies' correspondence outside as well as within the family circle mainly treats domestic themes, this arrangement is appropriate and even advantageous.
Not everything written by every Adams to any other Adams deserves perpetuation in print. Series II will therefore, unlike the statesmen's Diaries that comprise Series I of
The Adams Papers
, be selective. The first of the two volumes now published contains 266 letters over a period of fifteen years, but the 324 letters in the second volume span less than two years. By the mid-1790's the flow of family letters in all directions amounts to little less than 300 a year, and many of these, being John Quincy Adams' accounts of European wars and politics, are very long. There are slack periods later on, but anything approaching an all-inclusive publication of the family correspondence would run to a staggering number of volumes of the present size. Although we have not yet been able to survey in detail the materials available beyond the first decade of the 19th century, we believe that twenty volumes should be enough to present the full family orchestration. We are, at any rate, aiming at that number.
Our problem throughout will be how to stay within that number rather than how to attain it. In order to show the roots of the family in the granitic soil south of Boston, we have been rather more inclusive in these earliest volumes than we can be hereafter. Even exchanges between such principals as John and Abigail Adams, though up to this point included without exception, will from now on be judged, like all others, according to whether they add a real increment of fact or illumination to the story of the family and its times.
In selecting letters for inclusion the editors will allow the fact of earlier publication very limited weight. Every eligible letter will be xliiijudged first on its merits. If there is then a question whether or not it should be published in the present series, it may be rejected on the ground that it has already been published. If a reference to a previously published letter that we omit occurs in a letter that we include, the location of the original (if known) will be given, the previous printing will be cited, and, when apropos, a summary of the contents or relevant passages will be furnished.
The textual policy followed so far, and to be followed throughout the Belknap Press edition of
The Adams Papers
, is stated and explained in detail in the introduction to the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams.62 In moving from diary manuscripts, which are written in a single hand and exist in a single version, to manuscript letters, written in many hands and often surviving in more than one version, it is necessary to supplement that statement at several points.
Although the letters to be printed in the
Adams Family Correspondence
are selected from a much larger body of letters available, this edition will present only complete texts of the letters that it does print. This would in any case have been the wish and decision of the editors acting independently, since nothing is more frustrating to scholars (and we believe to most readers of every kind) than to be served up materials that have been editorially pruned and pared, whether for good reasons or bad. The point is that the reader, who has no means to judge, cannot tell whether the reasons for any given omission, or for all of them collectively, were valid or not—whether he is being spared trifles or deprived of revealing facts or expressions. In some circumstances and for some purposes, a trifle itself may be highly revealing. But this argument need not be pursued further here, since in presenting complete texts the editors are carrying out the sole injunction laid upon them by those representatives of the family who, as trustees of the Adams Manuscript Trust, made the Adams Papers available for publication in the first place. That injunction was that “if a document was selected for printing it should be printed whole and entire, no single word expunged.”63
One of the features giving the family correspondence an unusual dimension and a special charm is the exchanges between parents and young children and sometimes between the children themselves. In the children's letters here printed the editors have not applied even the minimal corrections for intelligibility that, by stated rules, they ordinarily apply to the letters of their elders, but have printed them as literally as type can render them.64
The formal parts of letters are handled as follows:
The place-and-date-line is printed as literally as possible (i.e. without expanding contractions, &c.), except that superscript letters are brought down to the normal type line and terminal punctuation is omitted. The place-and-date-line is always printed at the head of the letter even if in the manuscript it appears elsewhere (commonly at the foot of the text). Undated and misdated letters have their dates editorially supplied or corrected inside square brackets.
The salutation is also given as literally as possible, but superscripts are lowered to the line and terminal punctuation is omitted.
The complimentary close (or “leavetaking”) is also printed literally, but to save space it is set in run-on style continuous with the text. Contractions are retained, but superscripts are brought down to the line. A closing comma is supplied if it is absent but is called for by the sense.
The signature is printed literally except for superscripts, which are aligned, and, by rule, there is no closing punctuation. If a letter was unsigned (and this commonly happened during wartime and even at other times between intimate correspondents), it is so printed without comment unless for some special reason an explanation is required.
The recipients's name at foot of text (sometimes called a “subscription”) is normally omitted in our texts. In letterbook copies this may be the sole or principal means of identifying the recipient, but, if so, it is reflected in the editorially supplied caption.
Concerning the address, endorsement, postal markings, and the like, see below under Annotation.
Enclosures are always taken account of editorially, but are printed selectively. If they belong in the sequence of family correspondence, they appear in their proper chronological places; if not, and they warrant printing, they are attached to the letter that originally covered them.65
Whenever possible, the texts presented here are taken from recipients' copies (“RC's”), meaning those versions that went by the post or other means to those for whom they were intended. If the recipient's copy of a letter has not been found, the editors have resorted to a letterbook copy (“LbC”), if available, or (as frequently in the case of Abigail Adams) to a retained draft (“Dft”) as their basic text. In the preparation of any given text all the known manuscript and printed versions that have any claim to authority have been compared with each other. Small variations between them are disregarded, but conspicuous differences in language and content are editorially noted. Sometimes, especially in the case of John Adams, the variations between a letterbook copy (serving him as a draft) and the fair copy he made afterward were merely inadvertent, being careless omissions of words, phrases, or even sentences. Such omissions are restored in our printed texts, but sparingly and always with due indication to the reader. For an example of a revealing sentence apparently dropped unintentionally by John Adams when copying from his letterbook and only now restored after many printings of the text, see his first letter to Mrs. Adams of 3 July 1776.66 On the other hand, if the writer deliberately canceled or significantly altered matter in the letterbook version when preparing his fair copy for posting, the cancellations and alterations are recorded in footnotes. For such a canceled passage, mainly concerning John Hancock, which in the end the writer decided not to trust to the post, see John Adams to Abigail Adams, 18 August 1776;67 and for a letter rather heavily revised between its first and final form, see Adams' second letter to his wife of 3 July 1776.68 Collation of alternative versions often clarifies small snarls and ambiguities in spelling, grammar, punctuation, and paragraphing. In such cases the editors have not hesitated to adopt the more intelligible and likely reading and have usually done so silently. Small mutilations in the texts of recipients' copies (commonly resulting from careless sealing or opening of the originals) have also been silently rectified when a draft or letterbook version supplies what is wanting.
The text of every letter printed is immediately followed by a descriptive note, unnumbered and set full measure, which furnishes xlvithe following kinds of information (the first two kinds invariably when our text derives from a manuscript, the rest only when called for by the circumstances):
(1) The physical nature of the original from which our text derives, normally indicated by the symbols RC, LbC, Dft, &c. When no manuscript has been found, the descriptive note states that this is the case and cites the source from which we are reprinting our text.
(2) The location or ownership of the original, shown in coded form if the original is in a public repository in the United States; otherwise spelled out.69
(3) Address (or “direction”), postal markings, endorsement, and docketing memoranda.70 These are quoted in full if of consequence or interest but are summarized or merely mentioned if routine.
(4) Peculiarities of handwriting,71 mutilations of the text, unusual provenance, auction history, and like matters.
(5) All other versions that have been collated, with their locations. It should be emphasized here that the first version entered in the descriptive note is always the basic or master text from which the text printed here derives.
(6) Enclosures, if any, that are found with or called for in the letter. These are here identified and located so far as a reasonable effort has enabled the editors to do so. If they are of real pertinence, but not of sufficient importance to print in full, they may be summarized or partially quoted in the descriptive note.
Readers should note that previous printings of letters included in the
Adams Family Correspondence
are not recorded in the descriptive note (or elsewhere in our editorial apparatus) unless there are special reasons for doing so, such as the disappearance of the manuscript or earlier publication in an unexpected place or unusual form.
All other matters annotated—textual, biographical, bibliographical, &c.—are dealt with in a single series of numbered notes for each letter, set in double column following the descriptive note. The general principles of annotation set forth in the introduction to the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams
72 are meant to apply as well to the present series, but we should repeat here that many personal and place names erratically spelled in the texts of letters are regularized or “corrected” only in the indexes, which according to present plans will appear at the end of each published unit of the
Adams Family Correspondence
(i.e. in volumes 2, 4, 6, and so on).
The editors have taken particular pains in the notes to account for letters mentioned as sent and received by one correspondent when writing to another. Letters thus mentioned but not here printed are explicitly located if we have any record of them, while those mentioned of which we have no record are designated in the notes as “not found” or “missing.” The identification of such letters from the writers' casual allusions to them is often a treacherous business at best. This is especially true when Abigail Adams is in any way involved, for she habitually misremembered, miswrote, and misread dates whenever she was considerate enough to provide them at all. Within two months of Concord fight she spoke of “the never to be forgotten 14 of April”;73 and on two successive days in September 1776 she recorded the year at the head of one letter quite clearly as “1777” and at the head of another, just as clearly, “1774.”74 In a letter of 13–14 July 1776 she acknowledged to John Adams the receipt of a letter from him dated on the 4th, which would have been a notable letter indeed, but the editors are satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that he never wrote such a letter.75 These examples suggest some of the difficulties of reconstructing the complete record of family correspondence and accounting for the actual and apparent gaps in it.
Attention was drawn in the introduction to the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams to the need for systematic study and selective publication of the surviving records, both in the Adams Papers and in old court files, of John Adams' legal practice.76 While the present two volumes were in preparation, this proposal became a reality and has already been mentioned in this introduction.77 It has happily relieved the editors of the
Adams Family Correspondence
of xlviiithe need to deal, at least in any detail, with allusions to Adams' legal cases, and with a few exceptions antedating the
Legal Papers
project they have taken full advantage of this relief.
Relatively little further progress can be reported toward gaining effective control over the books owned by members of the Adams family or toward the compilation of a comprehensive bibliography of their publications, both of which would be boons to the editors. One gap, however, has been admirably filled by Mrs. Wendell D. Garrett in her annotated checklist of “The Published Writings of Proceedings now in the press.78 This will prove highly useful in annotating family letters from 1855 on, and the editors warmly wish that comparable checklists existed for the Adams publicists of earlier generations.
When the present two volumes were far advanced in proof, the editors were cheered by the prospect of effective help with one of their most difficult, ramified, and fascinating problems—the portraiture of the Adams family. A grant from the Charlotte Palmer Phillips Foundation, Inc., of New York City, will make it possible for us to get on with the work, too long at a standstill because other tasks were more pressing, of tracing, photographing, studying, and writing up the histories of the scores if not hundreds of likenesses of members of the family concerning which we have partial information or merely vague clues. At our request, though wholly as a volunteer, Mr. Andrew Oliver, author of Faces of a Family,79 has undertaken to rationalize the materials so far collected and to plan and take further steps. As we advance with both the correspondence and the diaries of the Adams family, hardly a single member of which was so indifferent to worldly fame as not to leave likenesses of himself, a full and authoritative record of their portraits will become more feasible to compile and more essential to good editing. Mr. Charles Coleman Sellers' recent Benjamin Franklin in Portraiture
80 is an inspiring example of how written and painted or sculptured evidence go hand in hand in the interpretation of both character and the impact of character upon an age.
For a table of the members of the family in the Presidential line principally concerned, see p. liv–lv, below.
Series I of the Belknap Press edition of
The Adams Papers
comprises the Diaries, of which the first segment was published as the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, edited by L. H. Butterfield and others, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1961, and the next segment will begin with the first volumes of the Diary of Charles Francis Adams, edited by David and Aïda DiPace Donald, now in the press. Series III is reserved for the General Correspondence and Other Papers of the three Adams statesmen and will, like Series I, consist of three parts, one each for John, John Quincy, and Charles Francis Adams. The first volumes of Series III, the Legal Papers of John Adams, are scheduled for publication in 1964, under the editorship of L. Kinvin Wroth and Hiller B. Zobel, with Professor Mark DeWolfe Howe serving as consulting editor, under a grant from the William Nelson Cromwell Foundation to the Harvard Law School.
The over-all plan of publication of
The Adams Papers
is more fully set forth in the introduction to the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 1:xxxvii–xli. The editors intended to make clear in that statement, but did not say as explicitly as they should have, that since the precise number of volumes in any single series or part that was to follow could not be predicted, and since work on more than one part is going on simultaneously, there could and will be no continuous volume numbering for
The Adams Papers
as a whole. They therefore take the present opportunity to point out, with emphasis, that scholarly references to the Belknap Press edition should be to particular units therein (such as John Adams' Diary and Autobiography
, his Legal Papers, or the
Adams Family Correspondence
) rather than to
The Adams Papers
, which is a collective name for an editorial enterprise that includes several sets of books, each with its own volume numbering and indexes and each intended to stand as a unit by itself, though of course related to the other parts of the work as a whole.
John Langdon Sibley, Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, Cambridge, 1873–1885, 2:394–396; John Coolidge, “Hingham Builds a Meetinghouse,” New England Quarterly, 34:435–461 (December 1961). John Norton contributed a moving “Funeral Elogy” to the edition of Anne Bradstreet's Several Poems published at Boston in this same year 1678, and it has been suggested that he may have edited that notable volume of early American poetry; see Perry Miller and Thomas H. Johnson, eds., The Puritans, New York, &c., 1938, p. 580 and references there, and, at p. 583–585, the text of Norton's “Elogy,” which contains the remarkable lines:
There is a question, however, concerning the date of this bill, which lists the items as purchased in 1748. Martha Salisbury Quincy died early in that year.
To John Quincy Adams, 7 November 1815 (Adams Papers).
To Elkanah Watson, 14 April 1819 (New York Public Library).
Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams, Boston, 1840, p. xxii–xxiii.
To George Washington Adams and John Adams 2d, 3 May 1815 (Adams Papers).
In condensed form in the introduction to John Adams' Diary and Autobiography, 1:xxiii–xxxiv, and more fully in L. H. Butterfield, “The Papers of the Adams Family: Some Account of Their History,” Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, 71 (1953–1957): 328–356.
The microfilm edition, in 608 reels, is a publication of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, 1954–1959. Part IV includes Reel Nos. 343–608, of which the last seven reels are supplements of various sorts.
See Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 1:xxxiv–xxxv.
See John Quincy Adams 2d to Charles Francis Adams, 5 February 1867 (Adams Papers). All three brothers, however, made exceptions for family letters. John Quincy Adams 2d's exchanges with his father survive intact and in 1955 were presented to the Adams Papers by his daughter, Mrs. Robert Homans. Some years earlier both sides of Henry and Brooks Adams' correspondence had been given by Mrs. Homans to the Houghton Library at Harvard.
See, for example, his Diary (Adams Papers), 30 December 1844, and numerous entries in the summer of 1848 after his father's death earlier that year.
7 September 1852, letterbook copy (Adams Papers). Elizabeth Peabody Mann was a great-granddaughter of General Joseph and Mary Cranch Palmer, whose home, “Friendship Hall,” in the Germantown district of Braintree, was a social center much resorted to by young Adamses, Cranches, and Smiths before the Revolution. One of Mrs. Mann's sisters was Sophia, wife of Nathaniel Hawthorne. It was after looking through an assemblage of General Palmer's papers before their subsequent wide dispersal that Hawthorne wrote the most evocative description of the appeal of historical manuscripts ever put down on paper. See his essay entitled “A Book of Autographs,” first published in the Democratic Review, 15:454–461 (November 1844).
See note 48, below. Surviving fragments of Louisa Catherine Adams' papers, essentially a collection of souvenir autographs, together with Adams family china, costumes, portraits, and other memorabilia, were presented by descendants to the Smithsonian Institution in 1950. See its publication, The Opening of the Adams-Clement Collection..., Washington [1951].
The Letterbooks of John, John Quincy, and Charles Francis Adams comprise Part II of the Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel Nos. 89–179. There are about 21,000 entries in the entire run.
Printed at vol. 2:3–4, below; see the descriptive note there; also John Adams to Isaac Smith Sr., 1 June 1776, and descriptive note, 2:1–2, below. Note the implication in his letter to Mrs. Adams that one first drafts one's letters in a letterbook and afterward copies them fair (or has them copied by another hand) for posting. This was more often than not John Adams' practice, though every pattern will be found in his and his son's and his grandson's letterbooks.
About a dozen copies of her letters to her husband, her oldest son, and other correspondents, November 1779–December 1780, will be found in a volume included in the John Adams series of letterbooks (Lb/JA/9, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 97).
Abigail Adams' drafts, found as a bundle wrapped in brown paper in the Adams Papers, have now, like other unbound materials, been interfiled and filmed in the chronological series of “Letters Received and Other Loose Papers.”
Note, however, the following self-reproach in Adams' Diary (Adams Papers) under date of 23 February 1813, in St. Petersburg:
“This morning I finished making the Index to my private letter Book, containing my private letters from October 1801, on my return from my first public missions to Europe, untill March 1812. During the eight years that I was in America, my correspondence was inconsiderable, and I kept copies, only of a small portion of the letters that I wrote. 65 pages comprize the correspondence of almost seven years. There are a number of letters, of which I now wish I had kept copies; but as they were chiefly to my father, mother and brother I may hereafter have access to them again.”
Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, Daughter of John Adams, New York and London, 1841–1842.
Mostly in a small but valuable collection of de Windt family papers presented by Heyliger de Windt to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1938. Selections were edited by the late Allyn B. Forbes and printed under the title “Abigail Adams, Commentator,” in the Society's Proceedings, 66 (1936–1941): 126–153.
The late
Among them are some addressed to Mrs. Adams' niece, Lucy Cranch. Those to Mrs. Cranch dating from 1788 to 1801, being the larger part of the collection, were edited by Stewart Mitchell and published in the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 55 (1947):95–232, 299–444; also in a trade edition as New Letters of Abigail Adams, 1788–1801, Boston, 1947.
See Dorothy S. Eaton, “Some Letters of Abigail Adams,” Library of Congress, Quarterly Journal of Acquisitions, 4:3–6 (August 1947).
15 December 1809 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania).
From a draft dated only “1818” (Adams Papers), but probably written in January of that year.
Letter quoted and cited by Charles Francis Adams as “to a female friend” (probably Harriet Welsh), 24 January 1818 (Letters of Mrs. Adams, 1840, p. lxi); this letter has not been found by the present editors.
A volume of transcripts he made that summer, with his wife's help, is in the Adams Papers with the shelfmark M/CFA/31 (Microfilms, Reel No. 327).
Letters of Mrs. Adams, 1840, p. xxvi.
Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife, Boston, 1841, 1:v.
Editorial note in John Adams' Works, 9:331.
Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, during the Revolution, New York and Cambridge, 1876 (copyright 1875).
About fifty “new” letters were inserted, more than two-thirds of them Abigail's.
Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 1:xxvii–xxx, xlvii–lii.
Abigail Adams to John Adams, 16 April 1764 (p. 32, below).
He did, however, insert a few not too harrowing extracts from these in his “Memoir” of his grandmother; see the 1848 edition of her Letters, p. xxxv–xxxvii.
P. 407–408, below. Another example is her letter about renting the Adamses' house in Boston, 26 March 1777 (2:186–188, below).
Her first and principal letter about the dispute with Hayden is dated 12 July 1775; but the issue was recurrent and was not settled until the spring of 1778, when she capitulated and “hired him to remove” (p. 243–245, below).
An example is noted in her first letter to John Adams of 29 August 1776 (2:112–113, below).
2:45–47, below.
See Abigail Adams to John Adams, 20 September 1776 (2:128–129, below).
To Abigail Adams, 8 May 1775 (p. 195, below).
To Abigail Adams, 29 September 1774 (p. 164, below).
See Abigail Adams' second letter to John Adams of 14 August 1776 (2:94–95, below).
To John Adams, 30–31 July 1777 (2:295, below).
The Education of Henry Adams, Boston, 1918, p. 16–19.
Letters of Henry Adams, ed. Worthington C. Ford, Boston and New York, 1930–1938, 1:156–157; see also p.154. C. F. Adams encouraged Henry in this undertaking but warned him, “I have been carefully over my mother's papers since my return, and have reduced their volume very essentially, perhaps rather too much for your purpose” (24 March 1869, Adams Papers).
On the project for a multivolume documentary life of the first Charles Francis Adams, see “The Papers of the Adams Family” (as cited in note 8, above), p. 347. An abridgment, of sorts, of Brooks Adams' life of his grandfather was prefixed to Brooks' edition of his brother Henry's Degradation of the Democratic Dogma, New York, 1920, under the title of “The Heritage of Henry Adams.”
The seven volumes published, New York, 1913–1917, cover the years 1779–1823.
Boston and New York, 2 vols., 1920.
These were evidently withheld from Ford at the time but have since come into the Adams Papers and will be used in the present series; see note 11, above. Some use of them has been made in an illuminating article by Robert Mirak, “John Quincy Adams, Jr., and the Reconstruction Crisis,” New England Quarterly, 35:187–202 (June 1962).
To Frederic Bancroft, 12 May 1920 (Massachusetts Historical Society, Society Correspondence).
1:vi.
Less than ten years after the second volume appeared, Harold Dean Cater brought out some hundreds of further letters in his Henry Adams and His Friends: A Collection of His Unpublished Letters, Boston, 1947, but almost none of these that date before 1890 are family letters.
Boston, 1936.
Preface, p. vii.
In 1955 Mrs. Thoron and her sisters presented to the Massachusetts Historical Society the originals of the letters in the published collection, in the editing of which Mrs. Thoron had assisted.
The terminus chosen, because Abigail Brooks Adams, last of the third generation in the Presidential line, died in 1889, cuts across the fourth generation in middle life; but, as has been elsewhere explained, three of the sons of Charles Francis and Abigail Brooks Adams have received or are receiving intensive scholarly attention from other hands. Their papers from 1890 on, which are not included in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers, are available in the Massachusetts Historical Society for use without restriction, in the collection designated as Adams Papers, Fourth Generation.
See that work, 1:lv–lix, and see also the table of “Textual Devices” in the Guide to Editorial Apparatus, p. liv, below.
Remarks of Thomas B. Adams, president of the Massachusetts Historical Society and trustee of the (now expired) Adams Manuscript Trust, in The Adams Papers: A Ceremony Held at the Massachusetts Historical Society on September 22, 1961..., Boston, 1962, p. 5. Accordingly, the only “omission” from the text of a letter printed in the volumes now published is a four-thousand-word discourse on wage and price fluctuation copied from a volume by Lord Kames in John Adams' second letter to his wife of 6 April 1777; see 2:201–202, below. We are reasonably sure that this omission comes within the spirit if not the letter of the family's injunction.
An example is John Quincy Adams' letter to his father, 23 March 1777 (2:186, below).
Examples: Mrs. Warren's poem on the Boston Tea Party, enclosed in her letter to Abigail Adams, 27 February 1774 (p. 100–103, below); John Hancock to John Adams, 16 July 1776, enclosed in Adams' letter to his wife of the same date (2:51, below).
“I am not without Apprehensions from this Quarter” (i.e. from “the People”) (2:28, below).
2:99–100, below.
2:29–31, below.
See the list of “Location Symbols,” p. lvi–lvii, below.
As used in
The Adams Papers
, an endorsement is a notation (normally by the addressee but sometimes by a clerk or other person standing in the place of the addressee) at or near the time of receipt. A docketing, on the other hand, is a notation (usually but not invariably by someone other than the addressee) at a later date, as in sorting or filing letters. Thus any given letter may bear both an endorsement and one or more docketings, and we have indicated such cases when they occur, as we have indicated variations from the standard patterns here described. But we should point out: (1) that the distinction between an endorsement and a docketing, while ordinarily clear, is not always so, because the notations may be so brief as to give little clue to the handwriting; and (2) that in the early stages of editing we did not rigorously apply the distinction stated above, and so, although a number of corrections have been made, some imprecise and possibly inconsistent language in the descriptive notes on the earlier letters in this volume may have escaped us.
Such as clerical hands, multiple composition, and the like.
In that work at 1:lx–lxii.
To John Adams,
See her letters to John Adams of 20 and 21 September 1776 (2:127, 129, below).
Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 1:lxii.
See p. xix, note 1, above.
Proceedings, 72 (1957–1960): 238–293.
Privately printed, 1960.
New Haven and London, 1962.
The list of acknowledgments in the first published volume of
The Adams Papers
(see Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 1:lxxv–lxxix), though long, was, for reasons stated there, not complete; and the same will have to be said of its continuation here at the beginning of the
Adams Family Correspondence
. It should be assumed that all of the general acknowledgments set forth there apply here as well. The Administrative Board and the Editorial Advisory Committee, the latter now usefully enlarged, have continued their benevolent functions. Time, Inc., on behalf of Life, has continued to furnish editorial funds. The Adams family has furthered the enterprise in practical ways by turning over to it additional fugitive materials and the funds of the Adams Memorial Society. The John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation fellowship held by the editor in chief has aided him in procuring further materials in European repositories. Harvard University Press and the Harvard University Printing Office have maintained their high standards of professional and technical competence and their resourceful and patient understanding of both the problems of the copy and the problems of the editors.
At the ceremony marking the publication in September 1961 of the first four volumes of the Belknap Press edition, Mr. Thomas J. Wilson, director of the Harvard University Press, said only a few words, but they were so telling that they must be quoted here:
I have been a publisher for thirty-one years. If I am remembered I should like to be remembered as the man who realized that
The Adams Papers
must have a uniform, dignified letterpress edition—that they must not be dispersed, volume by volume, among many publishers, with consequent changes of emphasis and format, and necessary loss of public impact and historical influence. I am proud to say that my colleagues in the Press and the governing boards to which I am responsible shared my feeling.
The Massachusetts Historical Society has continued to house both the Adams Papers and the staff working on them, and to provide them with supporting materials that could not possibly be duplicated anywhere else in the world. In addition the editors are especially grateful to those members of the Society's Publications Committee—Messrs. Malcolm Freiberg, Robert E. Moody, Stephen T. Riley, and Clifford K. Shipton—for their care in reading galley proofs and the improvements that have resulted therefrom; and to Mr. Shipton, Sibley editor of the Society, for the privilege of reading and levying on the twelfth volume of his Sibley's Harvard Graduates while it was still in galley proof.
The expert staff of the National Historical Publications Commission, under its new executive director, Dr. Oliver W. Holmes, has continued its identification and photoduplication of Adams material in the inexhaustible repositories in Washington, and has aided us, as it has numerous other large-scale documentary enterprises throughout the nation, in countless other ways. The Commission is a living demonstration of Governor William Bradford's maxim that “one small candle may light a thousand,” and it is to be hoped that growing recognition of its essential services to scholarship will win for it the larger public and private support that it is now seeking and that it so manifestly requires and deserves.
In starting this new series of
The Adams Papers
, the editors would be ungracious if they did not express their gratitude to the small army of reviewers who so warmly commended the earlier volumes to readers, offered new insights into John Adams' character and career, and confirmed the editors' belief that as a diarist John Adams is immortal.
The editors are also grateful to Mr. Lucius Wilmerding Jr., of Princeton, New Jersey, for pointing out to them a serious mistake in their interpretation of John Adams' memoranda on measures taken up in the first Continental Congress, September–October 1774 (Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, 2:145–146). The measures listed were by no means wholly Adams' own, but embodied proposals by Joseph Galloway, James Duane, and perhaps others. The editors plan to furnish a detailed correction of their notes on these memoranda at the earliest opportunity.
In these volumes, as in the earlier ones, the courtesy of institutional and private owners of original manuscripts and illustrative materials that we have made use of is indicated in the respective places liwhere those manuscripts and other materials are printed or described. Our collective thanks must be tendered to them here in this brief and inadequate manner.
In editing the family letters we have drawn on the resources of a great many institutions, both nearby and at a distance. They would make so formidable a list that they cannot be named here. But a special word must be said about our almost daily use of the Boston Athenaeum. That unique institution, from one point of view a relic and type of an age that has passed but, as we see it, an indispensable servant of modern scholarship, has not only substantial holdings of books written and owned by the Adamses but an almost uncanny number of the books and pamphlets, in whatever languages, the Adamses allude to in their letters and diaries. This is perhaps not surprising when one reflects that the Athenaeum is the product of the same culture that produced the Adamses themselves and that members of the family have held shares, have read, and have written in the Athenaeum from its founding to the present day. At one time the private library of John Quincy Adams actually constituted a substantial part of the Athenaeum's holdings, and after J. Q. Adams' death Charles Francis presented his father's pamphlet collection to that institution, amounting to between six and seven thousand pieces. (C. F. Adams later availed himself of a shareholder's privilege in grumbling that the library did not stay open late enough for him to get his work done there.) But what is more than all this, thanks to its vigilant and courteous staff, both the books and the information one seeks at the Athenaeum are marvelously and promptly accessible to the seeker. It has, in consequence, been a right hand to the Adams enterprise, and we take this opportunity to salute its present director, Mr. Walter Muir Whitehill, and his staff, especially Mrs. Wendell D. Garrett, Miss Margaret Hackett, and Mr. David M. K. McKibbin, together with all their predecessors, who built, if not better than they knew, certainly better than others knew.
Quite as indispensable to us have been the holdings and services of the Rare Book Room of the Boston Public Library under its new keeper, Mr. John Alden, who has in his care, among other treasures, the 3,000 or so surviving volumes of John Adams' noble library.
Other specialists whose knowledge and help in particular fields or on particular problems have facilitated the editing of the volumes now published include the following:
On the local history and antiquities of Boston and its South Shore where Adamses lived from the 1630's to the 1920's: Mr. Abbott L. liiCummings, Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities; Mr. William C. Edwards, City Historian of Quincy; Mrs. Frank E. Harris, National Park Service; Mr. H. Hobart Holly, Quincy Historical Society; Mr. Walter Muir Whitehill, Boston Athenaeum.
On Philadelphia antiquities and biography and on Pennsylvania local history generally: Mr. Whitfield J. Bell Jr., American Philosophical Society; Miss Lois V. Given, Historical Society of Pennsylvania; Bishop Kenneth G. Hamilton, Archives of the Moravian Church, Bethlehem; Mrs. F. Spencer Roach, Philadelphia; Mr. Willman Spawn, American Philosophical Society; Mr. Nicholas B. Wainwright, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.
On the topography of the Chesapeake Bay region, Professor John A. Munroe, University of Delaware.
On the pamphlet literature of the American Revolution: Mr. Thomas R. Adams, John Carter Brown Library, Brown University.
On English literature of the 18th century: Professor John M. Bullitt, Harvard University.
On 18th-century milling: Mr. Walter J. Heacock, The Hagley Museum, Greenville, Delaware; Mr. Peter C. Welsh, Smithsonian Institution.
On Harvard graduates not yet embraced in Mr. Shipton's magisterial Sibley's Harvard Graduates: Mr. Kimball C. Elkins, Harvard University Archives.
On matters relating to the Library of Congress manuscript collections: Mrs. Dorothy S. Eaton, Mr. C. Carroll Hollis, Mr. David C. Mearns, all of the Manuscript Division, Library of Congress.
On matters relating to illustrations: Mr. E. Harold Hugo, Meriden Gravure Company, Meriden, Connecticut.
On the relationship of the Smiths of Charlestown and Weymouth, Massachusetts, and the Smiths of Charleston, South Carolina, and Cape Fear, North Carolina—the most vexatious genealogical problem the editors have yet encountered: Mr. H. G. Jones, Archivist of North Carolina; Mr. Donald Ray Lennon, East Carolina College, North Carolina; Mrs. Ida B. Kellam, Wilmington, North Carolina.
On a long-lost and now recovered manuscript of John Adams' Thoughts on Government (1776): Mr. H. G. Jones again; Dr. Carolyn A. Wallace, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina.
Other friends of the enterprise and of the editors have kindly read and criticized, to its advantage, the introduction to the
Adams Family Correspondence
, namely Professor Julian P. Boyd, editor of The
liii
Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Princeton University, to whom all historical editors still go to school; Mrs. Elizabeth E. Butterfield; Mr. Andrew Oliver; and Mrs. Thomas J. Wilson.
The staff that has prepared, edited, and seen through the press these first two volumes of
Adams Family Correspondence
has been small, devoted, and happily unvarying. Mr. Garrett, assistant editor from May 1960, in addition to preparing preliminary text copy and materials for the annotation, has been primarily responsible for the illustrations and the index. His new title of associate editor accurately reflects his larger role in the enterprise. In the fall of 1961, just as the Diary and Autobiography of John Adams was about to be published, Miss Marjorie E. Sprague joined the staff as secretary. In the year and a half since, she has taken on increasingly varied and responsible tasks, including the heaviest share of proofreading, and has fully earned her place on the titlepages of these volumes. For some weeks during the summer of 1962 Miss Gay Little served the Adams Papers as an editorial assistant.
The following devices will be used throughout
The Adams Papers
to clarify the presentation of the text.
| [...], [....] | One or two words missing and not conjecturable. |
[...]1, [....]1
|
More than two words missing and not conjecturable; subjoined footnote estimates amount of missing matter. |
| [ ] | Number or part of a number missing or illegible. Amount of blank space inside brackets approximates the number of missing or illegible digits. |
| [roman] | Conjectural reading for missing or illegible matter. A question mark is inserted before the closing bracket if the conjectural reading is seriously doubtful. |
<italic> |
Matter canceled in the manuscript but restored in our text. |
[italic] |
Editorial insertion in the text. |
In dealing with an assemblage of papers extending over several generations and written by so many members of a family who often bore the same or similar names, the editors have been obliged to devise short but unmistakable forms for the names of the persons principally concerned. They could not be forever adding dates and epithets to distinguish between the two or more Abigails, Charles Francises, Johns, John Quincys, and Louisa Catherines in the family. The following table lists the short forms that will be used in the annotation throughout
The Adams Papers
, together with their full equivalents and identifying dates. It includes the principal writing members of the “Presidential line” of the Adamses and certain others in that line (and their husbands and wives) who either appear frequently in the family story or have been important in the history of the family papers. Users should bear in mind that this table is highly selective, being a mere epitome of the Adams Genealogy accompanying the
Adams Family Correspondence
(see p. lvii, below).
First Generation
|
|
|---|---|
| JA | John Adams (1735–1826) |
| AA | Abigail Smith (1744–1818), m.
JA 1764 |
Second Generation
|
|
| JQA | John Quincy Adams (1767–1848), son of JA and AA |
| LCA | Louisa Catherine Johnson (1775–1852), m.
JQA 1797 |
| lv | |
| CA | Charles Adams (1770–1800), son of JA and AA |
| Mrs. CA | Sarah Smith (1769–1828), sister of WSS, m.
CA 1795 |
| TBA | Thomas Boylston Adams (1772–1832), son of JA and AA |
| Mrs. TBA | Ann Harrod (1774–1846), m.
TBA 1805 |
| AA2 | Abigail Adams (1765–1813), daughter of JA and AA, m.
WSS 1786 |
| WSS | William Stephens Smith (1755–1816), brother of Mrs. CA |
Third Generation
|
|
| GWA | George Washington Adams (1801–1829), son of JQA and LCA |
| JA2 | John Adams (1803–1834), son of JQA and LCA |
| Mrs. JA2 | Mary Catherine Hellen (1807–1870), m.
JA2 1828 |
| CFA | Charles Francis Adams (1807–1886), son of JQA and LCA |
| ABA | Abigail Brown Brooks (1808–1889), m.
CFA 1829 |
| ECA | Elizabeth Coombs Adams (1808–1903), daughter of TBA and Mrs. TBA |
Fourth Generation
|
|
| JQA2 | John Quincy Adams (1833–1894), son of CFA and ABA |
| CFA2 | Charles Francis Adams (1835–1915), son of CFA and ABA |
| HA | Henry Adams (1838–1918), son of CFA and ABA |
| MHA | Marian Hooper (1842–1885), m.
HA 1872 |
| BA | Brooks Adams (1848–1927), son of CFA and ABA |
| LCA2 | Louisa Catherine Adams (1831–1870), daughter of CFA and ABA, m. Charles Kuhn 1854 |
| MA | Mary Adams (1845–1928), daughter of CFA and ABA, m. Henry Parker Quincy 1877 |
Fifth Generation
|
|
| CFA3 | Charles Francis Adams (1866–1954), son of JQA2 |
| HA2 | Henry Adams (1875–1951), son of CFA2 |
The following symbols will be employed throughout
The Adams Papers
to describe or identify in brief form the various kinds of manuscript originals.
| D | Diary (Used only to designate a diary written by a member of the Adams family and always in combination with the short form of the writer's name and a serial number, as follows: D/JA/23, i.e. the twenty-third fascicle or volume of John Adams' manuscript Diary.) |
| Dft | draft |
| Dupl | duplicate |
| FC | file copy (Ordinarily a copy of a letter retained by a correspondent other than an Adams, for example Jefferson's press copies and polygraph copies, since all three of the Adams statesmen systematically entered copies of their outgoing letters in letter-books.) |
| lvi | |
| Lb | Letterbook (Used only to designate Adams letterbooks and always in combination with the short form of the writer's name and a serial number, as follows: Lb/JQA/29, i.e. the twenty-ninth volume of John Quincy Adams' Letterbooks.) |
| LbC | letterbook copy (Letterbook copies are normally unsigned, but any such copy is assumed to be in the hand of the person responsible for the text unless it is otherwise described.) |
| M | Miscellany (Used only to designate materials in the section of the Adams Papers known as the “Miscellany” and always in combination with the short form of the writer's name and a serial number, as follows: M/CFA/32, i.e. the thirty-second volume of the Charles Francis Adams Miscellany—a ledger volume mainly containing transcripts made by CFA in 1833 of selections from the family papers.) |
| MS, MSS | manuscript, manuscripts |
| RC | recipient's copy (A recipient's copy is assumed to be in the hand of the signer unless it is otherwise described.) |
| Tr | transcript (A copy, handwritten or typewritten, made substantially later than the original or than other copies such as duplicates, file copies, letterbook copies that were made contemporaneously.) |
| Tripl | triplicate |
The originals of most of the letters and other manuscript documents to be printed, quoted, and cited in this edition are in the Adams Papers in the Massachusetts Historical Society. But the originals of the Adamses' outgoing letters and dispatches and of many other papers by them, not to mention papers pertaining to them, are preserved in numerous public and private archives and collections in this country and elsewhere. Locations of documents privately owned and of documents in public institutions outside the United States are to be given in expanded or at least completely recognizable form. Locations of documents held by public institutions in the United States are to be indicated by the short, logical, and unmistakable institutional symbols used in the National Union Catalog in the Library of Congress, of which a published listing is available and which do not vary significantly from the library location symbols in the familiar Union List of Serials. (For a brief explanation of how these symbols are formed, see the headnote to the list of Location Symbols in The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– , 1:xl.)
The following list gives the symbols and their expanded equivalents for institutions in the United States owning originals drawn upon in the present volume. A similar listing, appropriate to the volume concerned, will appear in the Guide to Editorial Apparatus prefixed to each succeeding volume of the
Adams Family Correspondence
.
| CCamarSJ | St. John's Seminary, Camarillo, California |
| CSmH | Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery |
| DLC | Library of Congress |
| DNA | The National Archives |
| DeU | University of Delaware |
| M-Ar | Massachusetts Archives |
| MB | Boston Public Library |
| MH | Harvard College Library |
| MHi | Massachusetts Historical Society |
| MQA | Adams National Historic Site, Quincy, Massachusetts |
| MeHi | Maine Historical Society |
| MiU-C | William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan |
| NAlI | Albany Institute of History and Art |
| NHi | New-York Historical Society |
| NN | New York Public Library |
| NNPM | Pierpont Morgan Library |
| Nc-Ar | North Carolina Department of Archives and History |
| NhHi | New Hampshire Historical Society |
| NjP | Princeton University Library |
| PHC | Haverford College Library |
| PHi | Historical Society of Pennsylvania |
- A set of genealogical charts and a concise biographical register of the Adams family in the Presidential line and of closely connected families from the 17th through the 19th century. The Adams Genealogy is now (1963) in preparation and will shortly be issued in preliminary form to accompany the
Adams Family Correspondence. An enlarged and corrected version of this editorial aid will, it is hoped, be published with, or as part of, the last volume of the present series. - Manuscripts and other materials, 1639–1889, in the Adams Manuscript Trust collection given to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1956 and enlarged by a few additions of family papers since then. Citations in the present edition are simply by date of the original document if the original is in the main chronological series of the Papers and therefore readily found in the microfilm edition of the Adams Papers (see below). The location of materials in the Letterbooks and the Miscellany is given more fully, and often, if the original would be hard to locate, by the microfilm reel number.
- Other materials in the Adams Papers editorial office, Massachusetts Historical Society. These include photoduplicated documents (normally cited by the location of the originals), photographs, correspondence, and bibliographical and other aids compiled and accumulated by the editorial staff. lviii
- Adams manuscripts dating 1890 or later, now separated from the Trust collection and administered by the Massachusetts Historical Society on the same footing with its other manuscript collections.
- The corpus of the Adams Papers, 1639–1889, as published on microfilm by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1954–1959, in 608 reels. Cited in the present work, when necessary, by reel number. Available in research libraries throughout the United States and in a few libraries in Europe.
- The present edition in letterpress, published by The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. References between volumes of any given unit will take this form: vol. 3:171. Since there will be no over-all volume numbering for the edition, references from one series, or unit of a series, to another will be by title, volume, and page; for example, JQA,
Papers, 4:205. (For the same reason, references by scholars citing this edition should not be toThe Adams Papersas a whole but to the particular series or subseries concerned; for example, John Adams,Diary and Autobiography, 3:145;Adams Family Correspondence, 6:167.) - Papers of the Continental Congress. Originals in the National Archives; microfilm edition, completed in 1961, in 204 reels. Usually cited in the present work from the microfilms, but according to the original series and volume numbering devised in the State Department in the early 19th century; for example, PCC, No. 93, III, i.e. the third volume of series 93.
- Public Record Office, London.
- First Church of Quincy, Mass., MS Records, 1639–1854; transcript in possession of William C. Edwards, city historian; negative microfilm, 1 reel, in the Massachusetts Historical Society.
- Early Court Files and Miscellaneous Papers in the Office of the Clerk of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court, Suffolk County, Suffolk County Court House, Boston.
- Massachusetts Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Books and Records in the Office of the Clerk of the Supreme Judicial Court, Suffolk County, Suffolk County Court House, Boston.
- Annie Haven Thwing, comp., Inhabitants and Estates of the Town of Boston, 1630–1800; typed card catalogue, with supplementary bound typescripts, in the Massachusetts Historical Society.
-
Letters of Mrs. Adams, the Wife of John Adams. With an Introductory Memoir by Her Grandson, Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1840. -
Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, Daughter of John Adams,... edited by Her Daughter[Caroline Amelia (Smith) de Windt], New York and London, 1841–1842; 2 vols. - Thomas R. Adams, “American Independence: The Growth of an Idea. A Bibliographical Study of the American Political Pamphlets Published between 1764 and 1776...,” Colonial Society of Massachusetts,
Publications, vol. 43 (in press, 1963). -
Adams Family Correspondence, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1963– . - American Philosophical Society,
Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, Held at Philadelphia, for Promoting Useful Knowledge. -
Old Family Letters: Copied from the Originals for Alexander Biddle, Series A, Philadelphia, 1892. -
Biographical Directory of the American Congress 1774–1949,, Washington, 1950. -
The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books, 1881–1900, Ann Arbor, 1946; 58 vols.Supplement, 1900–1905, Ann Arbor, 1950; 10 vols. - Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris),
Catalogue Générale des Livres Imprimés de la Bibliothèque Nationale: Auteurs, Paris, 1897– . - City of Boston, Record Commissioners,
Reports, Boston, 1876–1909; 39 vols. - Samuel A. Bates, ed.,
Records of the Town of Braintree, 1640 to 1793, Randolph, Mass., 1886. - Edmund C. Burnett, ed.,
Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 1921–1936; 8 vols. -
Catalogue of the John Adams Library in the Public Library of the City of Boston, Boston, 1917. - Allen Chamberlain,
Beacon Hill: Its Ancient Pastures and Early Mansions, Boston and New York, 1925.
lx
- Colonial Society of Massachusetts,
Publications. - William P. Cresson,
Francis Dana: A Puritan Diplomat at the Court of Catherine the Great, New York, 1930. - John J. Currier,
“Ould Newbury”: Historical and Biographical Sketches, Boston, 1896. - Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds.,
Dictionary of American Biography, New York, 1928–1936; 20 vols. plus index and supplements. - Sir William A. Craigie and James R. Hulbert, comps.,
A Dictionary of American English on Historical Principles, Chicago, 1938–1944; 4 vols. - Franklin Bowditch Dexter,
Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Yale College, with Annals of the College History, New York, 1885–1912; 6 vols. - Mitford M. Mathews, ed.,
A Dictionary of Americanisms on Historical Principles, Chicago, 1951. - Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds.,
The Dictionary of National Biography, New York and London, 1885–1900; 63 vols. plus supplements. -
Essex Institute Historical Collections. - Charles Evans and others, comps.,
American Bibliography: A Chronological Dictionary of All Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications Printed in the United States of America[1639–1800], Chicago and Worcester, 1903–1959; 14 vols. - [Peter Force, ed.,]
American Archives: Consisting of a Collection of Authentick Records, State Papers, Debates, and Letters and Other Notices of Publick Affairs, Washington, 1837–1853; 9 vols. - [Worthington C. Ford, comp.,]
Broadsides, Ballads &c. Printed in Massachusetts, 1639–1800(Massachusetts Historical Society,Collections, vol. 75), Boston, 1922. -
The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, ed. Leonard W. Labaree and others, New Haven, 1959– . - Allen French,
The First Year of the American Revolution, Boston, 1934. -
The Correspondence of General Thomas Gage with the Secretaries of State, 1763–1775, ed. Clarence E. Carter, New Haven, 1931–1933; 2 vols.
lxi
- James E. Greenleaf,
Genealogy of the Greenleaf Family, Boston, 1896. - Harvard University,
Quinquennial Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates, 1636–1930, Cambridge, 1930. - Francis B. Heitman, comp.,
Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army during the War of the Revolution, new edn., Washington, 1914. - Thomas Hutchinson,
The History of the Colony and Province of Massachusetts-Bay, ed. Lawrence Shaw Mayo, Cambridge, 1936; 3 vols. -
Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L. H. Butterfield and others, Cambridge, 1961; 4 vols. -
Legal Papers of John Adams, ed. L. Kinvin Wroth and Hiller B. Zobel (in preparation as a part of The Belknap Press edition ofThe Adams Papersunder a grant from The William Nelson Cromwell Foundation to the Harvard Law School). -
Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1841; 2 vols. -
The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: with a Life of the Author, ed. Charles Francis Adams, Boston, 1850–1856; 10 vols. -
Familiar Letters of John Adams and His Wife Abigail Adams, during the Revolution. With a Memoir of Mrs. Adams, ed. Charles Francis Adams, New York, 1876. - Worthington C. Ford and others, eds.,
Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774–1789, Washington, 1904–1937; 34 vols. -
The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Julian P. Boyd and others, Princeton, 1950– . - E. Alfred Jones,
The Loyalists of Massachusetts: Their Memorials, Petitions and Claims, London, 1930. - James S. Loring,
The Hundred Boston Orators Appointed by the Municipal Authorities and Other Public Bodies, from 1770 to 1852..., 4th edn., Boston and Cleveland, 1855. -
Journals of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts[1715– ], Boston, reprinted by the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1919– . (For the years for which reprints are not yet available, the original printings are cited, by year and session.)
lxii
-
The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, 1869–1922; 21 vols. - William Lincoln, ed.,
The Journals of Each Provincial Congress of Massachusetts in 1774 and 1775, and of the Committee of Safety, Boston, 1838. -
Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War, Boston, 1896–1908; 17 vols. - Lawrence Shaw Mayo,
The Winthrop Family in America, Boston, 1948. - Massachusetts Historical Society,
CollectionsandProceedings. - Samuel Eliot Morison,
Three Centuries of Harvard, 1636–1936, Cambridge, 1936. -
New England Historical and Genealogical Register. -
New England Quarterly. -
The Oxford English Dictionary, Oxford, 1933; 12 vols. and supplement. - William S. Pattee,
A History of Old Braintree and Quincy, with a Sketch of Randolph and Holbrook, Quincy, 1878. -
Pennsylvania Archives. Selected and Arranged from Original Documents in the Office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 1852–1935; 119 vols. in 123. -
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. - Josiah Quincy,
The History of Harvard University, 2d edn., Boston, 1860; 2 vols. - Josiah Quincy Jr.,
Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in the Superior Court of Judicature of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, between 1761 and 1772, ed. Samuel M. Quincy, Boston, 1865. - Josiah Quincy,
Memoir of Josiah Quincy, Junior, of Massachusetts: 1744–1775, 2d edn., ed. Eliza Susan Quincy, Boston, 1874. -
Letters and Diary of John Rowe, Boston Merchant, 1759–1762, 1764–1779, ed. Anne Rowe Cunningham, Boston, 1903. -
Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed. L. H. Butterfield, Princeton, 1951; 2 vols.
lxiii
- Joseph Sabin and others, comps.,
A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, from Its Discovery to the Present Time, New York, 1868–1936; 29 vols. - Edward E. Salisbury,
Family-Memorials: A Series of Genealogical and Biographical Monographs, New Haven, 1885; 2 vols. and 1 portfolio. - John Langdon Sibley and Clifford K. Shipton,
Biographical Sketches of Graduates of Harvard University, in Cambridge, Massachusetts, Cambridge and Boston, 1873– . - E. Millicent Sowerby, comp.,
Catalogue of the Library of Thomas Jefferson, Washington, 1952–1959; 5 vols. - William B. Sprague,
Annals of the American Pulpit; or Commemorative Notices of Distinguished American Clergymen of Various Denominations, New York, 1857–1869; 9 vols. - James H. Stark,
The Loyalists of Massachusetts and the Other Side of the American Revolution, Boston, 1910. -
The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, D.D., LL.D., President of Yale College, ed. Franklin Bowditch Dexter, New York, 1901; 3 vols. -
Warren-Adams Letters: Being Chiefly a Correspondence among John Adams, Samuel Adams, and James Warren(Massachusetts Historical Society,Collections, vols. 72–73), Boston, 1917–1925; 2 vols. -
The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745–1799, ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, Washington, 1931–1944; 39 vols. - Frederick Lewis Weis, comp.,
The Colonial Clergy and the Colonial Churches of New England, Lancaster, Mass., 1936. - William V. Wells,
The Life and Public Services of Samuel Adams, Boston, 1865; 3 vols. - William H. Whitmore, comp.,
The Massachusetts Civil List for the Colonial and Provincial Periods, 1630–1774, Albany, 1870. - Daniel Munro Wilson,
Where American Independence Began: Quincy, Its Famous Group of Patriots; Their Deeds, Homes, and Descendants, 2d edn., Boston and New York, 1904. - Justin Winsor, ed.,
The Memorial History of Boston, Including Suffolk County, 1630–1880, Boston, 1880–1881; 4 vols.
1761-12-30
I was at Boston yesterday and saw your Brother who was well. I have but a moments notice of an oportunity of sending to you the enclos'd which I took at your Unkle Edwards's.2
Here we are Dick and Jack as happy as the Wickedness and folly of this World will allow Phylosophers to be: our good Wishes are pour'd forth for the felicity of you, your family and Neighbours.—My—I dont know what—to Mrs. Nabby.3 Tell her I hear she's about commencing a most loyal subject to young George—and altho my Allegiance has been hitherto inviolate I shall endeavour, all in my Power to foment Rebellion.4
Harvard Graduates
, 11:370–376; and JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:231–232, and passim.
Mary's only brother was
The earliest known meeting between JA and AA had occurred in the summer of 1759, when JA was still under the fascination of Hannah Quincy, and his first impressions of the Smith girls were not unqualifiedly favorable. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:108–109.
George III had acceded to the throne in Oct. 1760.
On the provenance of this letter see JQA's MS Diary, entry of 21 Sept. 1829: “William Greenleaf brought me in the Evening several old Letters, sent me by his Mother, from among the papers of her father....
1762-10-04
By the same Token that the Bearer hereof1
satt up with you last night I hereby order you to give him, as many Kisses, and as many Hours of your Company after 9 O'Clock as he shall please to Demand and charge them to my Account: This Order, or Requisition call it which you will is in Consideration of a similar order Upon Aurelia2 for the like favour, and I presume I have good Right to draw upon you for the Kisses as I have given two or three Millions at least, when one has been received, and of Consequence the Account between us is immensely in favour of yours,
This can hardly have been anyone other than JA himself.
Mary Smith, later Mrs. Richard Cranch. This fanciful name is unmistakably attributed to AA's elder sister in a letter from Hannah (Storer) Green to AA, 23 Nov. 1763 (Adams Papers).
I have taken the best Advice, on the subject of your Billet, and I find you cannot compell me to pay unless I refuse Marriage; which I never did, and never will, but on the Contrary am ready to have you at any Time.
I hope Jemima's Conscience has as good a Memory as mine.
There is no clue to the precise date of this note, the “Billet” to which it is a reply not having been found.
1763-02-14
Accidents are often more Friendly to us, than our own Prudence.—I intended to have been at Weymouth Yesterday, but a storm prevented.—Cruel, Yet perhaps blessed storm!—Cruel for detaining me from so much friendly, social Company, and perhaps blessed to you, or me or both, for keeping me at my Distance. For every experimental Phylosopher knows, that the steel and the Magnet or the Glass and feather will not fly together with more Celerity, than somebody And somebody, when brought within the striking Distance—and, Itches, Aches, Agues, and Repentance might be the Consequences of a Contact in present Circumstances. Even the Divines pronounce casuistically, I hear, “unfit to be touched these three Weeks.”
I mount this moment for that noisy, dirty Town of Boston, where Parade, Pomp, Nonsense, Frippery, Folly, Foppery, Luxury, Polliticks, and the soul-Confounding Wrangles of the Law will give me the Higher Relish for Spirit, Taste and Sense, at Weymouth, next Sunday.
My Duty, wa beginning Pregnancy, and in all other Respects very happy.
1763-03-16
Tis no small pleasure to me, to hear of the great proficioncy you have made in the French tongue, A Tongue Sweet, and harmonious, a Tongue, useful to Merchants, to Statesmen; to Divines, and especially to Lawyers and Travellers; who by the help of it, may traverse the whole Globe; for in this respect, the French language is pretty much now, what I have heard the Latin formerly was, a universal tongue.
By the favor of my Father I have had the pleasure of seeing your Copy of Mrs. Wheelwrights Letter, to her Nephew, and having some small acquaintance with the French tongue, have attempted a translation; of it, which I here send, for your perusal and correction.2
4I am sensible that I am but ill qualified for such an undertaking, it being a maxim with me that no one can translate an author well, who cannot write like the original, and I find by Experience that tis more difficult to translate well, than to write well.
You will see that I have endeavourd to translate the letter as literally as I could, without treading on the heels of my Lady abbess, Esteeming literal translations to be the best as well as truest. Should be glad if you would favor me with your translation, for you, being taught the French language by one of the greatest masters, I make no doubt but that your performance shines in all the beauty and perfection of Language.
N B. How the Lady abbess came to subscribe herself Serviteur, which you know is of the masculine Gender I cannot devise unless like all other Ladies in a convent, she chose to make use of the Masculine Gender, rather than the Feminine.
Excuse the wri
“Mrs. Wheelwright” is New England Captives Carried to Canada ... during the French and Indian Wars, Portland, Maine, 1925, 1:425–435, with portrait of Esther Wheelwright reproduced facing p. 428. Another nephew, Nathaniel Wheelwright, recorded his visits to the Convent during 1754 in a diary recently edited by Edward P. Hamilton and published in Fort Ticonderoga Museum, Bull., 10:259–296 (Feb. 1960); see especially p. 275, 291–292.
1763-04-20
Love sweetens Life, and Life sometimes destroys Love. Beauty is desirable and Deformity detestible; Therefore Beauty is not Deformity nor Deformity, Beauty. Hope springs eternal in the human 5Breast, I hope to be happyer next Fall than I am at present, and this Hope makes me happyer now than I should be without it.—I am at Braintree but I wish I was at Weymouth! What strange Revolutions take Place in our Breasts, and what curious Vicissitudes in every Part of human Life. This summer I shall like Weymouth better than Braintree but something prompts me to believe I shall like Braintree next Winter better than Weymouth. Writers who procure Reputation by flattering human Nature, tell us that Mankind grows wiser and wiser: whether they lie, or speak the Truth, I know I like it, better and better.—I would feign make an original, an Exemplar, of this Letter but I fear I have not an original Genius.
Ned. Brooks is gone to Ordination, I know.1 I have not seen him, nor heard of him, but I am sure that nothing less than the Inspiration of his Daemon, that I suppose revolted from him somewhere, near the foot of Pens-Hill, could have given me Understanding to write this Letter. This is better Reasoning than any I learned at Colledge.
Patience my Dear! Learn to conquer your Appetites and Passions! Know thyself, came down from Heaven, and the Government of ones own soul requires greater Parts and Virtues than the Management of Kingdoms, and the Conquest of the disorderly rebellious Principles in our Nature, is more glorious than the Acquisition of Universal Dominion. Did you ever read Epictetus? He was a sensible Man. I advise you to read him: and indeed I should have given this Advice, before you undertook to read this.2
It is a silly Affectation for modern statesmen to Act or descant upon Ancient Principles of Morals and Civility. The Beauty of Virtue, The Love of ones Country, a sense of Liberty, a Feeling for our Fellow Men, are Ideas that the Brains of Men now a Days can not contemplate: It is a better Way to substitute in the Place of them, The Beauty of a Girl Lady, the Love of Cards and Horse Races, a Taste in Dress, Musick, and Dancing, The Feeling of a pretty Girl or Fellow and a genteel Delicacy and Complaisance to all who have Power to abuse us.
I begin to find that an increasing Affection for a certain Lady, (you know who my Dear) quickens my Affections for every Body Else, that does not deserve my Hatred. A Wonder if the Fires of Patriotism, do not soon begin to burn! And now I think of it, there is no possible Way of diminishing the Misery of Man kind so effectually as by printing this Letter.
It is an intolerable Grievance and Oppression upon poor literary Mortals, to set wasting their Spirits And wearing out that great Gland 6the Brain, in the study of order and Connection, in f
Now I can demonstrate that a Man
To the great Goddess Diana
According to Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.
,
For the editions of Epictetus owned by JA, in Greek, Latin, and English, see
Catalogue of JA's Library
, p. 84.
MS torn. The missing word may be “meet” or “fill.”
1763-08-11
If I was sure your absence to day was occasioned, by what it generally is, either to wait upon Company, or promote some good work, I freely confess my Mind would be much more at ease than at present it is. Yet this uneasiness does not arise from any apprehension of Slight or neglect, but a fear least you are indisposed, for that you said should be your only hindrance.
Humanity obliges us to be affected with the distresses and Miserys of our fellow creatures. Friendship is a band yet stronger, which causes us to
And there is a tye more binding than Humanity, and stronger than Friendship, which makes us anxious for the happiness and welfare of those to whom it binds us. It makes their Misfortunes, Sorrows and afflictions, our own. Unite these, and there is a threefold cord—by this cord I am not ashamed to own myself bound, nor do I
She bids me
The Fabrick often wants repairing and if we neglect it the Deity will not long inhabit it, yet after all our care and solisitude to preserve it, it is a tottering Building, and often reminds us that it will finally fall.
Adieu may this find you in better health than I fear it will, and happy as your Diana wishes you.
Concerning the date see the note on the date of JA's reply, which follows.
1763-08-15
The Disappointment you mention was not intended, but quite accidental. A Gentleman, for whom I had much Esteem, Mr. Daniel Leonard of Norton,2 was so good as to offer to keep the sabbath with me at Braintree—a favour that would have been very agreable if it had not detained me from the most agreable of all Company, to me, in this world, and a favour that will I know be sufficient with you to excuse me.—A good Nights sleep I have had but not more than I should have had, for a Friend always keeps me awake till Midnight and after.
Shall return from Boston I hope time enough to obey, which I always do with more Pleasure than I ever command.
Day and month supplied on the assumption that this is a reply to AA's letter of 11 Aug., preceding. But the date she gave her letter is not quite satisfactory, since she appears to have been writing on a Saturday, and 11 Aug. 1763 fell on a Thursday. No resolution of this puzzle occurs to the editors.
DAB
).
1763-08
Germantown is at a great Distance from Weymouth Meeting-House, you know; The No. of Yards indeed is not so prodigious, but the Rowing and Walking that lyes between is a great Discouragement to a weary Traveller. Could my Horse have helped me to Weymouth, Braintree would not have held me, last Night.—I lay, in the well known Chamber, and dreamed, I saw a Lady, tripping it over the Hills, on Weymouth shore, and Spreading Light and Beauty and Glory, all around her. At first I thought it was Aurora, with her fair Complexion, her Crimson Blushes and her million Charms and Graces. But I soon found it was Diana, a Lady infinitely dearer to me and more charming.—Should Diana make her Appearance every morning instead of Aurora, I should not sleep as I do, but should be all awake and admiring by four, at latest.—You may be sure I was mortifyed when I found, I had only been dreaming. The Impression however of this dream awaked me thoroughly, and since I had lost my Diana, I enjoy'd the Opportunity of viewing and admiring Miss Aurora. She's a sweet Girl, upon my Word. Her breath is wholesome as the sweetly blowing Spices of Arabia, and therefore next to her fairer sister Diana, the Properest Physician, for your drooping
1763-09-12
You was pleas'd to say that the receipt of a letter from your Diana always gave you pleasure. Whether this was designed for a complement, (a commodity I acknowledg that you very seldom deal in) or as a real truth, you best know. Yet if I was to judge of a certain persons Heart, by what upon the like occasion passess through a cabinet of my own, I should be apt to suspect it as a truth. And why may I not? when I have often been tempted to believe; that they were both cast in the same mould, only with this difference, that yours was made, with a harder mettle, and therefore is less liable to an impression. Whether they have both an eaquil quantity of Steel, I have not yet been able to discover, but do not imagine they are either of them deficient. Sup-9posing only this difference, I do not see, why the same cause may not produce the same Effect in both, tho perhaps not eaquil in degree.
But after all, notwithstanding we are told that the giver is more blessed than the receiver I must confess that I am not of so generous a disposition, in this case, as to give without wishing for a return.
Have you heard the News? that two Apparitions were seen one evening this week hovering about this house,1 which very much resembled you and a Cousin of yours.2 How it should ever enter into the head of an Apparition to assume a form like yours, I cannot devise. When I was told of it I could scarcly believe it, yet I could not declare the contrary, for I did not see it, and therefore had not that demonstration which generally convinces me, that you are not a Ghost.
The original design of this letter was to tell you, that I would next week be your fellow traveler provided I shall not be any encumberance to you, for I have too much pride to be a clog to any body.3 You are to determine that point. For your—
P S Pappa says he should be very much obliged to Your Cousin if he would preach for him tomorrow and if not to morrow next Sunday. Please to present my complements to him and tell him by complying with this request he will oblige many others besides my pappa, and especially his Humble Servant,
That is, AA's birthplace in Weymouth, the parsonage of her father, Rev. Diary and Autobiography
, 1:202. Between 1738 and 1824 the parsonage was successively owned by three generations of the Smith family. At his death in 1783 Parson Smith left the house to his daughter Mary (Smith) Cranch, and the Cranches sold it in 1788 to the young minister of the North Parish, Rev. Jacob Norton, who
became their son-in-law the following year by his marriage to Elizabeth Cranch. Notes and documentation on the complete history of the parsonage are being assembled in the Adams Papers Editorial Files for possible use in a fuller note elsewhere in this edition. See, further, Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 7:588–591; Weymouth Hist. Soc., History of Weymouth, Massachusetts, Weymouth, 1923, 1:223–232; “Diaries of Rev. William Smith and Dr. Cotton Tufts, 1738–1784,” MHS, Procs.
, 42 (1908–1909) :444–470; MS Records of the North Parish of Weymouth (microfilm in MHi); and the Diary of Margaret Hazlitt, a one-time occupant (MS in DeU).
It is not known where JA went on this trip, though quite possibly to Worcester court. AA accompanied him and wrote an account of the trip in a letter to Hannah (Storer) Green (on whom see the following letter) that is unfortunately missing. In a letter to AA from Boston, 23 Nov. 1763 (Adams Papers), Mrs. Green made these revealing comments on New England manners of the period:
“Now I shall proceed upon your former Letter, wherein you give an account of your journey. I could not help laughing at the gaiety of your fancy, in supposing that there was any resemblance between that and Matrimony; I'm sure it would have been very distastfull to me to have been jumbled into Married Life—aye and to you too for there
it ought to bea smooth road, if no where else.“You ask me whether I do not wish it was well over with you? Indeed I do; for upon my word, I know of nothing more irksome than being just at the door of Bliss, and not being in a capacity to enter; and where every ill natured person (I will call them so for they deserve it) are passing some rude unpolished joke upon th
em. They may ca ll it wit, if they please, but I think it bears the name of shocking indecency: I've experienced it, and it galls me every time I think of it; but I desire to be thankfull that it is over with me, and that I am now happily rewarded, for what I then suffer'd. What surprises me most, is, that any one who has been in the same situation, should be so inhuman as to inflicta punishment, for no crime, upon their fellow creatures, and they must know it to besuchif they had any feeling when they were married, and 'tis more than probable that they had; however I hope your wedding-day will not be productive of such indelicacies; but that it may come full fraught with permanent Blessings; and that you and Lysander may for a long series of revolving time, share all those transports, my fond heart experiences, till both grown old in bliss, you soar together to the realms of glory—which is the sincere wish of, Your Affectionate Friend Caliope.”
My inclinations, tho' not my Expectations were very much disapointed in not sending you a long Letter the last time I wrote; however I must still beg your Patience and I will pay you all, the very first minute I can.—Patience my dear I recommend to you, upon more accounts than one, first upon your friends, secondly upon your own, for if you do not have Patience with me, I shall never pay you, neither can you have any rest without it.
I have the honor of sending this by Lysander, who I hope will convey a great deal of Comfort to my Diana in her lonely Condition. I fancy you feel of great importance now. Lysander is a sad unkind Gentleman for he's never been to see me, tho' you promised he should, but I'll forgive him if he'll be better for the future.
Breakfast waits. Adieu.
Ardelio's Love.
An Account of Percival and Ellen Green and of Some of Their Descendants, Groton, Mass., 1876, p. 19–20, 53–62; and Malcolm Storer, Annals of the Storer Family, Boston, 1927, p. 48.
1764-02-20
I think myself greatly indebted to you, for the honor you do my judgment, in refering so important a debate to my decission; and I ought, in strict justice, to apologize for my not answering it before; however, I trust to your Candor to excuse the seeming neglect, I say seeming, for I have not been unmindful of you, but have well consider'd the thing, and shall give you my thoughts upon the matter with freedom.—But before I proceed to answer the grand point in debate, allow me to ask a question Viz. Why April is excluded? Is it because you will neither of you condescend? If so, you are neither of you fit Subjects for Matrimony in my opinion, and will not have my Vote in the matter; aya, Lysander you may stare if you please, thinking, I suppose, that you have apply'd to the wrong person; however there is no drawing back now; and if this is the reason, you may depend upon it I shall not shew favor to either of you; but leave you to marry when you can agree, and to enjoy your
blessed Prerogative when you can, in Love, determine whose right it is—but as I look upon you both as reasonable beings, I cannot fairly suppose the want of Condescention to be the reason; therefore I shall answer you without further delay. Well then to be honest (and honesty you love I know, because it saved you once, when you was tried for a Crime which richly deserved a Noose) I do not at all approve of March, 'tis too Blustering a month for Matrimony, neither do I think it necessary you should stay till May, but I would have you take the Medium, for April is a very salutary month for the purpose for then
12 Therefore April is the month I pitch upon you may be sure and I dare say you will find it far preferable to March, and tho' by it you remain a miserable Bachelor one month longer yet I hope it will be made up in years of Matrimonial happiness.And dart their Virtue into every Thing.”
Tell Diana that I'm set upon April, and that it will be the height of impropriety in her, to set up her will (in this case especially) in opposition to yours and mine, for I'm sure you'll join with me now you know what wonderfull effects the April Sun has, however, A Word to the wise is sufficient, therefore I bid you Adeiu, with assuring you that
P. S. No Slacks1 to be got; the history of a Letter (which waited a fortnight for your Lordship to convey to Diana) I will give her the first opportunity but the messenger waits now so once more Adeiu.
Thus in MS. The earliest use of the word “slacks” in the sense of trousers that is recorded in
OED
is dated 1824. It may of course in 1764 have had a different meaning that is not now ascertainable.
1764-04-02
I should not have been unmindful of you, even tho you had not call'd upon me to exert myself. I should be the most ungrateful of Mortals, if I did not always with Gratitude remember so kind a Benefactor, as you have been to me both in Sickness, and in Health.
How often has your kind hand supported me when I was more helpless than an Infant. How often have you revived me by your Vital Heat? And for how many Nights lodging am I indebted to you? Fain would I repay you, tho not in kind now. I fancy you are by this time too infectious for a Being of purity, to wish for any Communication with you. How do you feel? I think you are in good Spirits, at which I rejoice.2
Our friend3 thinks you dieted too low. Says you look'd as if a puff of wind would have blown you off your Horse, and that He could see through you, (which by the way is more than every one can) wants to hear how you fare, before he begins Lent. We have almost brought him over to the faith, tho' he still continues some what doubtful. Says 13if he was to follow his own judgment, he should not go into the method prescribed, but since his Friends advise other ways he will Submit. This looks like a pretty hopeful Speach, I wonder if one may not improve upon such a Heart? I expect nothing more from you, than saying, it is a good example Child, and if you value your own happiness you will in many cases follow it. Aye it may be so, but we wont dispute that point now.
Inclosed you will find two very curious Letters. I have had some doubt whether it would be best to send one of them, for indeed tis a very Saucy one, but tis in Character I believe—and Nature I suppose you will say.
I shall send them by Mr. Eyers
I see the Good Man has given you some account of himself. He will have it that he is temperate in all things, but I know Doctor you understand his constitution better than to believe him, tho you need not mention this, for perhaps Mercury will be no benifit to him upon that account.
As for News, we have neither Foreign nor Domestick, Civil nor Ecclesiastical nor so much as one word of Scandle Stiring, that I hear of.
I have been a very good Girl since your absence, and visited your Lady almost every day. She would have impowerd me to have written to you in her Name, but I told her I had no inclination at present to have any communication with any Man in the character of a wife, besides I who never own'd a Husband did not know how to address one. I think she Supports your absence like a Heroine. She complaind a Day or two ago of a Tooth ake, which She Suspected to be the forerunner of some great event, Suppose you best understand what. Your Son Seems to be finely recoverd, has got his Neck at liberty again, and is as great a Rogue as ever.6 Our pale Face desires to be rememberd to you, keeps at the old notch, and according to Pope—(“Not to go back, is something to advance”) may be say'd to be a little better.7—Thus haveing run my rig, think it time to draw towards a close. By Tom hope to receive a token of remembrance, and to hear that you are as Speckled as you desire to be. I am not affraid of your Virmin if you roast them well, otherways fear they will be too hard for my Digestion. I leave that to your care, and Conclude assureing you that no person wishes you more Health and Happiness than Your affectionate Niece,
Please to remember me to my Brother and tell him he should write to me, for he has little else to do.
Tufts was in Boston, where he had been inoculated with smallpox by Dr. Perkins (Cotton Tufts, MS Diary in MHi, 28–29 March 1764; see also note 4 below). Since JA was soon to follow Tufts and since the ensuing correspondence is so largely devoted to the subject, a summary account of the Boston epidemic of 1764 is appropriate here.
Variolous inoculation had been introduced in Boston in 1721 and led to a famous controversy which was renewed every time smallpox broke out. until, at the beginning of the 19th century, William Jenner's discovery of vaccination (inoculation with a milder but immunizing disease, the cowpox) replaced it entirely.
Physicians and civic authorities early recognized that inoculated smallpox was far less dangerous than smallpox taken “in the natural way.” But while inoculation protected the individual, it was a threat, even when carefully managed, to others in the community who had not had the disease. Hence the resistance to doctors' enthusiasm for inoculation (which was thought by many people to be simply mercenary), and the numerous town regulations and provincial laws prohibiting it except when, as occasionally happened, outbreaks of the disease got far beyond control.
Such an outbreak occurred early in 1764. In February isolation hospitals were established at Castle William and Point Shirley, under strict guard and regulations, for inoculating those who wished to be; but the disease spread, and on 13 March the town voted to allow anyone and everyone to be inoculated during the next five weeks. “Boston quickly became one great hospital” not only for Bostonians but for outsiders who flocked there, including some from other colonies where inoculation was forbidden. “By the 30th, according to the official census, there had been 699 cases of natural smallpox with 124 deaths, and 4,977 cases of inoculated with 46 deaths.”
The preparatory treatment of the body by a milk-and-vegetable or “cooling” diet and purgatives (“Antimony and Mercury intimately united”) which was then in vogue and was followed by JA, had been described and popularized by Dr. Adam Thomson of Philadelphia. In A Discourse on the Preparation of the Body for the Small-Pox, Phila., 1750, Thomson declared that in twelve years he had not lost a patient who had followed this regimen for a fortnight preceding inoculation. The mode of administering the disease and the course it took when so administered are vividly described in JA's letters below.
This note is very largely based on John B. Blake's monograph, Public Health in the Town of Boston, 1630–1822, Cambridge, 1959, chs. 4–5, and his earlier papers on aspects of the same subject cited in his notes, especially “Smallpox Inoculation in Colonial Boston,” Jour. of the Hist. of Medicine, 8 (1953):284–300. See also Boston Record Commissioners, 16th and 18th Reports
, passim.
Doubtless JA.
Though at least three physicians named Perkins were practicing in Boston at this time, this was probably Harvard Graduates
, 9:428–430). See JA's description of Nathaniel Perkins in his letter of 13 April, below, and compare Copley's portrait, reproduced in Mr. Shipton's biographical sketch, facing p. 428.
Rev. William Smith's Negro servant. Smith's own Diary (MHi) records baptizing “my Negro man Thomas” on 22 March 1741. “Old Tom” died in 1766 (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:307).
These allusions remain obscure.
1764-04-07
How do you now? For my part, I feel much easier than I did an hour ago, My Unkle1 haveing given me a more particuliar, and favorable account of the Small pox, or rather the operation of the preparation, than I have had before. He speaks greatly in favor of Dr. Perkins who has not, as he has heard lost one patient. He has had since he has been in Town frequent opportunities of visiting in the families where the Doctor practises, and he is full in the persuasion that he understands the Distemper, full as well if not better than any physician in Town, and knows better what to do in case of any dificulty. He allows his patients greater liberty with regard to their Diet, than several other physicians. Some of them (Dr. Lord2 for one) forbid their patients a mouthful of Bread. My unkle says they are all agreed that tis best to abstain from Butter, and Salt—And most of them from meat.
I hope you will have reason to be well satisfied with the Dr., and advise you to follow his prescriptions as nigh as you find your Health will permit. I send by my unkle some balm. Let me know certainly what Day you design to go to Town, Pappa Says Tom shall go that Day and bring your Horse back.
Keep your Spirits up, and I make no doubt you will do well eno'. Shall I come and see you before you go. No I wont, for I want not again, to experience what I this morning felt, when you left Your
From what follows below, this cannot be Cotton Tufts, but which of AA's several other uncles this was does not appear.
Not readily identifiable. He was probably one of a number of provincial physicians brought into Boston in 1764 during the mass inoculation program. Along with over twenty other physicians he was cited, without a first name, by the town for having “generously Inoculated and carried through the Small Pox Gratis so considerable a number of the poor Inhabitants” (Boston Record Commissioners, 16th Report
, p. 116–117). Perhaps Joseph Lord, Harvard 1726, who at this time was living in what is now Putney, Vt. (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 8:69–74).
1764-04-07
For many Years past, I have not felt more serenely than I do this Evening. My Head is clear, and my Heart is at ease. Business of every Kind, I have banished from my Thoughts. My Room is prepared for a Seven Days' Retirement, and my Plan is digested for 4 or 5 Weeks. My Brother retreats with me, to our preparatory Hospital, and is determined to keep me Company, through the Small Pox.1 Your Unkle, by his agreable Account of the Dr. and your Brother, their Strength, their Spirits, and their happy Prospects, but especially, by the Favour he left me from you,2 has contributed very much to the Felicity of my present Frame of Mind. For, I assure you Sincerely, that, (as Nothing which I before expected from the Distemper gave me more Concern, than the Thought of a six Weeks Separation from my Diana) my Departure from your House this Morning made an Impression upon me that was severely painfull. I thought I left you, in
Tears and Anxiety—And was very glad to hear by your Letter, that your Fears were abated. For my own Part, I believe no Man ever undertook to prepare himself for the Small Pox, with fewer
Good Night, my Dear, I'm a going to Bed!
—The People all gone to Meeting, but my Self, and Companion, who are enjoying a Pipe in great Tranquility, after the operation of our Ipichac. Did you ever see two Persons in one Room Iphichacuana'd together? (I hope I have not Spelled that ineffable Word amiss!)7 I assure you they make merry Diversion. We took turns to be sick and to laugh. When my Companion was sick 17I laughed at him, and when I was sick he laughed at me. Once however and once only we were both sick together, and then all Laughter and good Humour deserted the Room. Upon my Word we both felt very sober.—But all is now easy and agreable, We have had our Breakfast of Pottage without salt, or Spice or Butter, as the Drs. would have it, and are seated to our Pipes and our Books, as happily as Mortals, preparing for the small Pox, can desire.
—Deacon Palmer has been here and drank Tea with me. His Children are to go with us to Cunninghams.8 He gives a charming Account of the Dr. and your Brother, whom he saw Yesterday. Billy has two Eruptions for certain, how many more are to come is unknown—But is as easy and more
—Papa was so kind as to call and leave your Favor of April the Eighth—For which I heartily thank you. Every Letter I receive from you, as it is an Additional Evidence of your Kindness to me, and as it gives me fresh Spirits and great Pleasure, confers an Additional Obligation upon me. I thank you for your kind and judicious Advice. The Deacon made me the offer Yesterday, which, for the very Reasons you have mentioned, I totally declined. I told you before We had taken our Vomits and last Night We took the Pills you gave me, and we want more. Lent We have kept ever since I left you, as rigidly as two Carmelites. And you may rely upon it, I shall strictly pursue the Drs. Directions, without the least Deviation. Both the Physick and the Abstinence, have hitherto agreed extreamly well with me, for I have not felt freer from all Kinds of Pain and Uneasiness, I have not enjoyed a clearer Head, or a brisker flow of Spirits, these seven Years, than I do this day.
My Garden, and My Farm, (if I may call what I have by that Name) give me now and then a little Regret, as I must leave them in more Disorder than I could wish. But the dear Partner of all my Joys and sorrows, in whose Affections, and Friendship I glory, more than in all other Emoluments under Heaven, comes into my Mind very often and makes me sigh. No other Consideration I assure you, has given me, since I began my Preparation, or will give me I believe, till I return from Boston any Degree of Uneasiness.
Papa informs me that Mr. Ayers goes to Town, tomorrow Morning. Will you be so kind as to write the Dr., that I shall come into Town on Fryday, that I depend on Dr. Perkins and no other. And that I beg he would write me whether Miss Le Febure9 can take in my Brother and 18me in Case of Need. For My Unkle writes me, I must bring a Bed, as his are all engaged, it seems. I have written him, this Moment, that I can not carry one, and that he must procure one for me, or I must look out Elsewhere.10 I shall have an Answer from him to night and if he cannot get a Bed, I will go to Mrs. Le Febures if she can take us.
Should be glad if Tom might be sent over, Fryday Morning. My Love and Duty where owing. Pray continue to write me, by every opportunity, for, next to Conversation, Correspondence, with you is the greatest Pleasure in the World to yr.
P.S. My Love to Mr. and Mrs. Cranch. Thank 'em for their kind Remembrance of me, and my Blessing to my Daughter Betcy.11
JA had two brothers, both younger than himself, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:277.
The preceding letter, which, by its date and substance, has enabled the editors to date the present letter.
Word omitted in MS.
AA's father and JA's future father-in-law, Rev. William Smith. See Adams Genealogy.
Ipecacuanha, “the root of ... a South American small shrubby plant, which possesses emetic, diaphoretic, and purgative properties; also popularly applied to various forms in which the drug is employed” (
OED
).
“Deacon” Palmer was DAB
; and on him as well as the members of his family mentioned above, see the Adams Genealogy.
Probably Rebecca, widow of John Lefavour (spelled in a great variety of 19ways), at whose house Cotton Tufts had been inoculated (Tufts, MS Diary, MHi, 28 March 1764; Thwing Catalogue, MHi).
These letters have not been found.
1764-04-08
If our wishes could have conveyed you to us, you would not have been absent to Day. Mr. Cranch and my Sister have been here, where they hoped to have found you. We talk'd of you, they desire to be rememberd to you, and wish you well thro the Distemper. Mr. Cranch told me that the Deacon with his children design for Boston next Saturday and that they propose going by water—that the Deacon would have you go with them, but I would by no means advise you to go by water, for as you are under prepairation you will be much more exposed to take cold, the weather too is so uncertain that tho the morning may look promissing, yet you know it is frequently very raw and cold in the afternoon. Besides if you should wait till then and Saturday should prove an unplasent Day, you will make it so much the longer before you get into Town. Suffer me therefore to injoin it upon you, not to consent to go by water, and that you have no need to do as Tom will wait upon you any day that you desire. Let me know whether you took your vomit, whether you have got your pills and whether you have begun Lent—how it suits you? I am very fearful that you will not when left to your own management follow your directions—but let her who tenderly cares for you both in Sickness and Health, intreet you to be careful of that Health upon which depends the happiness of Your
1764-04-09
I have nothing to do at present but to play with my Pen. I have long thought with Horace in his Dulce desipere: But now they tell me it is Utile dulci. I dare not think, for fear of injuring my Health, and for my soul I cannot set still without Thinking; so I am necessitated to keep my Pen in Motion to avoid it, and I believe you are well satisfyd it has answerd the End.
I rejoice to hear you have so fine a Prospect of passing easily through. 20Please to tell Dr. Perkins I depend on him. I dont know but your Neice has written you to ask Mrs. Le Febure to receive us. If she has you need not give yourself the Trouble, as I have this Moment a Letter from my Unkle, informing me, that he has procured us a Bed. We shall have an Hospital that deserves the Name. Deacon Palmers 3 Children, my Brother and myself at least if no more, will be at my Unkle's. And a tolerable Time of it, may we have!
My Gardens and my Farm, are complaining of Neglect, and Disorders, and all that: But I tell them, Patiens, Prudens—next Year I'le take better Care of Ye. Next Year, Ye shall have your Bellies full of Carrotts and Onions, and Beats, and Parsnips, and Cabbages and Potatoes, and every Thing that is good. But Ye must permit the little Villains call'd the small Pox to have their Feast this Spring.
They tell me, that Dr. Mayhews Observations have received an Answer in England, a few Copies of which have straggled over to America. The Answer they say is extreamly elegant, delicate, genteel and all that. If so I believe the Dr's People had an old sermon last sunday. The Arch Bp. of Canterbury has the Credit of the Answer. If this Credit is just, the —s Genius will be roused, and will produce something that Messrs. Reviewers will be puzzled to Name. I suppose you have heard or read, that they have Christend the Observations, the Devils Thunder Bolt, full of Contents weighty and urged home.1
This Controversy I hope will prevent the future Waste of the societies Money in the Maintenance of Insects that are Drones in the Cause of Virtue and Christianity; but the most active and industrious of the whole Hive in the Cause of Hierarchical Policy. I should have concluded long ago, if I had not been absolutely idle, with the Name of your Fr'd,
Rev. Jonathan Mayhew in his Observations on the Charter and Conduct of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts ..., Boston, 1763 (Evans 9441), hinted that the Society's missionaries in America were concerned more with political than religious objectives. Among other replies to Mayhew's tract was an anonymous one by Thomas Secker, Archbishop of Canterbury, An Answer to Dr. Mayhew's Observations ..., London, 1764, which was reprinted in Boston the same year (Evans 9832).
1764-04-09
I suppose you have written to me, tho I have not received it, for Mr. Ayers left his pocket Book with the Letters at Roxbury. However full 21in the Faith that I have a Letter there, I return you my thanks for it.
We are all very sollicitious to hear from you; Brother has they tell us two eruptions; upon which I congratulate him. I hear also that he is in high Spirits, and more agreeable than ever he was. This cannot arise from the Distemper, it must certainly be oweing to the virtue and example of his Companion—for if Evil communications corrupt good Manners, why may not those which are virtuous, have as great a tendency to inlighten the Mind and rectify the Manners?
Your Letters for Mr. Adams1 I had the curiosity to unfold (he serves me so sometimes) But was sufficiently satisfied. You blew up a train of Ideas—not very delicate ones I assure you. What a Scene did you paint? The thought of it makes me Squemish. Mr. Adams returnd from Plymouth a fryday, and a Saturday morning—left Weymouth, to see it no more for these 5 weeks, this Day received a line, wherein he informs me that he took his Vomit a Sunday morning; and his pill as you directed—follows your prescriptions also in Diet—and experiences the Truth of your observation. Says he never felt a clearer head, or a neater flow of Spirits than at present—desires me to inform you that he with his Brother design for Boston next fryday—that he should be obliged if you would engage Doctor Perkins—and also write him word whether Mrs. Lefebure can accommodate him and his Brother, (without any damage to you) in case of Need, for his Unkle has written him word that he has engaged to take in Deacon Palmers Children, and that he must bring a Bed. He has returnd him word, that he cannot carry one, and if his unkle cannot procure him one, he must look out elsewhere. He has not received an answer yet, but expects to hear to Night, if you can write by Mr. Ayers you will greatly oblige him.
Your Friends here want to see you; and long for the time of your return. My Aunt writes so I need say nothing more about her, than that she perseveres in the way of well doing. My Mother2 makes bugbears sometimes, and then seems uneasy because I will not be scared by them. I tell her we ought to conclude that you are comfortable, and that I cannot distress my self about you.
Tis Bed time, even my Bed time, I therefore wish you a good Nights rest, and the continuance of your Spirits—and a safe return is also wished you By your affectionate Niece,
These have not been found.
1764-04-11
The Room which I thought would have been an Hospital or a Musaeum, has really proved a Den of Thieves, and a scene of Money Changers. More Persons have been with me about Business, since I shut up, than a few, and many more than I was glad to see, for it is a sort of Business that I get nothing by, but Vanity and Vexation of Spirit. If my Imprisonment had been in Consequence of Bankruptcy, I should not have endured much more Mortification and Disquiet. I wish this Day was a Fast, as well as Tomorrow, that I might be sure of two Days Tranquility, before my Departure. I am not very impatient at present: Yet I wish I was at Boston. Am somewhat fearful of foul weather, on Fryday. If it should be, the very first fair Opportunity must be embracd.
Abstinence from all, but the cool and the soft, has hitherto agreed with me very well; and I have not once transgressed in a single Iota. The Medicine we have taken is far from being loathsome or painful or troublesome, as I own I expected. And if I could but enjoy my Retreat in silence and solitude, there would be nothing Wanting but Obliviscence of your Ladyship, to make me as Happy as a Monk in a Cloyster or an Hermit in his Cell. You will wonder, perhaps at my calling in Monks and Hermits, on this Occasion, and may doubt about the Happiness of their situations: Yet give me leave to tell you freely, the former of these are so tottally absorbed in Devotion and the latter in Meditation, and such an Appetite, such a Passion for their Respective Employments and Pleasures grows habitually up in their Minds, that no Mortals, (excepting him who hopes to be bound to your Ladyship in the soft Ligaments of Matrimony) has a better security for Happiness than they.
Hitherto I have written with the Air and in the style of Rattle and Frolick; but now I am about to shift to the sober and the Grave.—My Mamma1 is as easy and composed, and I think much more so than I expected. She sees We are determined, and that opposition would be not only fruitless, but vexatious, and has therefore brought herself to acquiesce, and to assist in preparing all Things, as conveniently and comfortably as she can. Heaven reward her for her kind Care, and her Labours of Love!
23I long to come once more to Weymouth before I go to Boston. I could, well enough. I am as well as ever, and better too. Why should not I come? Shall I come and keep fast with you? Or will you come and see me? I should be glad to see you in this House, but there is another very near it,2 where I should rejoice much more to see you, and to live with you till we shall have lived enough to ourselves, to Glory, Virtue and Mankind, and till both of us shall be desirous of Translation to a wiser, fairer, better World.
That is, the house now known as the John Quincy Adams Birthplace, which JA had inherited and to which he brought AA after their marriage in the following October. This passage establishes beyond question the fact that JA continued to live with his mother in the house next door (the John Adams Birthplace) into the year 1764. But it leaves open the question whether or not he had yet opened his law office in the JQA Birthplace. A note by the present editors in JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 1:225, under the entry dated 20 Nov. 1761, is too positive on this point.
1764-04-11
This is the last Opportunity I shall have to write you from Braintree for some Weeks. You may expect to hear from me, as soon after my Arrival at Boston as possible. Have had a peaceable, pleasant Day upon the whole. My Brother and I have the Wishes, the good Wishes of all the good People who come to the House. They admire our Fortitude, and wish us well thro, even some, who would heartily rejoice to hear that both of Us were dead of the small Pox provided no others could be raised up in our stead to be a Terror to evil Doers, and a Praise and Encouragement to such as they mortally hate, those that do well.
But I have attained such an Elevation in Phylosophy as to be rendered very little, the better or worse, more chearful or surly, for the good or ill Wishes or Speeches of such Animals, as those.
Amusement engages the most of my Attention. I mean that as I am necessitated to spend three or four Weeks in an Absolute Vacation of Business and study, I may not amuse myself, with such silly Trifles as Cards and Baubles altogether, but may make the very Expletives of Time, the very Diverters from Thinking, while I am under the small 24Pox of some Use or Pleasure, to me, after I get well. For this Purpose beg Papa, to lend me, all the Volumes of Swifts Examiner and send them over by Tom to yr
Love and Duty where, and in Proportion as, it is due.
1764-04-12
I have Thoughts of sending you a Nest of Letters like a nest of Basketts; tho I suspect the latter would be a more genteel and acceptable Present to a Lady. But in my present Circumstances I can much better afford the former than the latter. For, my own Discretion as well as the Prescriptions of the Faculty, prohibit any close Application of Mind to Books or Business—Amusement, Amusement is the only study that I follow. Now Letter-Writing is, to me, the most agreable Amusement I can find: and Writing to you the most entertaining and Agreable of all Letter-Writing. So that a Nest of an hundred, would cost me Nothing at all.—What say you my Dear? Are you not much obliged to me, for making you the cheapest of all possible Presents?
Shall I continue to write you, so much, and so often after I get to Town? Shall I send you, an History of the whole Voyage? Shall I draw You the Characters of all, who visit me? Shall I describe to you all the Conversations I have? I am about to make my Appearance on a new Theatre, new to me. I have never been much conversant in scenes, where Drs., Nurses, Watchers, &c. make the Principal Actors. It will be a Curiosity to me. Will it be so to you? I was always pleased to see human Nature in a Variety of shapes. And if I should be much alone, and feel in tolerable Spirits, it will be a Diversion to commit my Observations to Writing.
I believe I could furnish a Cabinet of Letters upon these subjects which would be exceeded in Curiosity, by nothing, but by a sett describing the Characters, Diversions, Meals, Wit, Drollery, Jokes, Smutt, and Stories of the Guests at a Tavern in Plymouth where I lodge,1 when at that Court—which could be equalled by nothing excepting a minute History of Close stools and Chamber Potts, and of the Operation of Pills, Potions and Powders, in the Preparation for the small Pox.
Heaven forgive me for suffering my Imagination to straggle into a 25Region of Ideas so nauseous And abominable: and suffer me to return to my Project of writing you a Journal. You would have a great Variety of Characters—Lawyers, Physicians (no Divines I believe), a Number of Tradesmen, Country Colonells, Ladies, Girls, Nurses, Watchers, Children, Barbers &c. &c. &c. But among all These, there is but one whose Character I would give much to know better than I do at present. In a Word I am an old Fellow, and have seen so many Characters in my Day, that I am almost weary of Observing them.—Yet I doubt whether I understand human Nature or the World very well or not?
There is not much Satisfaction in the study of Mankind to a benevolent Mind. It is a new Moon, Nineteen Twentyeths of it opaque and unenlightened.
Intimacy with the most of People, will bring you acquainted with Vices and Errors, and Follies enough to make you despize them. Nay Intimacy with the most celebrated will very much diminish our Reverence and Admiration.
What say you now my dear shall I go on with my Design of Writing Characters?—Answer as you please, there is one Character, that whether I draw it on Paper or not, I cannot avoid thinking on every Hour, and considering sometimes together and sometimes asunder, the Excellencies and Defects in it. It is almost the only one that has encreased, for many Years together, in Proportion to Acquaintance and Intimacy, in the Esteem, Love and Admiration of your
Probably Thomas Southworth Howland's inn on North Street (James Thacher, History of the Town of Plymouth, Boston, 1832, p. 180–198; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:334–336; 2:15).
1764-04-12
Here am I all alone, in my Chamber, a mere Nun I assure you, after professing myself thus will it not be out of Character to confess that my thoughts are often employ'd about Lysander, “out of the abundance of the Heart, the mouth speaketh,”1 and why Not the Mind thinketh.
Received the pacquet you so generously bestowed upon me. To say I Fasted after such an entertainment, would be wronging my Conscience and wounding Truth. How kind is it in you, thus by frequent 26tokens of remembrance to alleviate the pangs of absence, by this I am convinced that I am often in your Thoughts, which is a satisfaction to me, notwithstanding you tell me that you sometimes view the dark side of your Diana, and there no doubt you discover many Spots—which I rather wish were erased, than conceal'd from you. Do not judge by this, that your opinion is an indifferent thing to me, (were it so, I should look forward with a heavey Heart,) but it is far otherways, for I had rather stand fair there, and be thought well of by Lysander than by the greater part of the World besides. I would fain hope that those faults which you discover, proceed more, from a wrong Head, than a bad Heart. E'er long May I be connected with a Friend from whose Example I may form a more faultless conduct, and whose benevolent mind will lead him to pardon, what he cannot amend.
The Nest of Letters which you so undervalue, were to me a much more welcome present than a Nest of Baskets, tho every stran of those had been gold and silver. I do not estimate everything according to the price the world set upon it, but according to the value it is of to me, thus that which was cheapest to you I look upon as highly valuable.
You ask whether you shall send a History of the whole voyage, characters, visits, conversations &c. &c. It is the very thing that I designd this Evening to have requested of you, but you have prevented my asking, by kindly offering it. You will greatly oblige me by it, and it will be no small amusement to me in my State of Seperation. Among the many who will visit, I expect Arpasia2 will be one, I want her character drawn by your pen (Aurelia says she appears most agreable in her Letters). I know you are a critical observer, and your judgment of people generally plases me. Sometimes you know, I think you too severe, and that you do not make quite so many allowances as Humane Nature requires, but perhaps this may be oweing to my unacquainedness with the World. Your Business Naturly leads you to a nearer inspection of Mankind, and to see the corruptions of the Heart, which I believe you often find desperately wicked and deceitful.
Methinks I have abundance to say to you. What is next? O that I should have been extreemly glad to have seen you to Day. Last Fast Day, if you remember, we spent together, and why might we not this? Why I can tell you, we might, if we had been together, have been led into temptation. I dont mean to commit any Evil, unless setting up late, and thereby injuring our Health, may be called so. To that I could have submitted without much remorse of Conscience, that would have had but little weight with me, had you not bid me adieu, the last time I saw you. The reflexion of what I that forenoon endured, has 27been ever since sufficient to deter me from wishing to see you again, till you can come and go, as you formerly used to.
Betsy sends her Love to you, says she designd to have kissed you before you went away, but you made no advances, and she never haveing been guilty of such an action, knew not how to attempt it. Know you of any figure in the Mathematicks whereby you can convey one to her? Inclining lines that meet in the same center, will not that figure come as nigh as any?
What think you of the weather. We have had a very promissing afternoon, tho the forenoon threatned a Storm. I am in great hopes that Sol will not refuse his benign influence tomorrow.
To-Morrow you leave Braintree. My best wishes attend you. With Marcia3 I say
Thus for Lysander prays his
PS Let me hear from you soon as possible, and as often. By sending your Letters to the Doctor believe you may get conveyance often. I rejoice to hear you feel so comfortable. Still be careful, good folks are scarce. My Mamma has just been up, and asks to whom I am writing. I answerd not very readily. Upon my hesitating—Send my Love say'd she to Mr. Adams, tell him he has my good wishes for his Safty. A good Night to you—my fire is out. Pray be so kind (as to deliver) or send if they dont visit you, these Letters as directed.
What a Beautiful morning it is, I almost wish I was going with you.—Here
Closing quotation mark supplied.
Thus clearly in MS (and in subsequent mentions). “Arpasia” was apparently Miss Mary Nicolson, of whom little is known except that she came from Plymouth and was a member of the Cranch-Palmer-Smith-Paine circle of female correspondents.
Daughter of Cato in Addison's tragedy, Cato (1713).
1764-04-13
We arrived at Captn. Cunninghams, about Twelve O'Clock and sent our Compliments to Dr. Perkins. The Courrier returned with Answer that the Dr. was determined to inoculate no more without a Preparation preevious to Inoculation. That We should have written to him and have received Directions from him, and Medicine, before We came into Town. I was surprized and chagrined. I wrote, instantly, a Letter to him,1 and informed him we had been under a Preparation of his prescribing, and that I presumed Dr. Tufts had informed him, that We depended on him, in Preference to any other Gentleman. The Dr. came, immediately with Dr. Warren,2 in a Chaise—And after an Apology, for his not Recollecting—(I am obliged to break off my Narration, in order to swallow a Porringer of Hasty Pudding and Milk. I have done my Dinner)—for not recollecting what Dr. Tufts had told him, Dr. Perkins demanded my left Arm and Dr. Warren my Brothers.
They took their Launcetts and with their Points divided the skin for about a Quarter of an Inch and just suffering the Blood to appear, buried a Thread about half a Quarter of an Inch long in the Channell. A little Lint was then laid over the scratch and a Piece of a Ragg pressed on, and then a Bandage bound over all—my Coat and waistcoat put on, and I was bid to go where and do what I pleased. (Dont you think the Dr. has a good Deal of Confidence in my Discretion, thus to leave me to it?)
The Doctors have left us Pills red and black to take Night and Morning. But they looked very sagaciously and importantly at us, and ordered my Brother, larger Doses than me, on Account of the Difference in our Constitutions. Dr. Perkins is a short, thick sett, dark Complexioned, Yet pale Faced, Man, (Pale faced I say, which I was glad to see, because I have a great Regard for a Pale Face, in any Gentleman of Physick, Divinity or Law. It indicates search and study). Gives himself the alert, chearful Air and Behaviour of a Physician, not forgeting the solemn, important and wise. Warren is a pretty, tall, Genteel, fair faced young Gentleman. Not quite so much Assurance in his Address, as Perkins, (perhaps because Perkins was present) Yet shewing fully that he knows the Utility thereof, and that he will soon, practice it in full Perfection.
The Doctors, having finished the Operation and left Us, their Directions and Medicines, took their Departure in infinite Haste, depend on't.
29I have one Request to make, which is that you would be very careful in making Tom, Smoke all the Letters from me, very faithfully, before you, or any of the Family reads them. For, altho I shall never fail to smoke them myself before sealing, Yet I fear the Air of this House will be too much infected, soon, to be absolutely without Danger, and I would not you should take the Distemper, by Letter from me, for Millions. I write at a Desk far removed from any sick Room, and shall use all the Care I can, but too much cannot be used.
I have written thus far, and it is 45 Minutes Past one O Clock and no more.
My Love to all. My hearty Thanks to Mamma for her kind Wishes. My Regards as due to Pappa, and should request his Prayers, which are always becoming, and especially at such Times, when We are undertaking any Thing of Consequence as the small Pox, undoubtedly, tho, I have not the Least Apprehension att all of what is called Danger.
Not found.
DAB
). Among Warren's papers on deposit in MHi are an account book, 1763–1768, and a day book, 1774–1775, of his medical practice. No entry for inoculating Peter Adams has been found therein, but there are entries during 1764–1765 for a number of transactions with Dr. Nathaniel Perkins showing a close professional relationship between the two physicians at this time. There are also later entries (e.g. 10 Aug. 1768, 14 May and 24 Dec. 1774) for visits to and prescriptions for AA and JA.
1764-04-14
The Deacon and his Three Children are arrivd and the Operation has been performed, and all well. And now our Hospital is full. There are Ten, of Us, under this Roof, now expecting to be sick. One, of Us, Mr. Wheat, begins to complain of a Pain Under his Arm and in his Knees, and about his Back, so that We expect within a few Hours to see the Course of the Eruption and of the fever that preeceeds and accompanies it.
Your Friends, Miss Paine1 and Miss Nicholson2 have been here, and are gone. I delivered your Letters. Arpasia asked me, if you was five feet and six Inches tall? I replyd I had not taken Measure as Yet. You know the Meaning of this Question. She is neither Tall, nor short, 30neither lean nor fat—pitted with the small Pox—a fine Bloom. Features somewhat like Esther Quincy's.3 An Eye, that indicates not only Vivacity, but Fire—not only Resolution, but Intrepidity. (Scandal protect me, Candor forgive me.) I cannot say that the Kindness, the softness, the Tenderness, that constitutes the Characteristick Excellence of your sex, and for the Want of which no Abilities can atone, are very conspicuous Either in her Face, Air or Behaviour.
Is it not insufferable thus to remark on a Lady whose face I have once only and then but just seen and with whom I have only exchangd two or three Words? Shes a Buxom Lass however, and I own I longed for a Game of Romps with her, and should infallibly have taken one, only I thought the Dress I was in, the Air I had breathd and especially the Medicine I had taken, would not very greatly please a Lady, a stranger, of much Delicacy. Poll. Palmer and I shall unquestionably go to romping very soon.
Perkins, Sprague4 and Lord, are the Physicians that attend this House. Each has a few Particulars in Point of Diet, in which he differs from the others, and Each has Pills and Powders, different from the others to administer, different at least in size, and shape and Colour. I like my own vastly the best, tho Dr. Lord is really a Man of sense.
I fear I must write less than I have done. The Drs. dont approve it. They will allow of nothing scarcly but the Card Table, Chequer Bord, Flute, Violin, and singing, unless, Tittle Tattle, Roll and Tumble, shuttle Cock &c.
Two Men of Taunton, Taunton, 1912; more will appear in the forthcoming collection of Paine Papers in preparation by Stephen T. Riley for the Massachusetts Historical Society.
“Arpasia,” described below. See a note on her under AA to JA, 12 April, above.
30th Report, p. 422). See Adams Genealogy.
Harvard Graduates
, 10:240–243).
1764-04-15
Mr. Cranch informs me that Hones1 will go to Town tomorrow, and that I may not miss one opportunity, have now taken my pen to thank you for yours by Tom, and also for that which I have just now received by Mr. Ayres. You seem in high Spirits at which you know I rejoice. Your minute description of the persons you have seen, are very entertaining to me. I cannot consent you should omit writing, unless you find it prejudicial to your Health, if so I have not a word more to say. But, if amusement is all they require, why is not one amusement as good as an other, it may be those who forbid you cannot conceive that writing to a Lady is any amusement, perhaps they rank it under the Head of drudgery, and hard Labour.
However all I insist upon is that you follow that amusement which is most agreable to you whether it be Cards, Chequers, Musick, Writing, or Romping.
May not I hear from you by Hones? I shall take all possible care that the Letters I receive be well smoked before I venture upon them, enclose the Letters in a cover, but seal only the out side, Tom makes bungling work opening them, and tares them sadly.
As to any other of the familys being endangerd by them, there is no fear of that, they are very good, and let me enjoy my Letters to myself unless I vouchsafe they should see them. So Miser like I hoard them up, and am not very communicative.
Your Mamma doubtless would rejoice to hear from you, if you write you may enclose to me, I will take good care of it, if you want any thing I can serve you in, let me know, have you milk eno? You have a large number, who I suppose live upon it, write me if it would be agreable to You to have some.
Tis meeting time, the Bell rings. Adieue, my Friend—My —— add what else you please. And always believe me What I really am Your own
My Love to Myra.2 We all desire to be rememberd to you. Your Daughter Betsy is a charming Girl, and Lisps her Love to her papa. My Regards to whom, and whenever you please to bestow them—to your Brother in perticuliar. Once more adieue.
A phonetic spelling for “Hannes” (i.e. Johannes?), probably a servant in the Cranch or Palmer family.
Mary (“Polly”) Palmer.
1764-04-16
I think I write to you every Day. Shall not I make my Letters very cheep; don't you light your pipe with them? I care not if you do, tis a pleasure to me to write, yet I wonder I write to you with so little restraint, for as a critick I fear you more than any other person on Earth, and tis the only character, in which I ever did, or ever will fear you. What say you? Do you approve of that Speach? Dont you think me a Courageous Being? Courage is a laudable, a Glorious Virtue in your Sex, why not in mine? (For my part, I think you ought to applaud me for mine.)—Exit Rattle.
And now pray tell me how you do, do you feel any venom working in your veins, did you ever before experience such a feeling?—This Letter will be made up with questions I fancy—not set in order before you neither.—How do you employ yourself? Do you go abroad yet? Is it not cruel to bestow those favours upon others which I should rejoice to receive, yet must be deprived of?
I have lately been thinking whether my Mamma—when I write again I will tell you Something. Did not you receive a Letter to Day by Hones?
This is a right Girls Letter, but I will turn to the other side and be sober, if I can—but what is bred in the bone will never be out of the flesh, (as Lord M would have said).
As I have a good opportunity to send some Milk, I have not waited for your orders; least if I should miss this, I should not catch such another. If you want more balm, I can supply you.
This is the earliest letter written by AA to JA that was printed by CFA in his several editions of his grandmother's letters; see AA, Letters, ed. CFA, 1840, p. 7–8.
1764-04-17
Yours of April 15th. this moment received. I thank You for it—and for your offer of Milk, but We have Milk in vast Abundance, and every Thing else that we want except Company.
33You cant imagine how finely my Brother and I live. We have, as much Bread and as much new pure Milk, as much Pudding, and Rice, and indeed as much of every Thing of the farinaceous Kind as We please—and the Medicine We take is not att all nauseous, or painfull.
And our Felicity is the greater, as five Persons in the same Room, under the Care of Lord And Church,1 are starved and medicamented with the utmost severity. No Bread, No Pudding, No Milk is permitted them, i.e. no pure and simple Milk, (they are allowed a Mixture of Half Milk and Half Water) and every other Day they are tortured with Powders that make them as sick as Death and as weak as Water. All this may be necessary for them for what I know, as Lord is professedly against any Preparation previous to Inoculation. In which opinion I own I was fully agreed with him, till lately. But Experience has convinced me of my Mistake, and I have felt and now feel every Hour, the Advantage and the Wisdom of the contrary Doctrine.
Dr. Tufts and your Brother have been here to see Us this Morning. They are charmingly well and chearfull, tho they are lean and weak.
Messrs. Quincy's Samuel and Josiah,2 have the Distemper very lightly. I asked Dr. Perkins how they had it. The Dr. answerd in the style of the Faculty “Oh Lord sir; infinitely light!” It is extreamly pleasing, says he, wherever we go We see every Body passing thro this tremendous Distemper, in the lightest, easiest manner, conceivable.
The Dr. meaned, those who have the Distemper by Inoculation in the new Method, for those who have it in the natural Way, are Objects of as much Horror, as ever. There is a poor Man, in this Neighbourhood, one Bass, now labouring with it, in the natural Way. He is in a good Way of Recovery, but is the most shocking sight, that can be seen. They say he is no more like a Man than he is like an Hog or an Horse—swelled to three times his size, black as bacon, blind as a stone. I had when I was first inoculated a great Curiosity to go and see him; but the Dr. said I had better not go out, and my Friends thought it would give me a disagreable Turn. My Unkle brought up one Vinal who has just recoverd of it in the natural Way to see Us, and show Us. His face is torn all to Pieces, and is as rugged as Braintree Commons.
This Contrast is forever before the Eyes of the whole Town, Yet it is said there are 500 Persons, who continue to stand it out,3 in spight of Experience, the Expostulations of the Clergy, both in private and from the Desk, the unwearied Persuasions of the select Men, and the perpetual Clamour and astonishment of the People, and to expose themselves to this Distemper in the natural Way!—Is Man a rational 34Creature think You?—Conscience, forsooth and scruples are the Cause.—I should think my self, a deliberate self Murderer, I mean that I incurred all the Guilt of deliberate self Murther, if I should only stay in this Town and run the Chance of having it in the natural Way.
Mr. Wheat is broke out, and is now at the Card Table to amuze himself. He will not be able to get above a score or two. Badger has been pretty lazy and lolling, and achy about the Head and Knees and Back, for a Day or two, and the Messengers appear upon him, that foretell the compleat Appearance of the Pox in about 24. Hours.
Thus We see others, Under the symptoms, and all the Pains that attend the Distemper, under the present Management, every Hour, and are neither dismayed nor in the least disconcerted, or dispirited. But are every one of Us wishing that his Turn might come next, that it might be over, and we about our Business, and I return to my Farm, my Garden, but above all, to my Diana who is the best of all Friends, And the Richest of all Blessings to her own
How shall I express my Gratitude to your Mamma and your self, for your Kind Care and Concern for me. Am extreamly obliged for the Milk, and the Apples. But would not have you trouble yourselves any more for We have a sufficient, a plentiful supply, of those, and every other good Thing that is permitted Us. Balm is a Commodity in very great Demand and very scarce, here, and there is a great Number of Us to drink of its inspiring Infusion, so that my Unkle, Aunt, and all the Patients under their Roof would be obligd, as well as myself, if you could send me some more.
I received Your agreable Favour by Hannes, this Morning, and had but just finished My Answer to it, when I received the other, by Tom.
I never receive a Line from you without a Revivification of Spirits, and a joyful Heart. I long to hear that—something you promissed to tell me, in your next. What can that Thing be? thought I. My busy fancy will be speculating and conjecturing about it, night and day, I suppose, till your next Letter shall unriddle the Mystery. You are a wanton, malicious, what shall I call you for putting me in this Puzzle and Teaze for a day or two, when you might have informd me in a Minute.
You had best reconsider and retract that bold speech of yours I assure You. For I assure you there is another Character, besides that of Critick, in which, if you never did, you always hereafter shall fear me, or I will know the Reason why.
Oh. Now I think on't I am determined very soon to write you, an 35Account in minute Detail of the many Faults I have observed in you. You remember I gave you an Hint that I had observed some, in one of my former Letters. You'l be surprized, when you come to find the Number of them.
By the Way I have heard since I came to Town an Insinuation to your Disadvantage, which I will inform you off, as soon as you have unravelled Your Enigma.
We have very litle News, and very little Conversation in Town about any Thing, but the Adulterated Callomel that kill'd a Patient at the Castle, as they say. The Town divides into Parties about it, and Each Party endeavours to throw the Blame, as usual, where his Interest, or Affections, prompt him to wish it might go.
Where the Blame will center, or where the Quarrell will terminate, I am not able to foresee.
The Persons talked of are Dr. Gelston,4 Mr. Wm. Greenleaf, the Apothecary who married Sally Quincy, and the Serjeant, French a Braintree man, who is said to have caried the Druggs from the Apothecary to the Physician. But I think the Serjeant is not much suspected. After all, whether any Body att all is to blame, is with me a dispute.
Make my Compliments to all the formall, give my Duty to all the honourable, and my Love to all the Friendly, whether at Germantown, Weymouth or Elsewhere, that enquire after me, and believe me to be with unalterable Affection Yr.
DAB
).
It is remarkable that this is almost precisely the number of inhabitants that a modern scholarly investigator has estimated survived the epidemic in Boston without having smallpox either naturally or by inoculation. See John B. Blake, Public Health in the Town of Boston, 1630–1822, Cambridge, 1959, p. 244. Blake's figure is 519, though of these he believes most were “out of town during the greater part of the epidemic.”
NEHGR
, 28 [1874]:437–438; Vital Records of Nantucket, Boston, 1925–1928, 5:328). On this controversy see also Cotton Tufts to AA, 19? April, below. An interminable series of letters concerning it, contributed by William Greenleaf, Samuel Gelston, Jonathan Sewall, and Robert Treat Paine, was published in the Boston Gazette, 23 April–16 July 1764.
1764-04-18
Three of our Company, have now the Small Pox upon them, Wheat, Badger, and Elderkin. We have seen them for two or Three days each, wading thro Head Acks, Back Acks, Knee Achs, Gagging and Fever, to their present state of an indisputable Eruption, chearful Spirits, coming Appetites and increasing strength. Huntington begins to complain and look languid.—Our Turn comes next.
We have compleated five days, and entered two Hours on the sixth, since Innoculation, and have as yet felt no Pains, nor Languors from Pox or Medicine, worth mentioning. Indeed what the others have suffered is a mere Trifle. They arise every day with the Rest, having slept as soundly as the rest, eat and drink with the Rest, walk about the Chamber and chat with the rest, excepting that they love lolling and tumbling on the Bed rather more than the rest, and are somewhat less sociable and more frettful, groan a little oftener and wish more to see the Dr. But as soon as the Pock is out, these Pains depart, their Spirits rise, Tongues run, and they eat, drink, laugh and sport like Prisoners released.
1764-04-19
Why my good Man, thou hast the curiosity of a Girl. Who could have believed that only a slight hint would have set thy imagination a gig in such a manner. And a fine encouragement I have to unravel the Mistery as thou callest it. Nothing less truly than to be told Something to my disadvantage. What an excellent reward that will be? In what Court of justice did'st thou learn that equity? I thank thee Friend such knowledg as that is easy eno' to be obtained without paying for it. As to the insinuation, it doth not give me any uneasiness, for if it is any thing very bad, I know thou dost not believe it. I am not conscious of any harm that I have done, or wished to any Mortal. I bear no Malice to any Being. To my Enimies, (if any I have) I am 37willing to afford assistance; therefore towards Man, I maintain a Conscience void of offence.
Yet by this I mean not that I am faultless, but tell me what is the Reason that persons had rather acknowledg themselves guilty, than be accused by others. Is it because they are more tender of themselves, or because they meet with more favor from others, when they ingenuously confess. Let that be as it will there is something which makes it more agreeable to condemn ourselves than to be condemned by others.
But altho it is vastly disagreeable to be accused of faults, yet no person ought to be offended when such accusations are deliverd in the Spirit of Friendship.—I now call upon you to fullfill your promise, and tell me all my faults, both of omission and commission, and all the Evil you either know, or think of me, be to me a second conscience, nor put me off to a more convenient Season. There can be no time more proper than the present, it will be harder to erase them when habit has strengthned and confirmd them.
Do not think I triffle. These are really meant as words of Truth and Soberness—for the present good Night.
What does it signify, why may not I visit you a Days as well as Nights? I no sooner close my Eyes than some invisible Being, swift as the Alborack of Mahomet, bears me to you. I see you, but cannot make my self visible to you. That tortures me, but it is still worse when I do not come for I am then haunted by half a dozen ugly Sprights. One will catch me and leep into the Sea, an other will carry me up a precipice (like that which Edgar describes to Lear,) then toss me down, and were I not then light as the Gosemore I should shiver into atoms—an other will be pouring down my throat stuff worse than the witches Broth in Macbeth.—Where I shall be carried next I know not, but I had rather have the small pox by inoculation half a dozen times, than be sprighted about as I am. What say you can you give me any encouragement to come? By the time you receive this hope from experience you will be able to say that the distemper is but a triffle. Think you I would not endure a triffle for the pleasure of seeing Lysander, yes were it ten times that triffle I would.—But my own inclinations must not be followed—to Duty I sacrifice them. Yet O my Mamma forgive me if I say, you have forgot, or never knew—but hush.—And do you Lysander excuse me that something I promis'd you, since it was a Speach more undutifull than that which I Just now stop'd my self in—for the present good by.
I hope you smoke your Letters well, before you deliver them. Mamma is so fearful least I should catch the distemper, that she hardly ever thinks the Letters are sufficently purified. Did you never rob a Birds nest? Do you remember how the poor Bird would fly round and round, fearful to come nigh, yet not know how to leave the place—just so they say I hover round Tom whilst he is smokeing my Letters.
But heigh day Mr. whats your Name?—who taught you to threaten so vehemently “a Character besides that of critick, in which if I never did, I always hereafter shall fear you.”
Thou canst not prove a villan, imposible. I therefore still insist upon it, that I neither do, nor can fear thee. For my part I know not that there is any pleasure in being feard, but if there is, I hope you will be so generous as to fear your Diana that she may at least be made sensible of the pleasure.
Mr. Ayers will bring you this Letter, and the Bag. Do no
Here is Love, respects, regards, good wishes—a whole waggon load of them sent you from all the good folks in the Neighbourhood.
To morrow makes the 14th Day.1 How many more are to come? I dare not trust my self with the thought. Adieu. Let me hear from you by Mr. Ayers, and excuse this very bad writing, if you had mended my pen it would have been better, once more adieu. Gold and Silver have I none, but such as I have, give I unto thee—which is the affectionate Regard of Your
Since she had seen JA.
1764-04-19
It was not forgetfulness, that prevented my writing. You must not ascribe to forgetfulness my not writing to You for some time past, it was A Fear had a Letter from me at the Time of Eruption and for some days after would have been disagreable. You must think, that Distance of Place or Even Pain and Distress is not able to erase the tender Affection which I have for my Friends and You my Dear have a right to my Affection in particular having in the State of Childhood assisted You as a Physician for the same Reasons mentiond in Yours that I have a Claim to Yours. I never design'd that You should have 39open'd Pandora's Box, as such it seem'd to be to You. All I can say upon the Affair is that if Your delicate Stomach receiv'd a gentle Heave, You must comfort yourself with the trite saying “Pay for Peeping” (I do
I think You are grown very good at Weymouth and extremely peaceable, and quiet. But by this Time I believe You are full
I saw Your Friend Yesterday and the day before. He will have the Disorder lightly, for You must Note I am become Connoisseur in this Business.
Tufts' Diary (MS in MHi) states that after being inoculated on 28 March he had first felt the contagion on 7 April and that he first “went abroad” on the 15th. JA's letter to AA of 17 April reports a (presumably first) visit from Tufts on that day (the 17th). In the present letter Tufts speaks of this visit as having occurred two days before he wrote AA.
The “Affair” of the adulterated calomel used in the smallpox hospital on Castle Island; see JA to AA, 17 April, above.
1764-04-26
Many have been the particular Reasons against my Writing for several days past, but one general Reason has prevailed with me more than any other Thing, and that was, an Absolute Fear to send a Paper from this House, so much infected as it is, to any Person lyable to take the Distemper but especially to you. I am infected myself, and every Room in the House, has infected People in it, so that there is real Danger, in Writing.
However I will write now, and thank you for yours of Yesterday.1 Mr. Ayers told you the Truth. I was comfortable, and have never been otherwise. I believe, None of the Race of Adam, ever passed the small Pox, with fewer Pains, Achs, Qualms, or with less smart than I have done. I had no Pain in my Back, none in my side, none in my Head. None in my Bones or Limbs, no reching or vomiting or sickness. A short shivering Fit, and a succeeding hot glowing Fit, a Want of Appetite, and a general Languor, were all the symptoms that 40ushered into the World, all the small Pox, that I can boast of, which are about Eight or Ten, (for I have not yet counted them exactly) two of which only are in my Face, the rest scattered at Random over my Limbs and Body. They fill very finely and regularly, and I am as well, tho not so strong, as ever I was in my Life. My Appetite has returned, and is quick enough and I am returning gradually to my former Method of Living.
Very nearly the same may be said of my Brother excepting that, he looks leaner than I, and that he had more sickness and Head Ach about the Time of the Eruption than I.
Such We have Reason to be thankful has been our Felicity. And that of Deacon Palmers Children has been, nearly the same. But others in the same House have not been so happy—pretty high Fevers, and severe Pains, and a pretty Plentiful Eruption has been the Portion of Three at last2 of our Companions. I join with you sincerely in your Lamentation that you were not inoculated. I wish to God the Dr. would sett up an Hospital at Germantown, and inoculate you. I will come and nurse you, nay I will go with you to the Castle or to Point Shirley, or any where and attend you. You say rightly safety there is not, and I say, safety there never will be. And Parents must be lost in Avarice or Blindness, who restrain their Children.
I believe there will be Efforts to introduce Inoculation at Germantown, by Drs. Lord and Church.
However, be carefull of taking the Infection unawares. For all the Mountains of Peru or Mexico I would not, that this Letter or any other Instrument should convey the Infection to you at unawares.
P.S. Dont conclude from any Thing I have written that I think Inoculation a light matter.—A long and total Abstinence from every Thing in Nature that has any Taste, Two heavy Vomits, one heavy Cathartick, four and twenty Mercurial and Antimonial Pills, and Three Weeks close Confinement to an House, are, according to my Estimation of Things, no small matters.—However, who would not chearfully submit to them rather than pass his whole Life in continual Fears, in subjection, under Bondage.
Sylvia and Myra send Compliments.
No letter to JA dated 25 April 1764 has been found.
Thus in MS, but JA may have meant “least.”
1764-04-30
Your Friendly Epistle reach'd me a fryday morning, it came like an Infernal Mesenger, thro fire and Brimstone, Yet it brought me tidings of great joy. With gratitude may this month be ever rememberd by Diana. You have been peculiarly favourd, and may be numberd with those who have had the distemper lightest. What would I give that I was as well thro it. I thank you for your offerd Service, but you know that I am not permitted to enjoy the benifit of it.
Yesterday the Dr.1 returnd to our no small Satisfaction. I think there is but one person upon Earth, the Sight of whom would have more rejoiced me. But “not Sight alone would please.” It would therefore be adviseable to keep at an unseeable distance till any approach would not endanger.
I was yesterday at the Meeting of a Gentleman and his Lady. Cloathe
As to the charge of Haughtiness I am certain that is a mistake, for if I know any thing of Lysander, he has as little of that in his disposition, as he has of Ill nature. But for Saucyness no Mortal can match him, no not even His
N.B. Remember me to Silvia and Myra.
Shall I hear from you by Mr. Ayers. If not do not fail writing by the Doctor who will be in Town a thursday. If he brings a letter suppose he will smoke it too, you understand me.
Yours unfeignedly,
Cotton Tufts, who is also, of course, the “Gentleman” alluded to in the following paragraph.
Closing quotation mark supplied.
1764-05-04
Returned from a Ramble in Town which began at 10 in the Morning. Dined with my Friend S. Adams1 and Wm. Checkley,2 and visited &c.—so that this is the first Moment of my Knowledge of my Letters or the Dr. being in Town.
Once I have ridden to Dorchester Meeting House in a Chaise with Myra, another Day, round the Town, and over the Neck in a Chaise with Myra, and Yesterday I rode on Horse back into the Country twelve Miles out and in, with one of my Hospital Companions. We are all well but one, who is more hysterical than any ancient Maiden, in the Gout. An History of his Oddities, would be a Curiosity. But the Man is in no Danger, his small Pox is all gone, and he can eat his Pint of Chocolate, and drink his Bowl of Claret sangaree, as well as any Man.
I have had a fine Time of it. I drank Frontinac and Mountain Malaga, and eat Oysters in order to make the Pock fill well, till I filld up about 30 fine ones.
The Dr. waits and wont light.
William Checkley, Harvard 1756, a kinsman of Samuel Adams (Wells, Samuel Adams
, 1:54; 2:20).
1764-05-04
Your desire that I would write every Opportunity is punctually observed by me, And I comply with your request, altho I have nothing more to say than How do ye? and when will you return? These questions perhaps may appear trifling to others, yet to me they are matters of the highest importance.
The Doctor just now sent me your Epistle, and word, that tho he had smoked it, yet he had not read a line. Very Good!
I greatly rejoice to find you are so comfortable, as well as the rest of my Friends. Myra I hear is to return next week, and will not Lysander too? Yet do not, till you can come with the greatest Safety. For should I see thee,
44Did not you receive a Letter this week by Mr. Ayers? You make no mention of it, tho suppose You had not time, will you be so kind as to write by him tomorrow? For all those pleasureable Sensations, which you were pleas'd to say, a Letter from your Diana gave you, are enjoyed by her when Lysander favours her with an Epistle, and in as much greater a degree, as his are more worthy than hers. Yet tho he exceeds her there, he cannot in a tenderer affection than that which is borne him by his
This Letter has been very unlucky haveing mist two Opportunities. I sent it by 5 oclock yesterday morn to Mr. Ayers, but he went by light.1 I then sent it to Germantown, but the Deacon was gone half an hour before it reachd there; I hear of an other tomorrow morning so will can2 try again. I heard to day that your Brother was expected home last Night, and you tomorrow.
If you come I know it will not be long, You will see your
Thus in MS. Perhaps meaning by dawn.
Thus in MS.
1764-05-07
I promised you, Sometime agone, a Catalogue of your Faults, Imperfections, Defects, or whatever you please to call them. I feel at present, pretty much at Leisure, and in a very suitable Frame of Mind to perform my Promise. But I must caution you, before I proceed to recollect yourself, and instead of being vexed or fretted or thrown into a Passion, to resolve upon a Reformation—for this is my sincere Aim, in laying before you, this Picture of yourself.
In the first Place, then, give me leave to say, you have been extreamly negligent, in attending so little to Cards. You have very litle Inclination, to that noble and elegant Diversion, and whenever you have taken an Hand you have held it but aukwardly and played it, with a very uncourtly, and indifferent, Air. Now I have Confidence enough 45in your good sense, to rely upon it, you will for the future endeavour to make a better Figure in this elegant and necessary Accomplishment.
Another Thing, which ought to be mentioned, and by all means amended, is, the Effect of a Country Life and Education, I mean, a certain Modesty, sensibility, Bashfulness, call it by which of these Names you will, that enkindles Blushes forsooth at every Violation of Decency, in Company, and lays a most insupportable Constraint on the freedom of Behaviour. Thanks to the late Refinements of modern manners, Hypocrisy, superstition, and Formality have lost all Reputation in the World and the utmost sublimation of Politeness and Gentility lies, in Ease, and Freedom, or in other Words in a natural Air and Behaviour, and in expressing a satisfaction at whatever is suggested and prompted by Nature, which the aforesaid Violations of Decency, most certainly are.
In the Third Place, you could never yet be prevail'd on to learn to sing. This I take very soberly to be an Imperfection of the most moment of any. An Ear for Musick would be a source of much Pleasure, and a Voice and skill, would be a private solitary Amusement, of great Value when no other could be had. You must have remarked an Example of this in Mrs. Cranch, who must in all probability have been deafened to Death with the Cries of her Betcy,1 if she had not drowned them in Musick of her own.
In the Fourth Place you very often hang your Head like a Bulrush. You do not sit, erected as you ought, by which Means, it happens that you appear too short for a Beauty, and the Company looses the sweet smiles of that Countenance and the bright sparkles of those Eyes.—This Fault is the Effect and Consequence of another, still more inexcusable in a Lady. I mean an Habit of Reading, Writing and Thinking. But both the Cause and the Effect ought to be repented and amended as soon as possible.
Another Fault, which seems to have been obstinately persisted in, after frequent Remonstrances, Advices and Admonitions of your Friends, is that of sitting with the Leggs across. This ruins the figure and the Air, this injures the Health. And springs I fear from the former source vizt. too much Thinking.—These Things ought not to be!
A sixth Imperfection is that of Walking, with the Toes bending inward. This Imperfection is commonly called Parrot-toed, I think, I know not for what Reason. But it gives an Idea, the reverse of a bold and noble Air, the Reverse of the stately strutt, and the sublime Deportment.
46Thus have I given a faithful Portraiture of all the Spotts, I have hitherto discerned in this Luminary. Have not regarded Order, but have painted them as they arose in my Memory. Near Three Weeks have I conned and studied for more, but more are not to be discovered. All the rest is bright and luminous.
Having finished the Picture I finish my Letter, lest while I am recounting Faults, I should commit the greatest in a Letter, that of tedious and excessive Length. There's a prettily turned Conclusion for You! from yr.
Elizabeth, eldest child of Richard and Mary (Smith) Cranch, was born 20 Nov. 1763; she married Rev. Jacob Norton in 1789 and died in 1811. See Adams Genealogy.
1764-05-08
This Morning received yours by Mr. Ayers.1 I can say nothing to the Contents at present, being obliged to employ all my Time in preparing for Braintree. I write only to thank you, and let you know I come home Tomorrow.—But when I shall see Diana, is uncertain. In the Warfare between Inclination and Prudence, I believe Prudence must prevail, especially as that Virtue will in this Case be seconded by the sincerest of all Affections, that of Lysander for Diana.
This letter is missing—unless (as is probable) JA is referring to AA's of 4–6 May, above, which was actually marked for delivery by a Mr. Allen and not by Ayers.
1764-05-09
Welcome, Welcome thrice welcome is Lysander to Braintree, but ten times more so would he be at Weymouth, whither you are afraid to come.—Once it was not so. May not I come and see you, at least look thro a window at you? Should you not be glad to see your Diana? I flatter myself you would.
Your Brother brought your Letter, tho he did not let me see him, deliverd it the Doctor from whom received it safe. I thank you for 47your Catalogue, but must confess I was so hardned as to read over most of my Faults with as much pleasure, as an other person would have read their perfections. And Lysander must excuse me if I still persist in some of them, at least till I am convinced that an alteration would contribute to his happiness. Especially may I avoid that Freedom of Behaviour which according to the plan given, consists in Voilations of Decency, and which would render me unfit to Herd even with the Brutes. And permit me to tell you Sir, nor disdain to be a learner, that there is such a thing as Modesty without either Hypocricy or Formality.
As to a neglect of Singing, that I acknowledg to be a Fault which if posible shall not be complaind of a second time, nor should you have had occasion for it now, if I had not a voice harsh as the screech of a peacock.
The Capotal fault shall be rectified, tho not with any hopes of being lookd upon as a Beauty, to appear agreeable in the Eyes of Lysander, has been for Years past, and still is the height of my ambition.
The 5th fault, will endeavour to amend of it, but you know I think that a gentleman has no business to concern himself about the Leggs of a Lady, for my part I do not apprehend any bad effects from the practise, yet since you desire it, and that you may not for the future trouble Yourself so much about it, will reform.
The sixth and last can be cured only by a Dancing School.
But I must not write more. I borrow a hint from you, therefore will not add to my faults that of a tedious Letter—a fault I never yet had reason to complain of in you, for however long, they never were otherways than agreeable to your own
1764-09-30
I have this Evening been to see the Girl.—What Girl? Pray, what Right have you to go after Girls?—Why, my Dear, the Girl I mentioned to you, Miss Alice Brackett. But Miss has hitherto acted in the Character of an House-Keeper, and her noble aspiring Spirit had rather rise to be a Wife than descend to be a Maid.
To be serious, however, she says her Uncle, whose House she keeps cannot possibly spare her, these two Months, if then, and she 48has no Thoughts of leaving him till the Spring, when she intends for Boston to become a Mantua Maker.
So that We are still to seek. Girls enough from fourteen to four and Twenty, are mentioned to me, but the Character of every Mothers Daughter of them is as yet problematical to me. Hannah Crane (pray dont you want to have her, my Dear) has sent several Messages to my Mother, that she will live with you as cheap, as any Girl in the Country. She is stout and able and for what I know willing, but I fear not honest, for which Reason I presume you will think of her no more.
Another Girl, one Rachael Marsh, has been recommended to me as a clever Girl, and a neat one, and one that wants a Place. She was bred in the Family of one of our substantial Farmers and it is likely understands Country Business, But whether she would answer your Purposes, so well as another, I am somewhat in Doubt.1
I have heard of a Number of younger Girls of Fourteen and thereabout, but these I suppose you would not choose.
It must therefore be left with you to make Enquiry, and determine for yourself. If you could hear of a suitable Person at Mistick or Newtown, on many Accounts she would be preferable to one, nearer home.
So much for Maids—now for the Man. I shall leave orders for Brackett, to go to Town, Wednesday or Thurdsday with an Horse Cart. You will get ready by that Time and ship aboard, as many Things as you think proper.
It happens very unfortunately that my Business calls me away at this Juncture for two Weeks together, so that I can take no Care at all about Help or Furniture or any Thing else. But Necessity has no Law.
Tomorrow Morning I embark for Plymouth—with a fowl disordered stomach, a pale Face, an Aching Head and an Anxious Heart. And What Company shall I find there? Why a Number of bauling Lawyers, drunken Squires, and impertinent and stingy Clients. If you realize this, my Dear, since you have agreed to run fortunes with me, you will submit with less Reluctance to any little Disappointments and Anxieties you may meet in the Conduct of your own Affairs.
I have a great Mind to keep a Register of all the stories, Squibbs, Gibes, and Compliments, I shall hear thro the whole Week. If I should I could entertain you with as much Wit, Humour, smut, Filth, Delicacy, Modesty and Decency, tho not with so exact Mimickry, as a certain Gentleman did the other Evening. Do you wonder, my Dear, why that Gentleman does not succeed in Business, when his whole study and Attention has so manifestly been engaged 49in the nobler Arts of smutt, Double Ententre, and Mimickry of Dutchmen and Negroes? I have heard that Imitators, tho they imitate well, Master Pieces in elegant and valuable Arts, are a servile Cattle. And that Mimicks are the lowest Species of Imitators, and I should think that Mimicks of Dutchmen and Negroes were the most sordid of Mimicks. If so, to what a Depth of the Profound have we plunged that Gentlemans Character. Pardon me, my dear, you know that Candour is my Characteristick—as it is undoubtedly of all the Ladies who are entertained with that Gents Conversation.
Oh my dear Girl, I thank Heaven that another Fortnight will restore you to me—after so long a separation. My soul and Body have both been thrown into Disorder, by your Absence, and a Month of two more would make me the most insufferable Cynick, in the World. I see nothing but Faults, Follies, Frailties and Defects in any Body, lately. People have lost all their good Properties or I my Justice, or Discernment.
But you who have always softened and warmed my Heart, shall restore my Benevolence as well as my Health and Tranquility of mind. You shall polish and refine my sentiments of Life and Manners, banish all the unsocial and ill natured Particles in my Composition, and form me to that happy Temper, that can reconcile a quick Discernment with a perfect Candour.
But my Mother says that Judah will do very well for your service this Winter.3 She is able to do a good deal of Business. And my mother farther says that she shall have no Occasion for her this Winter and that you may take her if you please and return her in the Spring, when it is likely she will have Occasion again for some Help and you will it is likely want some better Help.
50This last Project is the most saving one. And Parcimony is a virtue that you and I must study. However I will submit to any Expence, for your Ease and Conveniency that I can possibly afford.
All these Things I mention to you, that you may weigh them
Rachel Marsh did come to work for the newly married couple, for among the Adams Papers there is a slip receipt in AA's hand: “Braintree Febry. 23. 1765 Received of Abigail Adams one pound six shillings and Eight pence Lawful Money for a Quarters Wages. I say received by me—
Presumably
On how Judah first came into the Adams household, see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:65–66.
1764-10-04
I am much obliged to you for the care you have taken about help. I am very willing to submit to some inconveniences in order to lessen your expences, which I am sensible have run very high for these 12 months past and tho you know I have no particuliar fancy for Judah yet considering all things, and that your Mamma and you seem to think it would be best to take her, I shall not at present look out any further.
The cart you mentiond came yesterday, by which I sent as many things as the horse would draw the rest of my things will be ready the Monday after you return from Taunton. And—then Sir if you please you may take me. I hope by that time, that you will have recoverd your Health, together with your formour tranquility of mind. Think you that the phylosopher who laught at the follies of mankind did not pass thro' life with more ease and pleasure, than he who weept at them, and perhaps did as much towards a reformation. Tis true that I have had a good deal of fatigue in my own affair since I have been in town, but when I compare that with many other things that might have fallen to my Lot I am left without any Shadow of complaint. A few things, indeed I have meet with that have really discomposed me, one was haveing a corosive applied when a Lenitive would have answerd the same good purpose. But I hope I have drawn a lesson from that which will be useful to me in futurity, viz. never to say a severe thing because to a feeling heart they wound to deeply to be 51easily cured.—Pardon me this is not said for to recriminate, and I have only mentiond it, that when ever there is occasion a different method may be taken.
1764-10-13
When I wrote you by the Doctor1 I was in hopes that I should have been out the next day, but my disorder did not leave me as I expected and I am still confind extreemly weak, and I believe low spirited. The Doctor encourages me, tells me I shall be better in a few days. I hope to find his words true, but at present I feel, I dont know how, hardly myself. I would not have the Cart come a tuesday but should be extreemly glad to see you a Monday.
This letter has not been found.
On Thursday, 25 Oct. 1764, John Adams “of Brantree” was married to Abigail Smith at Weymouth (Vital Records of Weymouth, Boston, 1910, 2:11; Cotton Tufts, MS Diary in MHi, under that date).
1765-07-14
How many months have passed away since I have either written or received a line from my Dear Caliope? What various Scenes have I passed thro? Your Diana become a Mamma—can you credit it? Indeed it is a sober truth. Bless'd with a charming Girl whose pretty Smiles already delight my Heart, who is the Dear Image of her still Dearer Pappa. You my Friend are well acquainted with all the tender feelings of a parent, therefore I need not apologize for the present overflow. I have many things to say to you. Gratitude demands an acknowledgment for your kind present to my Daughter. She I hope will live to make you some return for your unmerrited goodness to her.
Dated from its reference to the birth of the Adamses' eldest child, Abigail (AA2), 14 July 1765. On AA2, later Mrs. William Stephens Smith, see Adams Genealogy.
1766-06-29
I have been determined, a long Time, to write you by the first Opportunity that should present, of sending a Letter. Two or Three Opportunities have presented; but so suddenly, that I could not obtain Time to write one Line. I now write intending to have my Letter in Readiness, against another Bearer appears.
I rejoiced very heartily last Night, at Hearing of your Welfare by Mr. Grosvenor. I wanted a Line from you however to inform, how you like the Place, the People, and the Business.1 I want to know how the Clock and Watch Work go on, and how the Card Trade comes forward, and how the Cash, that virtuous Commodity, which answers all Things, comes in? I want to know likewise, whether that Court Atmosphere has not almost contaminated your Patriotic Heart—and how many Blessings and Lamentations you have heard over the Lt. Governor, and how many Curses, and Imprecations upon Jemmy, since you have been there?2—Upon second Thought I dont care whether I hear any Thing of the last Matters or not; for to tell you a secret, I am amazingly changed. Since the Stamp Act is repealed and the Judges of the Superiour Court, taken out of that Sink of Partiality and Hypocrisy and Chicanery the Political Whirlpool, in which, to the Discouragement of Learning, the Elevation of Ignorance and Nonsense, the Disgrace of the Province, the Debasement of the Law, and the general scandal of impartial Men, they have been ingulphed; I am at perfect Ease about Politicks. I care not a shilling, who is in and who is out. I have no Point, that I wish carried.
I purpose, before I finish to cutt out materials enough for you to write up in your Letter to me. I want to know whereabout you live? in what street? whether near the Court House or not?—for I am meditating Journeys to Salem Court.—But by the Way, Sister writes that you rise by four in the Morning. I dont like that Advice very well. Before I venture to Salem you must write me express Leave to lye abed till Eight o Clock, in the morning absolutely, and till 9 upon Condition I shall find it necessary—for that lazy Town of Boston, and my Squeamish Wife keeping the shutters too, have brought me into a vile Habit of dozing in the Morning.—But prithee Brother how sits this four o Clock Practice upon thy stomach? Thou usedst to love thy 53Pillow with Verse and Prose and History and Mathematicks and Mechanicks, in thine Head, till pretty late since I knew thee.
To be serious. I recollect the Hours at Friendship Hall,3 the still pleasanter Times of Courtship at Weymouth, and the happy Visits at Germantown; and I regret your Removal more than I even expected I should. It seems to me if you was at Germantown I should visit you twice as often as I used. But it is certainly true when We have a Friend at Han
My Love to sister and Miss Betcy. Write to me soon
Cranch's several business ventures in Germantown and Weymouth having failed to prosper, the family had recently moved to Salem. On a visit there later this year JA described the Cranches' house; see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:320. But they remained in Salem relatively briefly, for by Nov. 1767 Cranch advertised his watchmaking business as established on Hanover Street in Boston (Essex Inst., Hist. Colls.
, 31[1894]:106).
Salem was regarded as a tory stronghold. The lieutenant governor was Thomas Hutchinson; “Jemmy” was his opponent James Otis Jr.
The Joseph Palmer house in the Germantown section of Braintree. It was built about 1757, was “three stories in height, and had two 'boudoirs' built out from it on two sides, [and] a portico” (Quincy Patriot, 29 June 1872). The Palmers left it in 1786. During the 19th century it was moved from its original site to the grounds of Sailors' Snug Harbor, where it stood until early in the present century. See Nathaniel Cranch Peabody's Genealogical Scrapbook (MHi: Palmer Papers), which has a floor plan of the house; and Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, p. 489.
MS torn.
1766-07-15
Tomorrow being Commencment, suppose this will not fail thro want of a conveyance. I therefore set, to tell you that I was much obliged by your kind Letter.1 When ever I receive a Letter from you it seems to give new Springs to my nerves, and a brisker circulation to 54my Blood, tis a kind of pleasing pain that I feel, and I some how, or other catch the infection which you speak of, and I feel so glad that I can scarcly help feeling sorry. These seem to be odd, tho I believe they are very natural Sensations.
You ask me if I will not come and tarry a Week with you. I have been Scheeming of it this forghtnight, and this was the week we pitch'd upon but some difficulties arose, then we talked of keeping Thanksgiving with you, but farming and the Courts come so thick upon us, that we cannot bring that to bear, for next week the Superior Court sets, the inferiour is adjournd to the week after. So that there is no opportunity till the week after that, and then I hope there will not any more Mountains arise to hinder me. Mole hills I always Expect to find, but them I can easily surmount.2
As to Sister Betsy, poor Girl her heart is with you, but when her Body will be, is uncertain, for one while her cough is too bad, then it is too hot weather. O you know how it always was. Dont you remember the time when I wanted to go to Commencment.—These matter
Had you been at Germantown, you should have been an Eye Witness of what I have told you. How often do I think, now if She was but there, I would run away and see her.
Dont you begin to think of comeing this way. And my Dear Betsy, I am affraid she will forget me. The weather will be so hot that I cannot think of bringing Nabby with me. Poor Rogue She has been very poorly these 3 or 4 Days, cutting teeth I believe. Her cough too is bad again.—Well tis time for me to think of drawing to a close, for tis pretty 55late, but I assure you I shall not follow your practise of rising by 4 oclock. It does not agree with my inclination to Laziness.
Your Stockings will send the first good opportunity, Love to Mr. Cranch. I have a little business for him, haveing broke the Spring of our timepiece. Mr. Adams sends Love to you and yours. So does your Truly affectionate Sister,
Not found.
The Adamses paid their first visit to the Cranches in Salem in August and another in November of this year (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:318–320).
1766-10-06
I wrote to you a week ago, and sent my Letter1 part of the way, but like a bad penny it returnd, to me again. This I write in hopes that it will reach you this week by Sister.
Your Letter2 I received and it gave me both pleasure and pain, it rejoiced my heart to hear from you, and it pained me to hear how Ill Mr. Cranch had been, and how low he still was. Many are the afflictions of the righteous was a text which immediately occured to my mind. I was in hopes that in leaving Braintree he would have left all his troubles behind him, but alass change of place has not yet had the desier'd effect.
O my Dear Sister I mourn every day more and more the great distance between us. I think Well now if She was but at Germantown I would run away and see her. I think I could come as often again as I used to. However as it is I please myself with the thoughts of seeing you in November, and hope I shall not be dissapointed, for I long to see you all; my Dear Betsy, what would I give to hear her prattle to her Cousin Nabby, to see them put their little arms round one an others necks, and hug each other, it would really be a very pleasing Sight, to me.—But to leave these little charmers—methinks your S
I want to know how you make out, how business is with you, whether you have a Sufficent Supply?—&c.
As for News I know of none. We do pretty much as We used to of old. Marry and give in Mariage, encrease and multiply all in the old fashiond way. Parson Weld has an other son, Ludovicus by Name. Your friends here are all in good Health. Grandfather is much as he used to be.3 I saw Mrs. Eunice a Sunday, She told me that She left you well, and that Mr. Cranch (which I could scarcly credit) was leaner than ever. My Good Man is so very fat that I am lean as a rail rale. He is such an Itinerant, to speak
Not found.
Not found.
Col.
1766-10-13
I heard to Day that the Doctor had a Letter from Mr. Cranch, and that he was still very Ill, poor Man. I am grieved for him, and for you my dear Sister, who I know share with him in all his troubles. It seem
I send my little Betsy some worsted for a pair of Stockings to go to meeting in. You must remember my Love to Mr. Cranch. Mr. Adams would be very glad if he would write to him, and I should take it kindly if you could write to me by Father, and let me know how you all are. I should be obliged if you would Lend me that quilted contrivance Mrs. Fuller made for Betsy. Nabby Bruses her forehead sadly she is fat as a porpouse and falls heavey. My paper is full and obliges me to bid you good Night. Yours,
1767-01-12
Mr. Etter was so good as to come this morning and inform me that his Sons would go to Salem tomorrow.1 By them I gladly embrace this Opportunity of inquiring after the welfare of you and your family. It has been a very long time since I heard any thing from you; the roads have been so block'd up with Snow here; that I assure you I have not been to Weymouth since mother came from Salem. They were all well to Day, father dined here, Sister Betsy had an ague in her face which has been very troublesome to her.—I immagine the Winter will seem very long to you, not being able to see your Friends from this way and scarcly to hear from them. They have all round made you a visit and retierd to their abideing places waiting, hopeing and Expecting that when the Spring returns, you will return their visits. Thus I reckon Febry., March, April, May, and then I hope to see you again in this Cottage of our own, where we have heretofore sat, and had sweet communion to get her. With what a painful pleasure do I recollect those hours of social chat? and how earnestly do I wish for the continuance of them? But alass where are they—fled “in the Dark backward, and abyss of time.”
How does our Dear Brother, how would the Sight of his Grave, Yet chearful countenance Gladen my Heart? And my Little Betsy, how does She. How every word and action of these little creatures, twines round ones heart? All their little pranks which would seem ridiculous to relate, are pleasing to a parent. How vex'd have I felt before now upon hearing parents to relate the chitt chat of little Miss, and Master 58said or did such and such a queer thing—and this I have heard done by persons whose good Sense in other instances has not been doubted. This tho really a weakness I can now more easily forgive, but hope in company I shall not fall into the same error.
As for New's we have not any but what tis like you see in the publick papers, where A B and C are drawn up in Battle array against P &c. As for Domestick News, I mean such as family News, we have none, unless it would be so to tell you that we have 2 horses, 3 cows, 2 Yearlings, 20 Sheep, 1 cock and no hens. Mem' one peice and a material one I had like to have omitted, viz. that the camblet has been done these 3 weeks but how to get it to you now I know not. I shall send it to unkle Smiths as the likelyest way to find a conveyance. Dawson has damaged it something
P.S. I will send my Love. What care I for News Paper Politicks?—Since last May, my Heart has been at Ease. At Ease I say, and the Governor and all his Friends and Enemies together cant trouble it.3—What would I give to have Brother Cranch's long Visage along Side of my short one, with a Pipe in each, talking about this and that and 'tother?
da da yrs,
Peter Etter Sr., a Swiss by birth, had settled in Pennsylvania but came to Braintree about 1750 as one of the entrepreneurs of the industrial establishment in the district still called Germantown. His own trade was stocking weaving. A staunch Anglican, he became a loyalist and left America with the British troops in 1776. See Jones, Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 133–134; numerous references in JA's Diary and Autobiography
; and, for Etter's connection with Benjamin Franklin and Franklin's connection with the enterprises at Germantown, Franklin, Papers, ed. Labaree and Bell, 4:64–65.
MS apparently reads “rowe”; perhaps for “rowed,” meaning that a nap was raised on the cloth (see row, verb 7, in
OED
).
On the contrary, JA was at this time intensely busy writing answers, under 59various pseudonyms, for publication in the Boston Gazette, to Jonathan Sewall's “Philanthrop” articles defending Governor Bernard in the Boston Evening Post. His present denial is a deliberate blind. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:326–332; also
Works
, 3:484–500.
1767-01-15
Your kind letter I receiv'd to day and am greatly rejoiced to
Mr. Cranch has been very well for him all this Winter he has not had but one ill turn since mother return'd home. Betsy Dear creature longs to see her cousen, Gran-Papa and Mama, aunts and all the folks as She says. As for news as you say tis all in the papers but Ive not been able to see any but Fleets and Russels, and the latter you know is a neutarel; till the other day after a labourious inquiery, I obtain'd one of Edes and Gills a Sight here rare enough to cure sore Eyes as they say.2 I durst not hardly smile assent to any thing against P——p least I should be cudgel'd. They think it consistant with good manners to affront a person even at their own tables if they offer to say one Word against his E——y. I was not born to live among Slaves. Some think here that the Person Who pleads the cause of injured innocence is S–w–l, but We think it sounds more like a canting uncle of his in your neighbourhood.3
As to your domestick news, I believe I know a little more of it than you do, or else you have forgot. You say you have two horses, but you are mistaken my dear. One of them is a Mare, a poor lame hip'd spavell'd, one eye'd mare as I understand. You should have sent me word how the poor Jade did. Whither you were like to loose her or not.
Miss Sally Barnard and Higginson were married last Satterday night was a week.4 Mr. Barnard and Family, Mr. Jackson and Lady din'd here last Satturday and went to Newbury a monday.
60How does your new married Mother do.5 Does she begin to thrive upon it. My Love to her tell her I wish her a great deal of contentment. Im sorry to hear Sister has been so poorly I long to have keep her all Winter but I knew it was in vain to desire it and indeed I could not when I consider'd mother. Im glad to hear the camblet is done. Send it to Uncle Smiths and Ill send for it. O Sister that I could but have one hours chat with you before I go to bed how glad I should be. Mr. Cranch send
Word missing in MS.
Fleet's Boston Evening Post, a relatively conservative paper; Green & Russell's Boston Post Boy, politically neutral as Mrs. Cranch says; and Edes & Gill's Boston Gazette, organ of the Boston political radicals.
These allusions are to the current “Philanthrop” articles in the Evening Post by Jonathan Sewall laudatory of Governor Sir Francis Bernard. It is not easy to identify Sewall's “canting uncle” unless Col. Josiah Quincy of Braintree, uncle of Esther (Quincy) Sewall, is meant.
Sarah, daughter of Rev. Thomas Barnard of Salem, married Vital Records of Salem, Salem, 1916–1925, 3:80, 496; Currier, “Ould, Newbury,” p. 564–565, 577–578;
Biog. Dir. Cong.
;
DAB
, under Lowell.)
Susanna (Boylston) Adams married a second time, 3 Dec. 1766; her new husband was Lt. John Hall of Braintree. See Adams Genealogy.
1767-01-31
I have just returnd from Weymouth, where I have been for a week past. It seems lonesome here, for My Good Man is at Boston; after haveing been in a large family, for a week, to come and set down alone is very solitary; tho we have seven in our family, yet four of them being domestick when my partner is absent and my Babe a sleep, I am still left alone. It gives one a pleasing Sensation my Dear Sister, after haveing been absent a little while to see one's self gladly received upon a return, even by one's Servants. I do not know that I was ever 61more sensibly affected with it than I was to Day; I could behold joy sparkle in the Eyes of every one of them as I enterd the House, whilst they unaffectedly express'd it some to me and some to my Babe.—One runs to the Door, O Mam, I am glad to see you come home again, how do you do? Whilst an other catches the child, and says Dear creature I was affraid she would forget me, and a third hovers round and crys Nab, do you know Polly, and will you come to her?—These little instances shew their regard, and they endear them to us.
Thus far I wrote last fryday. But my good Man arriving with the News papers, put an end to writing any further at that time. However I have now reassumed my pen, tho I am something tierd, haveing dined Nine Gentlemen to Day. When I set down with such a friendly circle, I always look round and wish that the company was not incompleat by the absence of two Dear Friend's. Here now sets our Sister Elizabeth, and we both of us haveing been talking and wishing for you. She will leave me to morrow, tho She came but to Day, and has not been here since She came from Salem, before now. Father, the Doctor and Mr. Wibird (who made three of the company to Day) tell me that they all of them design for Salem to morrow. I know how rejoiced you will be to see them. I feel glad for you, but methinks so many good Friends ought not to go together—if they went but one at a time I should chance to hear three times from you which would as Sarah Cotton used to say make me three times glad.—I sent your Camblet to Unkle Smiths last week, and hope it has reach'd you before now. The coulour I know you will not like. I do not think Dawson used me well, tis a discourageing thing, when one has tried to have a thing look well and done their part towards it, then to have it ruined in the dying or weaveing, is very provoking, but if Mr. Cranch dislikes it, I would not have you think yourselves under any oblagation to take it, for I shall not be any ways troubled if you send it back again.—I have a couple of Books, which when I have read thro I design to send to you, for your perusal—they are called Sermons to young women.1 I cannot say how much I admire them, and should I attempt to say how justly worthy they are of admiration I fear I should not do justice to this most Excellent performance.—My Letter will be a mess medly in Spite of any efforts to the contarary—for from Sermons I must desend to Cards and tell you I should be glad, Mr. Cranch would send me a pair.2 Nabby sends her Love to her cousin Betsy and would be very glad of her company, to tend Miss Doll, who is a very great favorite of theirs.—I send you a little yarn for a pair of Stockings and a little flax for some thread—because I know you seek wool and flax, and 62work willingly with your hands. Accept of them with my sincere regards to you and yours From your affectionate Sister,
P.S. You must burn this for it is most dismal writing.
By James Fordyce, D.D., London, 1765; fourteen editions had appeared by 1814 (BM, Catalogue
).
For use in combing wool. Richard Cranch advertised himself as a cardmaker as well as watchmaker.
1767-09-13
The Doctor talks of Setting out tomorrow for New Braintree.2 I did not know but that he might chance to see you, in his way there. I know from the tender affection you bear me, and our little one's that you will rejoice to hear that we are well, our Son is much better than when you left home, and our Daughter rock's him to Sleep, with the Song of “Come pappa come home to Brother Johnny.”3 Sunday seems a more Lonesome Day to me than any other when you are absent, For tho I may be compared to those climates which are deprived of the Sun half the Year, yet upon a Sunday you commonly afforded us your benign influence. I am now at Weymouth. My Father brought me here last night. To morrow I return home, where I hope soon to receive the Dearest of Friends and the tenderest of Husbands, with that unabated affection which has for Years past, and will whilst the vital Spark lasts, burn in the Bosom of your affectionate
PS Poor Mr. Gridly died a thursday very suddenly, we hear and was yesterday buried.4
This Sunday fell on 13, not 14, September. JA was attending a session of the Superior Court at Worcester.
A district, later a town, in the western part of Worcester co.
John Quincy Adams, 2d child and eldest son of JA and AA, was born at Braintree on 11 July 1767. See Adams Genealogy.
Harvard Graduates
, 7:518–530, esp. p. 527–528).
1767-09-23
I have but a few Moments, to congratulate you on the fresh Blessing to your Family.—Another fine Child and Sister comfortable!1 Oh fine! I know the Feeling as well as you and in Spight of your earlier Marriage, I knew it sooner than you.—Here you must own I have the Advantage of you.—But what shall we do with this young Fry?—In a little while Johnny must go to Colledge, and Nabby must have fine Cloaths, aye, and so must Betcy too and the other and all the rest. And very cleverly you and I shall feel when we recollect that we are hard at Work, over Watches and Lawsuits, and Johnny and Betcy at the same Time Raking and fluttering away our Profits. Aye, and there must be dancing Schools and Boarding Schools and all that, or else, you know, we shall not give them polite Educations, and they wil better not have been born you know than not have polite Educations.—These Inticipations are not very charming to me, and upon the whole I think it of more Consequence to have Children than to make them gay and genteel, so I conclude to proceed in my Endeavours for the former, and to lett the latter happen as it will. I am as ever your faithfull Friend & affectionate Brother,
Lucy Cranch, 2d child and 2d daughter of Richard and Mary (Smith) Cranch, was born 17 Sept. 1767; in 1795 she married John Greenleaf; she died in 1846. See Adams Genealogy.
1768-04-13
I return you Dr. Smollet, the Modern Travels, and the Funeral Elegy: with thanks for the lent of them.1 If at any time when you have Books that you think would be eddifying or instructive, I shall look upon it as a peculiar favour, if you will oblige me with the reading of them. I shall think my self under obligation and the lest return I can make is with a grateful heart to acknowledge your kindness.
There a
What a shocking and ridiculous character does Smollet give of the French.
Depravity indeed, that so many Nations should endeavour to ape those large Baboons, as Smollet humouriously calls them. In this he does not exceed the discriptions I have met with else where. But I think it very strange, and greatly to be lamented, that in all those places which he travelled through, Pisa was the only one, of which he could give a good character, and he speaks of it as something very extraordinary that here he found some good company, and even a few men of taste and learning.
Perhaps he did not exercise so unprejudiced and impartial a Temper, as he hoped would ever distinguish his writings. But all must allow that he has an excellent faculty of dressing up a story in a very humoursome manner. By his own account, I think really he discovered in his journey, from Paris to Lyons, a very peevish and hasty Temper. If that Noble man had judged of the disposition of the English, by Smollets behaviour to the supposed Post-Master, he must have conceived but a very low opinion of their Manners, or Politeness.
We are too apt to form a general character of a people, by a few, that we are acquainted with in a Place. Sometimes Persons meet with extraordinary kindness, and perhaps, as often, with very ill treatment: and this may so prejudice him in favour of, or against a Family, Town, or Country, that he is not capable of that impartiallity which is an essential Qualification of an Historiographer.
In the Modern Travels, according to Pontoppidans account, Norway seems to demand our respect, more than any other Country that is described. I think he has given the inhabitants, a much more amiable character, than Pococke, Drummond, Russel, Hanway, or Smollet, has, of any of those various places, which they travelled through.
Pontoppidan gives very extraordinary accounts of Norway, some that are very astonishing to me, and I cannot help fancying that he exceeds all probability, in his relation of the Sagacity of some Quadrupedes; especially the Bear. If we beleive him, they discover as much reason as many of those Beings, who a
The Egyptians of old were noted for their abominable Idolatry, and it appears, that they still retain some of their former enthusiastick spirit. What can be more stupid, than the homage they pay to Idols? 65In this, they evidently discover themselves to be as proper objects of adoration, as those they worship.
I am almost crazed with the natural Blessings of Matrimony.—O mazing four young children in the house.—My brains are all roiled, I do not beleive there is one, in its natural position.—I cannot write another word, neither do I feel steady enough to discern, whether what I have wrote, is sense or nonsense.
I feel much more composed now, than when I wrote before, and indeed very solemn. 'Tis die funeral of the former year, and I feel as great solemnity on my mind, as if I was actually attending the funeral of some near relation, or taking a farewell of some Dear Friend. This Day compleats eighteen suns, that have
I should not
Pardon me my Cousin for so freely remarking upon those Books you lent me, it was not because I thought you had not made much better observations yourself, but it is what you encouraged when you was here, and now you ought certainly to excuse me. There is one advantage will accrue at lest, and that is, I shall more deeply impress upon my memory what I have read.
What fine times you have at Colledge! A glorious spirit of Liberty prevails among you.—I beleive you have not found your retreat so agreeable to study in as you hoped for.3
You tell me that I may commit your Letters to the flames if I please. No my Friend I assure you I do not design to, and for the same reason that you say, you will not wear mine out in your Pocket. But shall ever esteem your correspondence as a favour confered upon
PS I make no apologies for the length of this Letter, lest by so doing I should make it longer.
The books included Tobias Smollett, Travels through France and Italy, London, 1766; and an anthology of recent travel literature entitled A Compendium of the Most Approved Modern Travels..., 4 vols., London, 1757. As the allusions below indicate, the latter contained materials from Erik Pontoppidan's Natural History of Norway, Richard Pococke's Description of the East (particularly of Egypt), Alexander Drummond's Travels in Europe and Asia, Alexander Russel's Natural History of Aleppo, and Jonas Hanway's Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea, with a Journal of Travels from London through Russia, all of which had been published in London in the 1740's and 1750's.
This dates with precision the Adamses' first move from Braintree to Boston, where they occupied “the White House as it was called in Brattle Square,” formerly the house of William Bollan (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:286–287).
This alludes to current disturbances at Harvard during the course of which the students designated a “liberty tree” or “rebellion elm” in the Yard, round which they gathered to organize resistance to what they considered arbitrary measures by the college authorities (Quincy, History of Harvard Univ.
, 2:116 ff.; Morison, Three Centuries of Harvard
, p. 132). Having been graduated in 1767, Smith had recently begun his studies for the ministry.
1769-06-29
I embrace with Joy, this Opportunity of writing you. Mr. Langdon, who is to be the Bearer, was so good as to call this Morning, to know if I had any Letters to send. You'l therefore of Course, treat him civilly and give him Thanks. We are now but beginning the Business of Falmouth Court. The Weather has been for three days, so hot, as to render the Business of the Court very irksome, indeed, but we are in hopes it will now be cooler. How long I shall be obliged to stay here, I cant say. But you may depend I shall stay here no longer, than absolute Necessity requires. Nothing but the Hope of acquiring some little Matter for my dear Family, could carry me, thro these tedious Excursions.—How my Business at home may suffer I cant tell.—I hope to be in Boston before July C
That is, the first week of Cumberland co. Superior Court, sitting at Falmouth (now Portland, Maine). The year is determinable for JA's allusion at the close of this letter to his 2d daughter, Susanna, born in Dec. 1768, died in Feb. 1770. The day of the month is determinable from the fact that Cumberland Superior Court opened in 1769 on Tuesday, 27 June, and JA's letter was written on the following Thursday.
1769-07-01
We have lived thro the Heat, and Toil, and Confusion of this Week. We have tried three of the Kennebeck Proprietors Actions and have been fortunate enough to obtain them all. Mr. Bowdoins great Case with Lord Edgcumbe, and Dr. Gardiners great Cause with William Tyng the sherriff of this County particularly.2 There are about 60 or 70 Actions now remaining on the Dockett, and When we shall get loose from this Town I cant yet foresee. However, I am determined not to stay at York Court and therefore shall be at home, the latter End of the Week after next. If I can be at home sooner I shall. I hope you are all well. God preserve you and all our Family.—The good Man waits for this Letter and it is late Saturday night. I am yr ever affectionate
MS: “Mr.”
James Bowdoin v. Thomas Springer et al., and Silvester Gardiner v. William Tyng. Among JA's legal papers there are notes on both these cases tried in the current Superior Court term for Cumberland and Lincoln counties, held at Falmouth (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 185).
1770-01-04
I Congratulate you upon the fine weather we have had since your absence; if it has been as favourable to you, as it has been here, you will long Ere this reaches you be safely arrived in Carolina.1 When you left us, you did not tell me, nor did I know till a few days agone, that you designd a visit to our (cruel) Mother Country, shall I say. I highly approve your design. Now is the best Season of Life for you to travel; Ere you have formed connections which would bind you to your own little Spot.
68Your Parents and Friends have placed great confidence in you; at so Early an age to commit you to yourself, with no Guardian but your own Honour, and no Monitor but your own Conscience. And with pleasure I say it. Still suffer them, in spite of every temptation to the Contrary, to maintain the same power over you, which they have had from your Early infancy. Still keep them faithful to you; and you will not need any other.
The Stage you are entering upon is large and Capacious. You will have temptation of various kinds to encounter, but you will we hope, we expect it from you, be superiour to them all. Vice and imprudence are no necessary attendants upon Youth, tho too frequently its inseperable Companions. If your Gay acquaintance assault you with ridicule for persisting in any Laudable practice, dispise their contempt, and be only fearful of encurring your own. If you would be secure from the arrows of Calumny, be careful never to part with the Shield of Innocence. Tis Expected from you who have a prudence far surpassing your years, that you will make improvements Eaquel to your prudence. From you I expect not the mere common place observation and remarks, but those that will not only please but instruct. What ever occurs curious or remarkable in the Course of your travels remit to your Friends. Here might I be permitted to give my advice, it would be to keep a dayly journal. You will find it
both useful and pleasent. Permit me also to call to your remembrance those lines of Shakespears, that Excellent advice of Polonius to his Son Laertes
I have written a great deal. Receive it in the Spirit of real Friendship. Thus it is designed by Your affectionate Cousin and Friend,
PS Your Friends here are in as good health as when you left us and desire to be remember'd to you. Mr. and Mrs. Cranch send their Love, regard also from me to all my kindred in Carolina. Forget not a token of remembrance when you have opportunity to yours,
I have been reading the foregoing Instructions and Exhortations of Dame Adams, and have no Doubt at all of their Orthodoxy, the only Question with me is, what occasion, a Gentleman of your Character, has for them.—Am very glad to hear You intend a Voyage to Fog land.—There you will find every Object that
Isaac was visiting his Kinsmen in Charleston. AA's first American forebear in the paternal line, Thomas Smith, a butcher of Charlestown, Mass., had a son Thomas, a sea-captain, who married in South Carolina and whose grandsons, Benjamin and Thomas Smith, became very prominent in business and colonial affairs there. (One of Benjamin's sons, DAB
.) Among the Smith-Carter Papers (MHi) are numerous letters from these “Loving Cousins” throughout most of the 18th century. For the full genealogical details see George C. Rogers Jr., Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of Charleston (1758–1812), Columbia, S.C., 1962.
A word is missing in the MS.
For the events alluded to, see Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, ed. Mayo, 3:171 ff.; Arthur M. Schlesinger, The Colonial Merchants and the American Revolution, 1763–1776, New York, 1918, ch. 4.
1771-02-21
Your kindness to me in a former absence, requires some acknowledgment in this. I write to you, therefore, with the view of repaying an obligation, not of giving you any entertainment.
After a short, tho' not a very comfortable passage over the Atlantic, I landed at Dover, a town remarkable for nothing but extortion, except the Castle, which was originally founded by Julius Caesar, and compleated about 400 years since. It is situated on a summit extremely difficult of ascent, and commands a widely-extensive view. One may see from it, on a clear day, the Coast of France.—From Dover we went to Canterbury, a considerable city, which has a Cathedral, of 1100 years standing, an amazing pile of gothic architecture. But as I went into the City in the evening and left it again before light, I was obliged to lose sight of this antique and curious object.—From Cant
Such is the extent of this metropolis; that, tho' I have been here for several weeks, I have not seen above one half of it. The principal objects of curiosity, which I have visited, are the Tower, the Cathedral of St Paul, the bank of England, the Theatres, and the Opera. Of these, the first alone has too much variety, to be comprized in the compass of a single letter. It has been the repository of our military trophies, both in ancient and modern times. What particularly struck my attention in the Tower, was the small Armory, (as it is called) which is such an immense collection of small arms of every kind, as to form almost a perfect wilderness; and disposed in an infinite variety of forms, as pyramids, pillars, serpents, hydras, shells, half-moons, fans, furbelows, flounces, &c. &c. Among the rest is an Organ, composed of pistols, to the number of 2000 or more. I need not tell you, that St Paul's is an Edifice of vast magnificence,
probably more so than any other of the sacred order in the world. It is calculated to inspire one on the entrance, with sentiments of awe and veneration. But it is rather a mere display of pomp and grandeur, than of any real service to the interest of religion. The beauty of the Theatre 71consists in the scenery and in the representation. The former is often extremely natural, and sometimes extremely elegant and grand. The stage has produced in the Course of the Winter, two new pieces, each of which has met with the applause of the publick. One of them, entitled the West-Indian, I have the pleasure of sending.1 The Opera is an Italian Entertainment; entirely given in that language, and to an Ear, captivated with the charms of vocal music, is capable of affording an exquisite entertainment. You have heard, perhaps, of the Female Coterie. I conceived it to be some whimsical, or rather merely ideal institution, before I came here; but
find it a real and strong instance of the impetuosity of the better sort of people in the pursuit of pleasure and dissipation. It is a Club, (the leaders of which are the fair sex,) calculated for the very genteel purposes of gaming and extravagance, gallantry and intrigue.
The french language is here made an early and essential part of education. I dined the other day with a Gentleman and had no sooner sat at the Table, than I heard the G. and Lady, with their two little Misses, chattering in a dialect, to which I was not greatly accustomed; but found upon a little attention, that Miss Mary-Ann and her sister, neither of 'em (I suppose) eight years old, were already very well qualified to converse a la mode a Paris.
You will please, to give my most affectionate regards to your sister Betsey (to whom I shall write, as soon, as I have it in my power) and to every friend either in Weymouth or Boston; and to favour me with your epistolary friendship, whenever you have leisure and opportunity.—I am, my dr. Mrs A. very affecty. Your's,
A highly successful comedy produced and published in London this year by Richard Cumberland.
1771-02-21
I have very little of a political, or of any other kind of entertainment to give you. Yet I cannot omit a few lines, however small an expression they may be, sir, of my esteem and regard for you.
The apprehensions of a war, the delay of Commerce, the distress of individuals, and the liberal expences of public treasure have at length ended in this—after a negociation of four months—that the object in dispute, Port Egmont,1 shall be restored to the Crown; with 72this proviso, however, to remain a bone of contention for the future. The Parliament, (as was natural,) have given their sanction to the Convention. But it is not expected, that this measure will tend to prolong the public tranquillity for any considerable Space of time. Nothing, it is said, prevented the Spaniards from coming to an open rupture, but the great aversion of the french King to War. Indeed the present state of his kingdom gives him very good reason to be indisposed to foreign hostility. He has lately ventured on an exploit, that may probably involve him Tea, perplex the mind of every friend to our interest or reputation, and give credit to the high reflections, which had before been made on our political falshood and hypocrisy.
Your letter, sir, I delivered to Mess. Dilly, who have both treated me with the greatest kindness and complaisance.3 I have had the pleasure of meeting with Mrs. McAulay, at their house; who enquired of me with regard to you, and informed me, sir, that she should write to you, as soon as she had published a fifth Vol. which she has now in her hands. She is not so much distinguished in company by the beauties of her person, as the accomplishments of her mind.4
In a box, directed to Mr. Josh. Quincy,5 I have had the pleasure of inclosing you a piece lately published here, called an historical essay on the English Constitution; not that I am acquainted with the value or importance of the work.6 You will also find in it one or two books, which I bo't by desire of my Uncle Smith, to whom, as well as to Dr. Tufts, I wish my respect and regard.—You will please, sir, in the intervals of business to indulge me with your epistolary friendship. Every occurrence of Boston will be interesting to me in my absence.—I am, my dear sir, Yr. very hum: serv't.,
It is said that Capt. Preston will be reimbursed in the expences of his prosecution and meet with some further compensation for his confinement.7
In West Falkland Island in the South Atlantic, from which a Spanish expedition had recently expelled a small English garrison.
The Adamses' friend Joseph Palmer was in England on a business mission. In the Adams Papers is a contemporary copy of a letter he wrote a Boston friend and business associate, Thomas Flucker, from Bristol, 30 July 1771, from which the following revealing passages are quoted:
“I have had considerable Opportunity of obtaining Truth and Certainty, respecting the Operation of the Non-importation agreement; and find that some Manufactory-Towns and Villages felt no ill effects from it; but others were almost ruin'd, and poor Laborers almost starved, and the poor Rates almost doubled.
Details on British woolen manufactures, prices, and wages follow . Most of the Merchants that I convers'd with in London, and in other Parts, said, that they tho't the Ministry must certainly have had the Tea Duty repeal'd, had the Non-importation continued only 3 Months longer. And several Gentlemen of the lower House, have to me, express'd their Uneasiness that there was not a total Repeal; and look upon the keeping up a Contention with the Colonies, as, in some future time, driving them into a kind of Necessity to manufacture for themselves, and finally throwing off all dependence upon G.B. ... I pretend not to be wholly free from Prejudice, and confess I think myself in more danger of going too far on the liberty side, than on the side of Prerogative; yet I will venture to say, that you may rely upon this Account of matters, to be strictly true; and I care not a farthing who is made acquainted with theSubstanceof it, knowing it is founded on the best evidence....“I hope to go from hence in about a fortnight; having taken Passage in the Brig Sukey, Andrew Gardner, Master; and with me are three of my Couzins, who are Adventurers to N.E. If I had given all the Encouragements, that might justly have been given, I might have bro't over great numbers; but that was not my Business;... and therefore I have not said
allthat I tho't might justly be said in favor of Emigration from O.E. to N.E. However, I have 'special Reasons for thinking that there will be more Adventurers to N.A., in future, than for some Years last past: and am fully persuaded that great numbers wou'd soon remove, had they sufficient to pay their Passage; but they can't bear the tho't of beingsold, tho' for only a very short time, to pay their Passage. Thus they are scared at the Prospect of Bondage for a short time; not discerning the Slavery they are now in, and which is now increasing; and which will probably increase, 'till the Spirit of Despotism produces some violent Convulsions in the State, and the People resume their natural Power, and dictate, or ascertain with greater Precision, the Powers of both the Prince and the People. Such a Crisis has long been expected and dreaded, by the People in middling ranks of life; and they still expect it with some degree of terror. And as the natural right and liberties of men, are much more generally understood, than heretofore; and as by the Spirit that I have observ'd among these People, I can have no Apprehension of the establishment of Despotism; yet such a Crisis of public Affairs, must be dreaded by every friend to Peace and righteousness. The extraordinary Price of Provisions, of late Years, has enabled the Farmers to spend more time in reading and Conversation, than heretofore; and to give better Education to their Children. Thus Riches among the great, has produced Luxury, which leads to despotism for it's Continuance; and Luxury has raised the Price of Provisions, and consequently enriched and enlightened the Farmers; whose newly-acquired Knowledge will naturally Operate to the enlargement of their Liberties, andOppugnationto Despotism.”
Edward and Charles Dilly, booksellers in the Poultry, London. They were sympathetic with the American cause and published much concerning it, as well as books by American authors (including JA) before and after the Revolution; see L. H. Butterfield, “The American Interests of the Firm of E. 74and C. Dilly, with Their Letters to Benjamin Rush, 1770–1795,” Bibliog. Soc. Amer., Papers, 45 (1951): 283–332. No correspondence between JA and the Dillys earlier than 1774 survives in the Adams Papers, though probably JA began buying books from them at an earlier date; see his reply to the present letter, following.
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:360–361; 2:75–76.
Doubtless
An anonymous work by Allan Ramsay, first published in 1765. No copy survives among JA's books in the Boston Public Library, but see Sowerby, Catalogue of Jefferson's Library
, 3:124, for the present edition, published by the Dillys in 1771.
“Captain Preston [Thomas Preston, the officer who commanded the troops involved in the incident known as the Boston Massacre] has had all his expences paid and a Pension of £200 a Year bestowed upon him” (Lord Barrington to Thomas Gage, London, 5 March 1771, quoted in Randolph G. Adams, “New Light on the Boston Massacre,” Amer. Antiq. Soc., Procs., 47 [1937]:354
1771-04-11
Three Days since I received your obliging Favour of February 21st. for which I thank you.
The Account you give me of the late Negociations, with Spain, the expensive Preparations for War, and the ridiculous Termination of both, is not at all surprizing, to Us in America. We think it, of a Piece with the other Measures of Administration, especially those relative to Us. A Ministry, base enough to establish a Tyranny in any Province or Department of his Majestys Dominions, may be well expected, to be mean, dastardly and obsequious to a foreign Power.
I really dont know whether to rejoice or to mourn, that America is not to become an Object of Parliamentary Attention, during the session you mention. The considerate People here, seem to be more afraid, I am sure they have more Reason to fear, ministerial Moderation than severity, at present, provided that Moderation is to leave Us where We are, and not to repeal the unrighteous Laws.
The large orders which have been sent, for Tea, and many other Measures which have been adopted within the last Year, have diminished my own opinion of my Countrymen, exceedingly and therefore I cannot wonder that they perplex the Mind of every Friend to our Interest or Reputation in London.
Am very glad to find, you have formed an Acquaintance with Mrs. Maccaulay and Messrs. Dilly. Should be very glad if you would introduce me, to a Correspondence, with Messrs. Dilly. I want to agree with some Bookseller, of Character, in whom I could entirely 75confide, to send me Books whenever I shall want them, and write for them, as long as I shall live. As I am a little inclined to be extravagant, in that kind of Entertainment, it is very likely I may write for Books to the amount of twenty, perhaps thirty, Pounds sterling a Year, and should choose to receive them from one Bookseller, if I could find one, that would use me better than any other. I should be glad to authorize some one to send me every Book and Pamphlet, of Reputation, upon the subjects of Law and Government as soon as it comes out—for I have hitherto been such an old fashiond Fellow, as to waste my Time upon Books, which noBody else ever opened here, to the total Neglect of spick and span. If Messrs. Dilly will send me Books in this manner, I should be glad and will remit them Cash or Bills of Exchange, immediately upon the Receipt of the Books, or will send the Cash or Bills beforehand if they choose to have it so.
In short I should be very glad if they would send me Books, Paper, Quills, and all Kinds of stationary as they do Mr. Josiah Quincy, if they think proper.
I thank you for the historical Essay &c., tho I have not been able to get a sight of it as yet.
As to the Occurrences of Boston Mr. Smith, I have nothing to write at present but this, your Friends are all well, excepting myself. And I hope very soon to be better, for I have removed my Family into the Country, to my old Habitation at Braintree, and have determined to shake off a little of that Load of public and private Care which has for some Time oppressed me.2 If I had not, I should soon have shaken off this mortal Body.
You will greatly oblige me sir, by continuing your Favours in the epistolary Way.
If C. Preston is to be reimbursed his Expences, I wish his Expences, at least to his Council, had been greater.3
Date obscure; JA may have overwritten the first digit and thus meant the 21st and not the 11th.
See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:6–7; 3:296.
For JA's fee as Capt. Preston's counsel see same, 3:293.
1771-04-20
I write you, not from the Noisy Buisy Town, but from my humble Cottage in Braintree, where I arrived last Saturday and here again am to take up my abode.
Suffer me to snatch you a few moments from all the Hurry and tumult of London and in immagination place you by me that I may ask you ten thousand Questions, and bear with me Sir, tis the only recompence you can make for the loss of your Company.
From my Infancy I have always felt a great inclination to visit the Mother Country as tis call'd and had nature formed me of the other Sex, I should certainly have been a rover. And altho this desire has greatly diminished owing partly I believe to maturer years, but more to the unnatural treatment which this our poor America has received from her, I yet retain a curiosity to know what ever is valuable in her. I thank you Sir for the particular account you have already favourd me with, but you always took pleasure in being communicatively good.
Women you know Sir are considerd as Domestick Beings, and altho they inherit an Eaquel Share of curiosity with the other Sex, yet but few are hardy eno' to venture abroad, and explore the amaizing variety of distant Lands. The Natural tenderness and Delicacy of our Constitutions, added to the many Dangers we are subject too from your Sex, renders it almost imposible for a Single Lady to travel without injury to her character. And those who have a protecter in an Husband, have generally speaking obstacles sufficent to prevent their Roving, and instead of visiting other Countries; are obliged to content themselves with seeing but a very small part of their own. To your Sex we are most of us indebted for all the knowledg we acquire of Distant lands. As to a Knowledg of Humane Nature, I believe it may as easily be obtained in this Country, as in England, France or Spain. Education alone I conceive Constitutes the difference in Manners. Tis natural I believe for every person to have
a partiality for their own Country. Dont you think this little Spot of ours better calculated for happiness than any other you have yet seen or read of. Would you exchange it for England, France, Spain or Ittally? Are not the people here more upon an Eaquality in point of knowledg and 77of circumstances—there being none so immensly rich as to Lord it over us, neither any so abjectly poor as to suffer for the necessaries of life provided they will use the means. It has heretofore been our boasted priviledg that we could sit under our own vine and Apple trees in peace enjoying the fruits of our own labour—but alass! the much dreaded change Heaven avert. Shall we ever wish to change Countries; to change conditions with the Affricans and the Laplanders for sure it were better never to have known the blessings of Liberty than to have enjoyed it, and then to have it ravished from us.
But where do I ramble? I only ask your ear a few moments longer. The Americans have been called a very religious people, would to Heaven they were so in earnest, but whatever they may have been I am affraid tis now only a negitive virtue, and that they are only a less vicious people. However I can quote Mr. Whitefield as an authority that what has been said of us is not without foundation. The last Sermon I heard him preach,1 he told us that he had been a very great traveller, yet he had never seen so much of the real appearence of Religion in any Country, as in America, and from your discription I immagine you join with him in Sentiment. I think Dr. Sherbear in his remarks upon the english Nation has some such observation as this.2 In London Religion seems to be periodical, like an ague which only returns once in Seven Days, and then attacks the inhabitants with the cold fit only, the burning never succeeds in this Country. Since which it seems they have found means to rid themselves intirely of the ague.—As to news I have none to tell you, nor any thing remarkable to entertain you with. But you Sir have every day new Scenes opening to you, and you will greatly oblige me by a recital of whatever you find worthy notice. I have a great desire to be made acquainted with Mrs. Maccaulays own history. One of my own Sex so eminent in a tract so uncommon naturally raises my curiosity and all I could ever learn relative to her, is this that she is a widdow Lady and Sister to Mr. Sawbridge. I have a curiosity to know her Education, and what first prompted her to engage in a Study never before Exibited to the publick by one of her own Sex and Country, tho now to the honour of both so admirably performed by her. As you are now upon the Spot, and have been entroduced to her acquaintance, you will I hope be able to satisfie me with some account, in doing which you will confer an oblagation upon your assured Friend,
P.S. I thank you Sir for the West Indian, tis really a prety performance and afforded me an hours or two of very agreable entertainment.
George Whitefield, the celebrated Methodist evangelist, had died at Newburyport, Mass., 30 Sept. 1770 (
DNB
).
[John Shebbeare,] Letters on the English Nation, 2 vols., London, 1755. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:52–53, 81, 194.
1771-09-03
I have just returned from an agreable excursion, in the course of which I had the pleasure of receiving your favour of April last, with that of Mrs. Adams, for each of which I beg leave to return my thanks.
I am sorry to find that you have deserted Boston. You plead as an excuse, sir, “the load of public and private care, which oppress'd you.” But you would have pleased me better, if instead of changing the residence of your family; you had only shifted your own for awhile. I trust, sir, that you would both repair the health of your body, and ease the burthen of your mind by using the relaxation of a voyage to Europe, more effectually than by breathing the air of Braintree in preference to that of Boston.
About 3 months past I have spent in a visit to the adjacent Continent, and was 5 weeks in Paris, the capital of a kingdom calculated by nature for one of the finest in the world, but by the joint influence of ambition, avarice and superstition, renderd the object of commiseration to a liberal mind.
The public affairs of France are infinitely more embarrass'd than those of England. The former boasts of having a greater variety of ressources at command than the latter. Poverty however covers the face both of the public, and of individuals. The wretched state of its finances at present is a great security to our tranquillity.
A prime minister exiled—another substituted in his room, the object of public odium—parliaments one after the other dissolved and banished—and the princes of the blood (one only excepted) thrown into disgrace! If an instance of illegal violence adopted against a single member of the british parliament could raise such a clamour here, what would proceedings of such a nature occasion? A rod hung over the heads of the people in that kingdom, tho' it cannot suppress their murmurs, yet is sufficient to prevent them from carrying their complaints into action.
To so sensible a nation as the french, it must be a most mortifying circumstance, that the revolutions of their government are often 79dependent on the amours of their monarch. This is notorious in the late change of their administration. The history of the present Sultana of their Court1 is curious. It seems that she is the natural daughter of a monk, and was a domestic in a family at Paris. A particular nobleman is struck with her beauty. As he had either already formed such a connection, or was afraid of degrading his dignity too far, he persuades his brother to marry her. In course of time, to serve the political purposes of a family, she is recommended to the King, who is particularly fond of bestowing his caresses on a married lady. To make herself appear in the more respectable light at Court, she claims an affinity with an ancient family of Ireland, the present possessor of whose title, Lord
Barrymore, a nobleman equally distinguished for his conjugal fidelity in London, as Madame la Comtesse de Barre for her unspotted virtue in Paris, is so very condescending as to own the relation; and she is now treated with as much respect, as if she owed her connection with the monarch to birth instead of fortune. I had not an opportunity, tho I spent a day at the Palace of Versailles, of admiring the charms of this celebrated Lady.
Of the public buildings, the Churches, the libraries, the paintings, the amusements, and the manners of Paris, I shall be able to inform you more fully, when I enjoy the pleasure of seeing you again, which I am willing to indulge the hope of doing, by the middle of November if I can get ready to leave England by the first of October as I am endeavoring to do at present. I have no inclination to breathe the impure air of L
P.S. I am sorry to find, that anything new should happen, to renew the want of mutual confidence between the different branches of our legislature. I need not inform you, sir, to whom you are indebted for every new source of dispute. It is not Ld. H
I agree with you, sir, absolutely that America suffers to an inexpres-80sible degree for want of proper connections in England. But when you ask me to procure you a friend or an acquaintance here, you put me, sir, to a very difficult task indeed.2 This is the worst place in the world, perhaps, to form connections that are of real service. I have but few friends, I have been able to make but few, except such as are immediately engaged in business; and such to an inquisitive American are not the most useful; and the most valuable I have in L. have such a superiority of years, as deprives me of that freedom and intimacy with them, which I could wish.—There is one Gentleman however, who honours me with his friendship from the recommendation of Dr. Chauncey, a gentleman of sense, of reading, and of leisure, who lives near L. and whose correspondence I intend, sir, to recommend to you on my return, and I may then perhaps, have it in my power to mention to you one or two other also. But with any who move within the sphere of the Court, I neither have, nor expect to have any connection in the least.
Mess. Dilly will enter into a correspondence with you sir, agreable to your desire with pleasure; but would be glad of some particular directions from you, as to the articles you would chuse to have from 'em. They wish to know the quantity and the quality of the paper that you want. Books on law and government are not published, (they say) in such a number in the course of a year, as to amount to the sum you have specified. They tell me of two, that have appear'd within the last 6 months, which they will send you, with any other works of merit as they rise, if you will but authorise them to do so, by writing. The books they mention, are Vezey's reports, 2 Vol. fol., Wilson's do. one V. and Cases in the Kings bench at the time Ld. Hardwicke presided there.—Mess. Dilly have very extensive concerns in their business, and have treated me with so much complaisance, that I cannot but recommend 'em to any friend of mine.
I know little, sir, of the character of Mr. Morris.3 He is said to possess a disposition too sanguine to consist with prudence. I imagine, sir, that he would esteem your correspondence a favour. American good sense is of no small consideration on this side the water.
They tell strange stories here this week, of the fire at Portsmouth; but whatever is said about it, will probably evaporate in smoke.
An ardent desire of visiting the Universities of O
Madame du Barry.
This request must have been made in a letter not found.
Robert Morris, a London barrister and political radical, who had addressed “A bold, free, open, elegant Letter” to one of the judges of the King's Bench that JA had read in April (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:7). Presumably JA had inquired about him in a missing letter.
1771-09-17
There is no Business here1—And I presume as little at Braintree. The Pause in the English Trade, has made Husbandmen and Manufacturers, and increased Industry and Frugality, and thereby diminished the Number of Debts and Debtors, and Suits and Suiters.
But the hourly Arrival of Ships from England deeply loaden with dry Goods, and the extravagant Credit that is dayly given to Country Traders, opens a Prospect very melancholly to the public, tho profitable to Us, of a speedy revival of the suing Spirit. At present I feel very easy and comfortable, at Leisure to read, and think. I hope all are well, shall come up tomorrow after noon, if Mr. Austin2 comes down in the Morning.3 Yr.
Probably Boston is meant, though the Superior Court of Judicature began its October term at Worcester this day.
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:338–339; Heitman, Register Continental Army
; Thwing Catalogue, MHi).
To “come up” from Boston to Braintree, and to “come down” from Braintree to Boston were standard expressions in the 18th century; see, for example, JA to AA, 29 Sept. 1774, and AA to JA, 16 Oct. 1774, both printed below.
1771
P.S. There is another Gentleman whose History and Character I want to know more of, than I do at present, I mean Dr. Arthur Lee.2 These Things however in Confidence. If you should stay in London this Winter, and have not been introduced to him and Dr. Franklin, and 82have a Desire to be acquainted with those Gentlemen or Either of them, I believe I could procure you Letters to them from Gentlemen here, whose Recommendations they would probably respect.
Am very glad to hear that G
It gives me, my Friend extream Concern to perceive the Tendency of these unkind Measures. I see that my Countrymen the Americans have not the Virtue, the Fortitude, the Magnanimity, to resist these Encroachment
But I restrain, perhaps a visionary, enthusiastic Pen. You and I shall be saints in Heaven I hope before the Times, We dream of. But our Grandsons may perhaps think this cannonical Prophecy.
What a Pity it is, that the seeds of such Divisions and Jealousies should be sown, only to gratify the Ravenous Cravings of a very few Ravens, Cormorants and Vultures.
83But I am writing Politicks to you, who detest them.
If you see my old Friend Mr. John Boylstone, please to make my most respectfull Compliments to him.4
From the reference to Francis Bernard's moving to Lincolnshire, the present fragment appears clearly to be part of a reply to Smith's letter to JA, 3 Sept. 1771, above. It is possible and in fact very likely that JA omitted the postscript merely by accident when he sent Smith the (now missing) letter to which it was meant to be appended.
DAB
; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, passim).
See Hutchinson, Massachusetts Bay, ed. Mayo, 3:247–248.
1772-05
I take an opportunity by Mr. Kent, to let you know that I am at Plymouth, and pretty well. Shall not go for Barnstable untill Monday.
There are now signs of a gathering Storm, so I shall make my self easy here for the Sabbath. I wish myself at Braintree. This wandering, itinerating Life grows more and more disagreable to me. I want to see my Wife and Children every Day, I want to see my Grass and Blossoms and Corn, &c. every Day. I want to see my Workmen, nay I almost want to go and see the Bosse Calfs's as often as Charles2 does. But above all except the Wife and Children I want to see my Books.
None of these Amusements are to be had. The Company we have is not agreable to me. In Coll. Warren and his Lady3 I find Friends, Mr. Angier4 is very good, but farther than these, I have very little Pleasure in Conversation. Dont expect me, before Saturday.—Perhaps Mrs. Hutchinson may call upon you, in her Return to Boston, the later End of next Week or beginning of the Week after.
Pray let the People take Care of the Caterpillars. Let them go over and over, all the Trees, till there is not the appearance of a nest, or Worm left.
Probably written on 23 May. The Superior Court session at Plymouth had begun on the 19th; that at Barnstable was to begin on the 26th.
Charles, second son and fourth child of JA and AA, had been born on 29 May 1770. See Adams Genealogy.
James and Mercy (Otis) Warren of Plymouth, for many years the warm friends and intimate correspondents of the Adamses. See
DAB
under both Warrens; also the letter immediately below, and
Warren-Adams Letters
, passim.
History of the Early Settlement of Bridgewater, Boston, 1840, p. 106, Angier had “read law with the elder President Adams,” and AA speaks of him to JA as “Your former pupil” (3 June 1776, below). Angier was admitted attorney in Plymouth Superior Court, May 1771, and barrister at Boston, Aug. 1773 (Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Books 94, 98). JA mentions him several times in a friendly way in his Diary. In his relatively few years of practice Angier amassed a large fortune, and the circumstances of the death and the terms of the will of this lawyer “indefatigable in his Proffession, possessed of great Qualities, and great Faults,” are discussed at length in a letter from Elizabeth (Smith) Shaw
to her sister AA, 1–3 Nov. 1786 (Adams Papers), printed later in the present work.
1773-07-16
The kind reception I met with at your House, and the Hospitality with which you entertained me, demands my gratefull acknowledgment. By requesting a correspondence you have kindly given me an opportunity to thank you for the happy Hours I enjoyed whilst at your House. Thus imbolden'd I venture to stretch my pinions, and tho like the timorous Bird I fail in the attempt and tumble to the ground yet sure the Effort is laudable, nor will I suffer my pride, (which is greatly increased since my more intimate acquaintance with you) to debar me the pleasure, and improvement I promise myself from this correspondence tho I suffer by the comparison.
I Had a very Hot and unplesent ride the afternoon I left your House. I arrived at my own habitation on Monday, and found my family well. Since my return we have had several fine showers which have, I hope extended, as far as Eel river, and watered with their blessings every sod and plant belonging to my much valued Friends. Air, Sun, and Water, the common blessings of Heaven; we receive as our just due, and too seldom acknowledg our obligations to the Father of the rain; and the Gracious dispencer of every good and perfect gift, yet if but for a very little while these blessings are withheld, or spairingly dealt out to us, we then soon discover how weak, how little and how blind, we are.
When I was at Plymouth Madam you may remember I mentiond 85Mrs. Seymore upon Education,1 and upon your expressing a desire to see it, I promised to send it you. I now take the earlyest opportunity to comply with your request. Not from an opinion that you stand in need of such an assistant, but that you may give me your Sentiments upon this Book, and tell me whether it corresponds with the plan you have prescribed to yourself and in which you have so happily succeeded. I am sensible I have an important trust committed to me; and tho I feel my self very uneaquel to it, tis still incumbent upon me to discharge it in the best manner I am capable of. I was really so well pleased with your little offspring, that I must beg the favour of you to communicate to me the happy Art of “rearing the tender thought, teaching the young Idea how to shoot, and pouring fresh instruction o'er the Mind.” May the Natural Benevolence of your Heart,
prompt you to assist a young and almost inexperienced Mother in this Arduous Buisness, that the tender twigs alloted to my care, may be so cultivated as to do honour to their parents and prove blessing
I must beg your pardon for thus detaining you. I have so long neglected my pen that I am conscious I shall make but a poor figure. To your Friendship and candour I commit this, and would only add my regards to Coll. Warren from his and your obliged Friend & Humble Servant,
Juliana Seymour, On the Management and Education of Children: A Series of Letters Written to a Niece, London, 1754.
1773-07-25
I shall pass over in silence the Complementary introduction to your Letter, not because these Expressions of Esteem are frequently words of Course without any other design but to Convey an Idea of politeness as the Characteristick of the person the most Lavish therein. But in you I Consider anything of the kind as the Natural result of a Friendly heart dispose'd to think well of all those who have not been Guilty of any remarkable instance of depravity to Create disgust.
It Gives me no small satisfaction to be assured by you that your Late Visit was agreable and sincerely Wish it may be in such a degree as to induce you to repeat what will always give me pleasure. I hope the intemperate heat of the season was not Detremental to the Health of Either of our Friends, for whom I was much concernd after you left us, and as the gentle showers of the afternoon Extended to the River, as you kindly wishd, so I hope they shed there benign influence over the mountains and Valleys of Scadden.1
I am obliged to you for the ingenious Mrs. Seymours treatise on Education, but am alarm'd at the Reasons you Give for sending it, and the demands you make in return. In the first place my oppinion of a work which I suppose is Generally admired I think is of very Little Consequence, and in the next you ask assistance and advice in the mighty task of cultivating the minds and planting the seeds of Virtue in the infant Bosom, from one who is yet looking abroad for Every foreign aid to Enable her to the discharge of a duty that is of the utmost importance to society though for a Number of Years it is almost wholly left to our uninstructed sex.
You ask if the sentiments of this Lady coincide with the Rules perscribed myself in the Regulation of my Little flock and to answer you ingeneously I must acknowledge I fall so far short of the Methods I heretofore Laid down as the Rule of my Conduct that I dispaire of Reaching those more perfect plans Exibited by superior Hands. Much less shall I presume to dictate to those who have had Equal advantages with myself and who I think Likly to make a much better improvment thereof. I shall Esteem it a happiness indeed if I can acquit myself of the important Charge (by providence devovled on Every Mother), to 87the approbation of the judicious Observer of Life, but a much more noble pleasure is the Conscious satisfaction of having Exerted our utmost Efforts to rear the tender plant and Early impress the youthful mind, with such sentiments that if properly Cultivated when they go out of our hands they may become useful in their several departments on the present theatre of action, and happy forever when the immortal mind shall be introduced into more Enlarged and Glorious scenes.
But before I quit this subject I would ask if you do not think Generosity of sentiment as it is mention'd in the ninth Letter of the above treatise too Comprehensive a term to be given as the first principle to be impress'd on the infant mind. This temper doubtless includes many other Virtues but does it argue an invariable Attachment to truth. I have ever thought a careful Attention to fix a sacred regard to Veracity in the Bosom of Youth the surest Gaurd to Virtue, and the most powerful Barrier against the sallies of Vice through Every future period of Life. I cannot but think it is of much the most importance of any single principle in the Early Culture, for when it has taken deep root it usually produces not only Generosity of mind but a train of other Exelent qualities. And when I find a heart that will on no terms deviate from the Law of truth I do not much fear its Course will Ever Run very Eccentrick from the path of Rectitude, provided we can obtain any degree of that Childs Confidence: A point at which I think Every mother should aim.
If I am wrong I Call not only on you but on my Friend Mr. Adams to tell me wherin. And I think I have a Claim to his Oppinion as he has Given me a Daughter for whose instruction and improvment I wish for Every advantage to her preceptress.
Tell him that as I have heretofore been Exposed to his observation without my knowledge or Consent I am now Emboldend to write anything that occurs fearless of his penetrating Eye, but not from a Less opinion of his judgment or a greater of his Candour, but from that Confidence in his Friendship that secures me from Censure.
A local name, variously spelled, for what was then the South Precinct of Braintree and is now Randolph, Mass.
1773-12-05
Do not my Worthy Friend tax me with either Breach of promise; or neglect towards you, the only reason why I did not write to you immediately upon your leaving Town, was my being seized with a Fever which has confined
I am now thro' the favour of Heaven so far restored as to be able to leave my chamber some part of the Day. I will not make any other apology for my past neglect being fully sensible that I alone have been the Sufferer. My pen which I once Loved and delighted in; has for a long time been out of credit with me. Could I borrow the powers and faculties of my much valued Friend, I should then hope to use it with advantage to my self and delight to others.
Incorrect and unpolished as it is I will not suffer a mistaken pride so far to lead me astray as to omit the present opportunity of improvement, and should I prove a tractable Scholer, you will not find me tardy.
You Madam are so sincere a Lover of your Country, and so Hearty a mourner in all her misfortunes that it will greatly aggravate your anxiety to hear how much she is now oppressed and insulted. To you, who have so throughly look'd thro the Deeds of Men, and Develloped the Dark designs of a Rapatio
The Tea that bainfull weed is arrived. Great and I hope Effectual opposition has been made to the landing of it. To the publick papers I must refer you for perticuliars. You will there find that the proceedings of our Citizens have been United, Spirited and firm. The flame is kindled and like Lightning it catches from Soul to Soul. Great will be the devastation if not timely quenched or allayed by some more Lenient Measures.2
Altho the mind is shocked at the Thought of sheding Humane Blood, more Especially the Blood of our Countrymen, and a civil War is of all Wars, the most dreadfull Such is the present Spirit that prevails, that if once they are made desperate Many, very Many of our Heroes will spend their lives in the cause, With the Speach of Cato in their Mouths, “What a pitty it is, that we can dye but once to save our Country.”
“Tender plants must bend but when a Goverment is grown to 89Strength like some old oak rough with its armed bark, it yealds not to the tug, but only Nods and turns to sullen State.”
Such is the present Situation of affairs that I tremble when I think what may be the direfull concequences—and in this Town must the Scene of action lay. My Heart beats at every Whistle I hear, and I dare not openly express half my fears.—Eternal Reproach and Ignominy be the portion of all those who have been instrumental in bringing these fears upon me. There was a Report prevaild that to morrow there will be an attempt to Land this weed of Slavery. I will then write further till then my worthy Friend adieu.
Since I wrote the above a whole week has Elapsed and nothing new occurred concerning the tea. Having met with no opportunity of sending this I shall trespass further upon your patience. I send with this the 1 volume of Moliere, and should be glad of your oppinion of them. I cannot be brought to like them, there seems to me to be a general Want of Spirit, at the close of every one I have felt dissapointed. There are no characters but what appear unfinished and he seems to have ridiculed Vice without engageing us to Virtue, and tho he sometimes makes us Laugh, yet tis a Smile of indignation. There is one negative Virtue of which he is possess'd I mean that of Decency. His Cit. turnd Gentleman among many others has met with approbation—tho I can readily acknowledg that the cit. by acting so contrary to his real character has displayed a stupid vanity justly deserving ridicule, yet the Fine Gentleman who defrauds and tricks him, is as much the baser character as his advantages are superior to the others.3 Moliere is said to have been an Honest Man, but sure he has not coppied from his own Heart—tho he has drawn many pictures of real Life, yet all pictures of life are not fit to be exibited upon the Stage. I fear I shall incur the charge of vanity by thus criticising upon an Author who has met with so much applause. You Madam I hope will forgive me. I should not have done it, if we had not conversd about it before. Your judgment will have great weight with Your Sincere Friend,
1775 1773 Between 1 & 2.”
Rapatio, “Governor of Servia,” stood for Gov. Thomas Hutchinson in Mrs. Warren's bombastic blank verse play based on the Boston Massacre, The Adulateur. A Tragedy, as It Is Now Acted in Upper Servia, published anonymously in Boston earlier this year.
The Dartmouth, the first of the tea ships, had arrived in Boston Harbor on 28 November. For a concise account of 90events that followed, including the “Tea Party” of 16 Dec., see Winsor, Memorial History of Boston
, 3:46–51; see also JA's Diary entry of 17 Dec. 1773 and note 3 there (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:85–87).
AA may have read Molière in the bilingual edition that JA used to help his French on his first voyage to Europe. This edition has not been located, but see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:283; 4:22.
1773-12-30
Alass! How many snow banks devide thee and me and my warmest wishes to see thee will not melt one of them. I have not heard one Word from thee, or our Little ones since I left home. I did not take any cold comeing down, and find my self in better Health than I was. I wish to hear the same account from you. The Time I proposed to tarry has Elapsed. I shall soon be home sick. The Roads at present are impassible with any carriage. I shall not know how to content myself longer than the begining of Next week.
If you have any news in Town which the papers do not communicate, pray be so good as to Write it. We have not heard one Word respecting the Tea at the Cape or else where.
I have deliverd John the Bearer of this the key of your linnen. I hope you have been able to come at some by taking the Draw above it out. I should be obliged if you would send me that Book of Mr. Pembertons upon the Classicks1 and the progress of Dulness2 which is at Mr. Cranchs.
You will not fail in remembring me to our little ones and telling Johnny that his Grand mama has sent him a pair of mittins, and Charlly that I shall bring his when I come home. Our little Tommy3 you must kiss for Mamma, and bid Nabby write to me. Dont dissapoint me and let John return without a few lines to comfort the heart of Your affectionate
Probably Samuel Pemberton, a Boston selectman and friend of JA, is meant, but the volume referred to has not been identified.
The Progress of Dulness, published in 3 parts, New Haven, 1772–1773, was by DAB
). See AA to Mrs. Warren, ante 27 Feb. 1774, below. Trumbull became one of JA's favorite correspondents.
1773
i thank you for your last letter i have have had it in my mind to write to you this long time but afairs of much leess importance has prevented me i have made But veray little proviciancy in reading broth Cousing
The only clue to the date is the handwriting, which is distinctly less mature than that of JQA's first dated letter known to the editors, namely that of 13 Oct. 1774 to his father, printed below. This earliest letter by JQA known to survive is printed as literally as possible.
Two or three words torn away by seal. Perhaps “& have given.”
1774-01-19
I sincerely Congratulate my much Esteemed friend on the Restoration of the invaluable Blessing of Health: without which (if I may so Express it) Life is but a painful Blank. May it be long: very long before she again knows an interuption.
But by the stile and spirit of yours of the 5th December one would judge you was quite as much affected by the shocks of the political as the Natural Constitution. Tho I hope we have less to Dread than you then apprehended, for as Catharticks and sometimes pretty Violent Exercise is recommended by the physician as Beneficial to the latter, possibly the Emeticks (and Consequent shakings of the smaller Arteries) lately perscribed by the skilful Tusceruros may be no less salutary to the former. And I hope we shall yet see the Beautiful Fabrick repaird and reestablished on so Firm a Basis that it will not be in the power of the Venal and narrow hearted on Either side the Atlantick again to break down its Barriers and threaten its total Dessolution.1
92I cannot pretend to judge whether you had sufficient Grounds for your fears when you Expressd so Great Concern least those Commotions should not terminate till the Civil Sword is Drawn. But however dark the aspect has heretofore appear'd I think we now have a Brighter prospect, and hope the united Efforts of the Extensive Colonies will be able to Repel Every Attempt of the oppressor and that peace and Fredom will be restored at a less Costly Expence than the sacrifice of the Bleeding Hero.
But as our weak and timid sex is only the Echo of the other, and like some pliant peace of Clock Work the springs of our souls move slow or more Rapidly: just as hope, fear or Courage Gives motion to the Conducting Wiers that Govern all our movements, so I build much on the high key that at present seems to Animate the American patriots, and in particular on the Excelent spirits in which a Friend of yours has lately wrote.2
But to wave more important matters I think I can Claim more than half a promiss from that Gentleman of a Line from you Ere this time in Lieu of an uninteligable Bloted scrip3 which I acknowledge merited no return: nor should it have gone out of my hand in that manner on less advantagous terms.
I shall return a small Folio4 belonging to Mr. Adams the first safe and Convenient Opportunity. Tell him I almost regret the Curiosity that led me to wish to look over the pages in which Human Nature is portray'd in so odious a Light as the Characters of the Borgian Family Exhibits. But this Fatal inheritance of our first Mother often subjects us to painful inconveniencies, and we sometimes Grow wiser at the Expence of Candour, and that universal Esteem of Mankind so Natural and so becoming in the Early part of Life. For bad as the World appears after the Scores5 begin to roll over our heads I Cant but suspect the heart of that Youth who steps forward on the Stage of action with an ill opinion of his Fellow Men, but yet Commiserate the Wretch who by his distrust of all around him is deprived of the highest Cordial of Life: the social intercourse of the Friendly Mind. For he who has no Confidence in any one I believe has Little sincerity of his own.
As I am Called upon both by Mr. and Mrs. Adams to give my opinion of a Celebrated Comic Writer: silence in me would be inexcusable: tho, otherways my sentiments are of little Consequence.
The solemn strains of the tragic Muse have been generally more to my taste than the lighter Representations of the Drama. Yet I think the Follies and Absurdities of Human Nature Exposed to Ridicule in the 93Masterly Manner it is done by Moliere may often have a greater tendency to reform Mankind than some graver Lessons of Morality.
The observation that he Ridicules Vice without Engageing us to Virtue discovers the Veneration of my Friend for the latter. But when Vice is held up at once in a detestable and Ridiculous Light, and the Windings of the Human Heart which lead to self deciption unfolded it Certainly points us to the path of Reason and Rectitude. And if we do not Embrace the amiable image of Virtue we must Exculpate the Moniter and Attribute the Fault to the Wrong biass of our own Clamorous and ungovernd passions.
And if Mrs. Adams will Excuse my Fredom and openess I will tell her I see no Reason yet to Call in question the Genius of A Moliere or the judgment of the person by whose Recomendation I read him.
But if when I have gone further I alter my opinion I shall readily acknowledge it, and wherin I Err I stand now and at all times ready to submit to the Correction of my Candid Friends, from whom I hope soon to hear. I am with Compliments to Mr. Adams, unfeignedly your Friend,
If there was any body in this part of the World that Could sing the Rival Nymphs: and Celebrate the Happy Victory of Salacia in a manner that would Merit Mr. Adams's approbation he may be assure'd it should immediately be Attempted, but I think a person who with two or three strokes of his pen has sketched out so fine a poetical plan need apply only to his own Genius for the Completion.6
But if he thinks it would be too Great Condescension in him to Associate much with the Muses while under the direction of Apollo his time is so much more usefully and importantly filld up, a particular Friend of his would be glad of a little clearer Explanation of some of his Characters, she not being well Enough Versed in ancient Mytholigy to know who is meant by the son of Neptune (who can so Easily transform himself into the Mischevious of Every species) as there are several Modern Proteus's to whom this Docility of temper is Equally applicable.
Preceding two sentences (which allude of course to the Boston Tea Party) are not in Tr. Though it has the physical form of a letterbook and has long been so designated, the “Mercy Warren Letterbook” is not really a letterbook at all. The letter copies in it, extending from 1770 through 1800, are all in unidentified hands (no trace of her hand has been detected in the 94volume); they are arranged by correspondent rather than by date; editorial excisions and emendations appear in the texts; and the letters are furnished with literary captions, often with conjectural dates (some of them clearly wrong), and occasionally with explanatory notes. From all this it would appear that the volume is actually a collection of letters selected and transcribed from Mrs. Warren's original drafts (which may or may not be extant elsewhere) with a view to printing them in a volume. To judge from the handwriting, the copies were made not long after 1800, though perhaps after Mrs. Warren's death in 1814. Texts of letters derived from this source (and some in the present edition are so derived) cannot therefore be considered reliable.
Alluding probably to JA's letter to James Warren, 22 Dec. 1773 (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.; printed in JA, Works
, 9:334–336, a little inaccurately). Papers of John Adams, 2:2.
Mrs. Warren to JA, 30 Dec. 1773; not found, but acknowledged in JA to Mrs. Warren, 3 Jan. 1774 (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.;
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:21–23).
Not identified.
Thus in MS. Supply “of years”?
The postscript as a whole alludes to a playful passage in JA's letter to James Warren, 22 Dec. 1773 (see note 2 above), in which he proposed that Mrs. Warren put the recent Tea Party revels into rhyme and furnished her with a sketch of the supernatural machinery for such a poem. This she did in her letter to AA of 27 Feb. 1774, below.
1774-02-08
When I cast my Eyes backward; and take a general survey, of the great alterations which have been made within these few Years, I behold a Portrait whose lines are marked with indeliable Characters—the fickleness of Fortune, the shortness and uncertainty of Life, and the instability of Human Affairs. Those who yesterday glided smoothly on, in the calm Sunshine of Prosperity, “fed high in Fortunes Lap,” and lavished their Time in Riot's Orgies—to day, are overwhelmed, in the tempestous Ocean of Affliction, and are become poor and dependant, “soliciting the cold hand of Charity.” The healthy and beautiful, the gay and fortunate, the wise and virtuous droop in the Morning of Life, and like some fair Flower, die, e'er they reach the meridian of their Days. The most hopeful Expectations, the best concerted Plans of Felicity are no sooner formed, than destroyed; and the smiling, but delusive Structures of Ideal Happiness, are in one moment plucked from there aerial Heights.
When I enter on a more particular retrospect of the last seven Years of my Life, I find it replete with Revolutions. A lively Picture is displayed, of the weakness, and imperfection of our Natures, the Capriciousness of rational Creatures, and the deceitfulness of the human Heart. Those who have soared high on the Pinions of Fame, whom lisping Infants were taught to revere, as the Gaurdians of their Liberty, and the noblest Prop of decreasing Virtue, are now detested, and 95stigmatized with the opprobrious appellations of Rebels, and Traitors to their Country.
Those who were esteemed wise and judicious, modest and virtuous have been found guilty of Vices, diametrically opposite to those Perfections. Those who have been Votaries at the Shrine of Hymen, and had flattered themselves with Days of ease, and Happiness, are dragging out a miserable load of Life, in domestick Quarrels and perpetual Uneasiness. I see the once doating, but now disgusted Lover, forsaking his fond, and dejected Mistress. The vain and inhuman Coquette strangely delighting to torment the worthy Object of her Love, with whom she intends to spend her Life, and at whose Mercy she will then be.
Those who appear the most austere and rigid, who make the greatest pretensions to Delicacy in Publick, throw aside the Veil, and divest themselves in more convenient Places, of that Decorum which is the surest outguard of Virtue. But what astonishes me, beyond the power of description, is to see a Man Proud, Haughty, sensible, ambitious of making an elegant Figure in the World, and aspiring to be a star of the first magnitude acting repugnant to his predominant Passions; connecting himself in the nearest Relation with one, whom he cannot but despise for becoming so easy a Prey to his dishonourable Desires—with one who is inferior in Birth, Fortune, and Education, and who has neither the beauties of the Mind, or of Person to recommend her. Among unequals what Society, what Harmony or true Delight? Revenge herself, could not have placed him, in a more humiliating Situation.
I acknowledge this is not a very agreeable Picture, yet I imagine great benefit may be derived to a moralizing Mind from a frequent contemplation of it.—I wish it might teach me to be cautious and circumspect in every thing, candid and forgiving, since I find how difficult it is, even for the best, to act always consistent with their own Characters.
But you will perhaps object to this Picture as being too strongly shaded. Look around you my Sister, and you cannot but be convinced that this is (however mortifying to the flattering Expectations of Youth) a true Epitome of human Life, and I doubt not, but each succeeding Period will testify its verity.
By being habituated to Disappointments, we expect them, and by expecting them, we blunt there Edge, and hinder them from so keenly wounding.
Whenever I find myself laying Plans of future Felicity, I check the 96career of my Imagination, and consider that much Tribulation is the inevitable Lot of Humanity.
I have not yet answered Pollio's (agreeable) Letter, I have some scruples about writing to him on the subject of Love, I believe he expects I shall, and why should I disappoint a Person if I can avoid it.1
I know not what to think of your Questions, nor how to act.2 If they have not alarmed, they have sufficiently perplexed me. You are certainly very cruel or very tender.
Does not the greatest part of my Happiness result from seeing others pleased and delighted? and shall I not take pleasure in seeing my Friend happy, although honour and Prudence would oblige me to resign my Correspondent?
O Heart! What weakness do these Questions imply.—But why could not he have determined before? Why should a Correspondence be sollicited? Were the seeds of Friendship sown only to inform me, that it would be improper to cultivate them in this promising Soil.—But—
Forbid it Heaven!—that I should repine at a generous, humane Act. No, rather give me a Heart to rejoice in it. Teach me invaribly to pursue the Path of Rectitude, and with chearful Resignation, submit the disposal of every Event to Him, who certainly knows what is best, for Your Affectionate Sister,
PS I enclose an Epigram which was given me the other Day by an elderly Gentleman. By the way I really believe, I am growing a Favorite among them—If I may judge by the Presents I have lately received.
Our little Betsy is very ill. I wish you would be so kind as to send her a few sugar Plumbs.
Pollio has not been identified. He could hardly have been
Presumably in a letter from AA which has not been found.
1774-02-24
I was very glad to receive a Line from you, by Mr. French, tho the Account you give me of the Danger of my dear Mother gives me great Concern. I fear she will not long survive her beloved Aunt who was buryed Yesterday.1
97Let me intreat you to be very carefull of your own Health which is very tender. Dont pretend to Watch. I had rather be at any Expence for Watchers than that you should attempt it one Night.
We are all well and make it do cleverly—so dont be uneasy about us.
I will endeavour soon to come up. Write me by every opportunity.
Superior Court is adjourned to 1st. Tuesday in June. General Court is preparing an Impeachment vs. the C
Sarah (Morecock) Boylston, wife of JA's great-uncle
Though not a member of the General Court, JA had played an important part in the current attempt to impeach Chief Justice Peter Oliver because he would not renounce his salary by crown grant (instead of from the Province). See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:88–89; 3:298–302.
1774-02-27
Your agreable favour of January 19 demands from me more than I am able to pay. My coin will have more alloy tho it bears the same Stamp of Friendship with your own.
I was not sensible till I received yours that my last Letter to you abounded with so many terrors. I am not Naturally of a gloomy temper nor disposed to view objects upon the dark Side only. I rejoice that all my fears on that account were so soon drowned in an ocean of water instead of being verified by the sheding of Blood. Nor would I again alarm you with apprehensions of tumult and disorder the ensuing week by a dethroned chief Justice attempting to take his Seat upon the bench, who if he should meet with opposition would say with the fallen Angels
What a pitty it is that so much of that same Spirit which prompted Satan to a revoult in heaven should possess the Sons of men and eradicate every principal of Humanity and Benevolence. How unbounded 98is ambition and what ravages has it made among the human Species. It was that which led Alaxander to weep for more Worlds to conquer, and Caesar to say he had rather be the first man in a village than the second in Rome and the arch Fiend Himself to declare he had rather Reign in Hell than serve in Heaven. But that Ambition which would establish itself by crimes and agrandize its possessor by the ruin of the State and by the oppression of its Subjects, will most certainly defeat itself. When Alexander Weep't he degraded himself. He would certainly have acquired much greater Glory by a wise and prudent goverment of those kingdoms he had conquerd, than
I congratulate you Madam upon the return of the very worthy bearer of this Letter.3 I have had a Sympathy for you in his absence being often Subject to the same Misfortune. We have had but little of his company he has been so much engaged in the affairs of the State.—By this opportunity I send you the 3 part of the progress of Dulness, the production of a young Gentleman who is now studiing Law with Mr. Adams and who is look'd upon as a real Genious.—I wish you 99would confide so much in your Friend as to favour her now and then with some of your poetical productions—they would be a great gratification to your assured Friend,
Written doubtless from Boston between 19 Jan. and 27 Feb. 1774 since it answers a letter from Mrs. Warren of the former date, above, and is answered by Mrs. Warren's of the latter date, below.
These lines from Book I of Paradise Lost are slightly adapted for AA's purpose.
James Warren. Though a member of the House, he had returned to Plymouth before the General Court was prorogued on 9 March.
1774-02-27
The Confidence I have in the Candour and Friendship of Both Mr. and Mrs. Adams, together with her request in her last agreable Favour for the Communication of something in the poetical way: Emboldens me to put into their Hands a piece form'd (as nearly as the Writer Could understand it) upon the short sketch of somthing of this kind by Mr. Adams in a Letter to Mr. Warren somtime ago.1
Should have sent it before but was in hopes he Would have Condescended to have given some further hints with regard to several Characters among his titular Deities. Must insist that this falls under the observation of none Else till I hear how it stands the inspection of Mr. Adamss judicious Eye. For I will not trust the partiallity of My own sex so much as to rely on Mrs. Adams judgment though I know her to be a Lady of taste and Discernment. If Mr. Adams thinks it deserving of any further Notice and he will point out the faults, which doubtless are many, they may perhaps be Corrected, when it shall be at his service. If he is silent I shall Consider it as a certain Mark of disapprobation, and in despair will for the future, lay asside the pen of the poet (which ought perhaps to have been done sooner) Though not that of the Friend, which I look upon as much the most amiable and Distinguished Character. And while we unite in deploring the Miserable situation of a people Broken into Factions, where the seeds of Animosity are sown, and Every discordant passion is Gathering strength, may we not without being infected by the better
When the public Attention is Engaged by the Calling to Account the Great Delinquents of the day, And the time of men of Abilities is Engross'd in searching for precedents to bring them to justice, will my Friends Excuse the Momentary Interuption of offring anything so unimportant and so little Entertaining as are the productions of Their Real Friend &c.,
P.S. Mr. Warrens Compliments to Mr. and Mrs. Adams. He proposes writing if time permits. A line left with Mr. Otis2 may be soon Conveyed, to Plimouth.
JA to James Warren, 22 Dec. 1773 (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.; printed in JA, Works
, 9:334–336). Papers of John Adams, 2:2.Works
, 9:336–337).
Presumably Mrs. Warren's brother,
1774-02-27
Wrote at the Request of A Gentleman who described the Late Glorious Event of sacrificeing several Cargos of tea to the publick Welfare, as a squable among the Celestials of the sea Arising from a scarcity of Nectar and Ambrosia
The content of all or some notes that appeared on this page in the printed volume has been moved to the end of the preceding document
Gov. Thomas Hutchinson's home was in Milton among what Mrs. Warren calls the “Neponsit Hills.”
1774-03-07
I had written to the Deacon before I had received Yours,1 wherein I have your Sanction for it, and I had so far overcome the unconquerable aversion I have hitherto had, to writing on gilt Paper, as to use it for the first time and honour him with it.
When I received the Bundle a Sabbath Eve I imagined it contained a Book, but on losening the string, something dropt which I supposed to be an Inkhorn, opened it with a Jerk, and stabed the shining Weapon among the veins in my wrist.—Judge how I must be surprized?—What thought I, have I done, to deserve this fatal Present.—Pandora's Box, Lucretia's Poignard, and all the direful Events recorded in History, ocasioned by it, rushed with irresistable force into my Mind.
I am so far from desiring the old Proverb may be verified in this Instance, that I intend, rather by a reciprocal interchange of kind Offices, to knit the bands of Friendship more strongly together. But I think I would not express myself, in these Words to him, for the riches of Peru.
You say you hope to see me in Town soon, and as an Inducement, tell me of killing Eyes, fascinating Tongues, inward greatness, and unaffected Manners. But ought these to allure, or have any effect on One who is enjoined “not to seek Temptation, which to avoid were better.”
Boston you inform me, is an excellent place to quench old Flames, and kindle new ones.—I have none to extinguish; nor can I wish to light up a Flame, or “envy the transported Lover, though blessed with the fullest confidence of his beloved Fair,” while enjoying the tranquil Pleasures of Disinterested Friendship.
You mention the Month of May as being the most dangerous. I know not how it is with others, but all Seasons, and all Months are alike to me. Virtue, good sense, and an amiable Disposition, are Qualities that, wherever they reside, in whatever Sex, in whatever Time, or Object I find them, I admire, esteem, and venerate.
Must one who is naturally of a chearful, and sociable Temper, who lives on the smiles, and pleasant Countenances of Others, be debarred giving the pleasure she receives? Can those who are almost secluded the Company of their own Sex, who wish to draw Instruction from every Fountain, be willing to omit any Opportunity that might afford it? May they not be fond of conversing on what they have read, and on the different Opinions of various Authors, on particular Subjects, without exciting Suspicions in a Family that are dishonourary to both Parties. To avoid these aspersions, is it absolutely necessary to purse up the Mouth, look demure, commence Prude, (which by the way I wonder I have not) keep at a Chimney's length, never suffer oneself to get within the power of attraction, lest Breath's should incorporate and engender Monsters.
To be obliged to behave in this manner, is to commit voilence on an innocent, chearful Disposition, is depriving benevolent Minds of that Source from whence they derive their most permanent Delight.—No, rather let me, conscious of the innocence of my Heart, and the integrity of my Intentions, glide on in the same uniform Course regulating my Conduct, by the same Principles, governing myself by those divine Laws, which I hope will ever influence every action of my Life. May the Law of kindness, and benevolence always be conspicuous in my Behaviour. These are Principles to which I would give full Latitude, and wish to cultivate, and nourish by Exercise till they become a confirmed Habit.
And can a Sister blame me, who is every Day tasting the calm Pleasures, annexed to such a Course of Life.
105Those who are acquainted with me, who know me, cannot but see that every worthy Person, (suffer me to repeat it, and let me beg you my Sister to remember it) of whatever Sex, every Boy, and every well behaved Child are alike the Objects of my Benevolence.
And if there are any Persons so vain, so much more stupid than Idiots as to construe every Smile, and every kind Office into Tokens of particular Affection, they do it at their Peril.—Let them take the Consequences.
I should not have omited acknowledging the receipt of your Letter, and thanking you for your obliging Care of the Correspondence before, if I had not feared I should express more Acrimony than would be consistent with that candid, and gentle Treatment due to a Sister. Nor would I suffer myself to set Pen to Paper, till Reason convinced me, all the Jealousy resulted from an over anxious concern for my Welfare, and Happiness.
You tell me if I cannot comprehend your meaning, it would be a very great Satisfaction to you. You might have enjoyed it, had I received it two Days before. If Mother had not explained the matter I should have been utterly at a loss to have understood your Insinuations.
You cannot think how much I was astonished to be told that I had excited Fears in some of the Family, that had given them a great deal of uneasiness, &c.
As I never entertained the most distant thought of such a thing, it not only grieved, but vexed me to be suspected, and for a while, I was plunged in the Gall of Bitterness.
As I am conscious of having endeavoured to regulate my Behaviour by the dictates of Humanity, Benevolence, and Candour, I sincerely hope I shall continue to act agreeable to them. As a Fellow-creature he demands my Benevolence, as a Person of Virtue, and Good Sense I like to converse with him, as a Gentleman I wish to see him treated with good-manners, and I desire to treat him, and every one else with Politeness. As one residing in the Family he is, (like all the others who behave well) the Object of my regard, and kind Offices. And if I was disposed to charge him with Folly, and Imprudence, I could tell you he has lived in other Families, before he came here.
The alternative for those who reside in this is really very unhappy. If they are wholly unattentive they are called hogish, ill-bred Clowns. If obliging, then they are suspected of having some sinister Views &c. &c.
I do not think there is one in This Family that will pretend they 106ever heard him say any thing which the most jealous Prude could blame, or give them just Grounds to suppose he has any such Design, and as I myself have not the least reason to suspect it, I earnestly pray that I may not alter my Conduct in one single Point, till I am fully convinced my principles are wrong.
As I am very sensible People never had less Cause for their Suspicions, I never felt less inclination to rob them of the pleasure and satisfaction they take in the enjoyment of them. Would it not be cruel to demolish a Structure, because it had got no foundation. But notwithstanding this, I find my Resentment so far exceeds my benevolence, as
To certify all those whom it does, or may concern, that We John Shaw, and Elizabeth Smith have no such Purpose in Our Hearts, as has been unjustly surmised.
This We do solemnly declare as witness our hand John Shaw junr.2 Elizabeth Smith Junr. In presence of William Smith Elizabeth Smith
I would have given almost any thing to have had the pleasure and satisfaction of seeing you before you returned to Boston. I wanted to say many things that I cannot write.
PS Excuse the writing the Candle snaped and greased the paper so, that 'tis impossible to write well. The above attestation will not I fear, be deemed legal, but may be sufficient I hope to satisfy you.
AA's letter not having been found, the allusions in the present letter are in part obscure. All that is certain is that AA had rebuked her sister (“unjustly,” Betsy thought) for familiar or flirtatious conduct toward John Shaw.
This signature is clipped and mounted in place on the MS. Betsy must have cut it from a letter of Shaw's and placed it here, with or without his knowledge. Furthermore, the names of Betsy's parents at the left, though in seemingly different hands, are probably not actual signatures. All this suggests that the deposition is a joke. But the tone of the letter up to this point is scarcely jocular, and Betsy evidently meant the renunciation to be serious, whatever the form she used to express it to her sister. See, further, AA to Mary (Smith) Cranch, printed under the assigned date of 1774, below.
1774-05-12
I am extreamly afflicted with the Relation your Father gave me, of the Return of your Disorder. I fear you have taken some Cold; We have had a most pernicious Air, a great Part of this Spring. I am sure I have Reason to remember it—my Cold is the most obstinate and threatning one, I ever had in my Life: However, I am unwearied in my Endeavours to subdue it, and have the Pleasure to think I have had some Success. I rise at 5, walk 3 Miles, keep the Air all day and walk again in the Afternoon. These Walks have done me more good than any Thing, tho I have been constantly plied with Teas, and your Specific.1 My own Infirmities, the Account of the Return of yours, and the public News coming alltogether have put my Utmost Phylosophy to the Tryal.2
We live my dear Soul, in an Age of Tryal. What will be the Consequence I know not. The Town of Boston, for ought I can see, must suffer Martyrdom: It must expire: And our principal Consolation is, that it dies in a noble Cause. The Cause of Truth, of Virtue, of Liberty and of Humanity: and that it will probably have a glorious Reformation, to greater Wealth, Splendor and Power than ever.
Let me know what is best for us to do. It is expensive keeping a Family here. And there is no Prospect of any Business in my Way in this Town this whole Summer. I dont receive a shilling a Week.
We must contrive as many Ways as we can, to save Expences, for We may have Calls to contribute, very largely in Proportion to our Circumstances, to prevent other very honest, worthy People from suffering for Want, besides our own Loss in Point of Business and Profit.
Dont imagine from all this that I am in the Dumps. Far otherwise. I can truly say, that I have felt more Spirits and Activity, since the Arrival of this News, than I had done before for years. I look upon this, as the last Effort of Lord Norths Despair. And he will as surely be defeated in it, as he was in the Project of the Tea.—I am, with great Anxiety for your Health your
In printing this letter, the first he chose to include in his Letters of John Adams, 1841, CFA silently excised the foregoing dependent clause in accordance with his usual practice of suppressing medical and physiological details.
The news of the Boston Port Act, passed by Parliament on 31 March, had 108just arrived. By its terms the port was to be closed to all trade on 1 June as a punishment for the destruction of the tea in December. On 13 May Gen. Thomas Gage arrived in Boston Harbor to replace Hutchinson as governor and to command the British forces there, now being heavily reinforced.
1774-05-17
Mr. Warren being prevented by many Avocations from writing this Morning, has put the pen into the hand of his substitute: who with him presents sincere Regards to Mr. and Mrs. Adams. Lets them know they have been Repeatedly disappointed in not seeing them at Plimouth.
Shall not pretend to Deliniate the painful Ideas that arise on a survey of the Evils Brought on this much injure'd Country by the hand of Wanton power united With treachery and Venality.
Should be Glad to know (by the bearer of this who stays in town but a few hours) your sentiments on the Late Hostile Movements of state plunderers and Jokeys.
Hope Mrs. Adamss health is Much mended since Mr. Adams Wrote Last.
Though it is not Absolutly necessary That Mrs. Warren should Attend on the Ensuing Election,1 Yet as her Health requiers a journey after A Long severe Winter she proposes to Look towards Boston the
Of members of the Governor's Council, held at the convening of the new General Court in Boston, 25 May. JA was elected a councilor but, with twelve others, was negatived the following day by Gov. Gage (Boston Gazette, 30 May 1774).
Word omitted in MS.
1774-06-23
I had a tollerable Journey hither, but my Horse trotted too hard. I miss my own Mare—however I must make the best of it.
I send with this an whole Packett of Letters, which are upon a Subject of great Importance, and therefore must intreat the earliest Conveyance of them.
109There is but little Business here, and whether there will be more at York or Falmouth is uncertain, but I must take the Chance of them.
My Time, in these tedious Peregrinations, hangs heavily upon me. One half of it is always spent without Business, or Pleasure, or Diversion, or Books or Conversation. My Fancy and Wishes and Desires, are at Braintree, among my Fields, Pastures and Meadows, as much as those of the Israelites were among the Leeks, Garleeks and Onions of the Land of Goshen.
My Sons and Daughter too are missing, as well as their Mother, and I find nothing in any of my Rambles to supply their Place.
We have had a vast Abundance of Rain here this Week and hope you have had a Sufficiency with you. But the Plenty of it, will render the Making of Hay the more critical, and you must exhort Bracket to be vigilant, and not let any of the Grass suffer, if he can help it.
I wish you would converse with Brackett, and Mr. Hayden and Mr. Belcher about a proper Time to get me a few freights of Marsh Mud, Flatts, or Creek Mudd. I must have some If I pay the Cash for getting it, at almost any Price. But I wont be answerable again to Deacon Palmer, for the Schough.1 Whoever undertakes, shall hire that, and I will be chargeable to no Man but the Undertaker, and Labourers. I want a freight or two, soon, that it may be laid by the wall and mixed with Dust and Dung that it may ferment and mix as soon as may be, now the hot Weather is coming on.
I want to be at Home, at this Time, to consider about Dress, Servant, Carriage, Horses &c. &c. for a Journey.2 But——. Kiss my sweet ones for me. Your
Scow.
On 17 June, sitting behind locked doors at Salem, the General Court elected JA and four others delegates to what later became known as the first Continental Congress. See entries of 20, 25 June 1774 in JA, Diary and Autobiography
, and note there (2:96–97); also JA's letter to James Warren, 25 June 1774, speculating on “the Enterprize to Phyladelphia” (NNPM;
Works
, 9:338–340).
1774-06-29
The Prophet of York has not prophecy'd in vain. There is in this Town and County a Laodiceanism that I have not found in any other 110Place. I find more Persons here, who call the Destruction of the Tea, Mischief and Wickedness, than any where else. More Persons who say that the Duty upon Tea is not a Tax, nor an Imposition because we are at Liberty to use it or not, than any where else. I am told that the Deacon insinuates Sentiments and Principles into the People here in a very subtle manner, a manner so plausible that they scarcely know how they come by them.1
When I got to the Tavern, on the Eastern Side of Piscataqua River, I found the Sherriff of York, and Six of his Deputies all with gold laced Hatts, Ruffles, Swords, and very gay Cloaths, and all likely young Men, who had come out to that Place 10 miles to escort the Court into Town. This unusual Parade excited my Curiosity, and I soon suspected that this was to shew Respect and be a Guard to the Chief Justice if he had been coming to Court.
The Foreman of the Grand Jury, told Judge Trowbridge, that if the C.J. had been here, not a Man of their Jury would have refused to be sworn. However, I have been told by others that the Foreman is mistaken. That it was universally known he was not at Ipswich and would not be here. But if he had been here, there would have been a Difficulty.
There is an uncommon Subject of Conversation here at present—a general Report of some pernicious Quality in Clams, at this Season. It is said that two only, of a particular Sort of large Clams, were given to a Dog a few Days since and that he died in less than two Hours. His Master however, would not be disswaded by his Wife from eating 12 or 13 of the same Sort of Clams the next Day, and he was soon seized with a Numbness, and died before the Doctor could be brought to his Relief. A whole Family it is said at a neighbouring Town, were taken in the same manner after eating Clams, but happening to be advised in Season by Somebody to take Something which operated like an Emetic their Lives were saved, but their Health much impaired. There is also a Report well authenticated from Ipswich, that a Person at Ipswich died in the same manner, and on the same day, with the Man at York, after Eating the same kind of shell fish.
There is a vulgar Saying, that Claims2 are unwholsome in every Month of the Year, which has not an R. in it. This common Sentiment receives much Credit, from the Facts here related.
We are told from Portsmouth, to day, that the Vigilance and Activity of the People there have put the Tea on shipboard again to be sent abroad, to Nova Scotia.
1.”
The “Deacon” was History of York, Maine, Boston, 1931–1935, 1:389–401, a sketch based in part on Deacon Sayward's unpublished diary.
Thus in MS.
1774-06-29
This is the second day of the Term at York: very little Business--very hot weather. My Refreshment is a flight to B
We had a curious Dialogue Yesterday, at Dinner, between our J
T. said he had seen a Letter, from England, in which it was said that the Conduct of the Chief Justice was highly approved, and that of the other Judges highly disapproved, at the Court End of the Town.—T. added, I dont know whether they impute it all to me or not.—Aye, says H. but it was all owing to you. You laid Brother R
T. said he was of the Mind of a Man he named, who was once in the Streets of Madrid, when the Host was carried along. He was bid to kneel, refused, and was instantly knocked down. Some time after he met the Host again and then he kneeled down, instantly, and said he would never be knocked down again, for not Kneeling to the Host.
T. said to H. did not you say to me, you would take the Province Salary?—No says H. I never said a Word to you about it. Justice Ropes and I agreed to take the Royal Grant.
112
T. Why did not you refuse to declare?—H. Because you had led the Way, and I lived in Boston; if I had lived in Cambridge, or any where else, I should have had no Notion of being compell'd into any Thing against my Inclination.
T. Brother C. sent the most curious Letter. Instead of declaring what he had done or would do, he declared what he could do.—H. said that was according to the Spirit of his Ancestors.—T. said when I saw that, I said, it proved his Legitimacy.
There was a very large numerous Company present at this Conversation, and seemed astonished, and confounded at this Weakness, and Want of Decency, Prudence, Caution and Dignity of these great Men.
After Dinner Justice Gowen said that H. put him in Mind of a Man, who took the Money Oath, after having frequently taken New Hampshire Bills.3 Somebody expressed his Surprize. Yes says the Man, I have often taken Paper Money, but never Wittingly and Willingly, for I had much rather have taken Silver. I never took a Paper Bill in my Life, but I had much rather have taken Gold, Silver or even Copper.
My Dear, when I shall see you I know not, but I design to write by every opportunity. Pray remember my Marsh Mudd.
Justices Harvard Graduates
, 8:507–520; 11:237–243).
Justices Diary and Autobiography
, 2:94; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 11:572–574;
DAB
, under Cushing).
An oath administered to all elective local and provincial officials in Massachusetts between 1750 and 1773. In its last form it read: “You, A.B., do, in the presence of God, solemnly declare that you have not, since the thirtieth day of April, one thousand seven hundred and seventy, wittingly and willingly, directly or indirectly, either by yourself or any for or under you, been concerned in receiving or paying, within this government, any bill or bills of credit of either of the governments of Connecticut, New Hampshire or Rhode Island. So help you God” (Mass., Province Laws
, 5:35).
1774-06-29
I have a great Deal of Leisure, which I chiefly employ in Scribbling, that my Mind may not stand still or run back like my Fortune.—There is very little Business here, and David Sewall, David Wyer, John Sullivan and James Sullivan and Theophilus Bradbury are the Lawyers who attend the Inferiour Courts and consequently conduct the Causes at the Superiour.
I find that the Country is the Situation to make Estates by the Law. John Sullivan, who is placed at Durham in New Hampshire, is younger, both in Years and Practice than I am; He began with nothing, but is now said to be worth Ten thousand Pounds Lawfull Money, his Brother James allows five or six or perhaps seven thousand Pounds, consisting in Houses and Lands, Notes, Bonds, and Mortgages. He has a fine Stream of Water, with an excellent Corn Mill, Saw Mill, Fulling Mill, Scyth Mill and others, in all six Mills, which are both his Delight and his Profit. As he has earned Cash in his Business at the Bar, he has taken Opportunities, to purchase Farms of his Neighbours, who wanted to sell and move out farther into the Woods, at an Advantageous Rate. And in this Way, has been growing rich, and under the Smiles and Auspices of Governor Wentworth, has been promoted in the civil and military Way, so that he is treated with great Respect in this Neighbourhood.
James Sullivan, Brother of the other, who studied Law under him, without any Accademical Education, (and John was in the same Case,) is fixed at Saco, alias Biddeford in our Province. He began with neither Learning, Books, Estate or any Thing, but his Head and Hands, and is now a very popular Lawyer and growing rich very fast, purchasing great Farms &c., a Justice of the Peace, and Member of the General Court.
David Sewall of this Town never practices out of this County, has no Children, has no Ambition, nor Avarice they say, (however Quaere). His Business in this County maintains him very handsomely, and he gets beforehand.
Bradbury at Falmouth, they say, grows rich very fast.
I was first sworn in 1758; My Life has been a continual Scaene of Fatigue, Vexation, Labour and Anxiety. I have four Children. I had a pretty Estate from my Father, I have been assisted by your Father. I have done the greatest Business in the Province. I have had the 114very richest Clients in the Province: Yet I am Poor in Comparison of others.
This I confess is grievous, and discouraging. I ought however, to be candid enough to acknowledge that I have been imprudent. I have spent an Estate in Books. I have spent a Sum of Money indiscreetly in a Lighter, another in a Pew, and a much greater in an House in Boston. These would have been Indiscretions, if the Impeachment of the Judges, the Boston Port Bill, &c. &c. had never happened; but by the unfortunate Interruption of my Business from these Causes, these Indiscretions become almost fatal to me, to be sure much more detrimental.
John Lowell, at Newbury Port, has built him an House, like the Palace of a Nobleman and lives in great Splendor. His Business is very profitable. In short every Lawyer who
Let us therefore my dear Partner, from that Affection which we feel for our lovely Babes, apply ourselves by every Way, we can, to the Cultivation of our Farm. Let Frugality, And Industry, be our Virtues, if they are not of any others. And above all Cares of this Life let our ardent Anxiety be, to mould the Minds and Manners of our Children. Let us teach them not only to do virtuously but to excell. To excell they must be taught to be steady, active, and industrious.
Here and below, MS is torn by seal.
1774-06-30
I have nothing to do here, but to take the Air, enquire for News, talk Politicks and write Letters.
This Town has the best Air I ever breathed. It is very level and there are no Mountains or Hills to obstruct the free Course of the Air, upon any Point of Compass for 8 or 10 Miles. It lies upon the Sea on the south And has a River running through it. The Weather has been inexpressibly fine all this Week. The Air is as clear, as bright, as 115springy, as you can conceive. Braintree Air is thick and unelastic in Comparison of this. What then is that of Boston?
I regret that I cannot have the Pleasure of enjoying this fine Weather, with my Family, and upon my farm.—Oh, how often am I there! I have but a dull Prospect before me. I have no hope of reaching Braintree, under a Fortnight from this Day, if I should in twenty days.
I regret my Absence from the County of Suffolk this Week on another Account. If I was there I could converse with the Gentlemen, who are bound with me for Phyladelphia. I could turn the Course of my Reading and Studies to such subjects of Law and Politicks and Commerce as may come, in Play, at the Congress. I might be furbishing up my old Reading in Law and History, that I might appear with less Indecency before a Variety of Gentlemen, whose Educations, Travel, Experience, Family, Fortune, and every Thing will give them a vast Superiority to me, and I fear to some of my Companions.
This Town of York is a Curiosity, in several Views. The People here are great Idolaters of the Memory of their former Minister Mr. Moody.1 Deacon Sayward says, and the rest of them generally think, that Mr. Moody was one of the greatest Men and best Saints, who have lived since the Days of the Apostles. He had an Ascendency, an Authority over the People here as absolute, as that of any Prince in Europe not excepting his Holiness.
This he acquired by a Variety of Means. In the first Place he settled in the Place without any Contract. His professed Principle was that no Man should be hired to preach the Gospell, but that the Minister should depend upon the Charity, Generosity, and Benevolence of the People. This was very flattering to their Pride. And left Room for their Ambition to display itself, in an Emulation among them, which should be most bountifull and ministerial.
In the next Place, he acquired the Character of firm Trust in Providence. A Number of Gentlemen came in one day, when they had nothing in the House. His Wife was very anxious, they say, and asked him what they should do? “Oh, never fear, trust Providence, make a fire in the oven, and you will have something.” Very soon a Variety of every Thing that was good was sent in, and by one O Clock they had a Splendid Dinner.
He had also the Reputation of enjoying intimate Communications with the Deity, and of having a great Interest in the Court of Heaven by his Prayers.
He always kept his Musquet in order and was fond of Shooting. 116On a Time, they say, he was out of Provisions. There came along two wild Geese. He takes Gun and crys if it please God I kill both, I will send the fattest to the poorest Person in this Parish. He shot and kill'd both, ordered them, plucked, and then sent the fattest to a poor Widow, leaving the other which was a very poor one at home, to the great Mortification of his Lady. But his Maxim was perform unto the Lord thy Vow.
But the best Story I have heard Yet, was his Doctrine in a Sermon from this Text—Lord what shall We do? The Doctrine was, That when a Person or People are in a state of Perplexity, and know not what to do, they ought never to do they know not what? This is applicable to the Times.
He brought his People into a remarkable Submission and Subjection to their Spiritual Rulers, which continues to this Day. Lyman their present Parson, does and says as he pleases, is a great Tory and as odd as Moody.
Harvard Graduates
, 4:356–365.
1774-06-30
I have had a Curiosity to examine what could have been the Cause of Parson Lymans Affection to the Tories. I find that in some former Years, while Hutchinson was Chief Justice, that Arch Corrupter and Deceiver lodged at the House of Dr. Lyman the Parson's Brother, and professed great Friendship for him as well as the Parson, made the Doctor a Justice of the Peace &c.1
The Office of a Justice of the Peace, is a great Acquisition in the Country, and such a Distinction to a Man among his Neighbours as is enough to purchase and corrupt allmost any Man. This laid an early Foundation in the Minister and the Dr. Add to this, the continual Correspondence between Hutchinson and Sayward, the Rescinder and Lymans Deacon. Add also David Sewalls Assistance with whom Hutchinson afterwards boarded, when he was of the Court, and all 117the rest of the Judges ever since. Add also the Influence of the Moulton Family, one of whom is sherriff, and others are in office. In Truth the offices, which are held in every Shire Town of every County, create a Dependence in the Minds of the Principal Gentlemen of the Place upon the Court, which generally draws the Parson and often the Doctor into the Vortex, untill they all become disposed to Act upon the Principle of Coll. Chandler at Worcester, tho they have generally more policy than to avow it “That if the Devil was Governor, as for them and their Houses they would be Governors Men.”
Thus much for Politicks: Now for private Affairs.
I spent the last Evening at Paul Dudley Woodbridges, a Tavern, with Coll. Farnham of Newbury Port, Major Sullivan, Jemmy Sullivan and David Wyer.
Farnham it seems was born in this Town of York and he gave us an Account of an Affair which happened when he was a Boy. Governor Belcher, who, altho he was Bone of our Bone, and Flesh of our Flesh and Blood of our Blood, was the most arbitrary Governor, the Province ever had, sent down a Letter to the Judges of the Court of Common Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace, to appoint one Frost, (a Relation of Mr. afterwards General Pepperell, at whose Request it was supposed the Mandate issued) to be Clerk of those Courts in the Room of one Hammond. Hammond was a good officer, and the Courts would not displace him. Belcher, upon receiving Information of this Resolution of the Judges and Justices, without Ceremony displaced them, and appointed others who were obsequious enough to make his Clerk.
Now let me wander to my Family. I am very thoughtfull and anxious about our Johnny. What School to send him to—what Measures to take with him. He must go on learning his Latin, to his Grandfather or to you, or somewhere. And he must write.
You must take Care my Dear, to get as much Work out of our Tenants as possible. Belcher is in Arrears. He must work. Hayden must work. Harry Field must work, and Jo. Curtis too must be made to settle. He owes something.
Jo. Tirrell too, must do something—and Isaac. I cant loose such Sums as they owe me—and I will not.
I shall not get enough at York Court to pay my Expences for the Week, and in short, I feel as if my Business was at an End. If I understood any other I would betake myself to it. The Utmost Parcimony and even Penury is necessary, for me to avoid running behind hand. Yr.
Rev. Isaac Lyman's brother was Dr. Job Lyman, appointed justice of the peace in 1770 (Whitmore, Mass. Civil List
, p. 148). On the whole circle of York “rescinders” and loyalists mentioned in this letter, see JA's diary entry of 1 July 1770 and note there (
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:355–356).
1774-07-01
I am so idle, that I have not an easy Moment, without my Pen in my Hand. My Time might have been improved to some Purpose, in mowing Grass, raking Hay, or hoeing Corn, weeding Carrotts, picking or shelling Peas. Much better should I have been employed in schooling my Children, in teaching them to write, cypher, Latin, French, English and Greek.
I sometimes think I must come to this—to be the Foreman upon my own Farm, and the School Master to my own Children. I confess myself to be full of Fears that the Ministry and their Friends and Instruments, will prevail, and crush the Cause and Friends of Liberty. The Minds of that Party are so filled with Prejudices, against me, that they will take all Advantages, and do me all the Damage they can. These Thoughts have their Turns in my Mind, but in general my Hopes are predominant.
In a Tryal of a Cause here to Day, some Facts were mentioned, which are worth writing to you. It was sworn, by Dr. Lyman, Elder Bradbury and others, that there had been a Number of Instances in this Town of fatal Accidents, happening from sudden Noises striking the Ears of Babes and young Children. A Gun was fired near one Child, as likely as any; the Child fell immediately into fits, which impaired his Reason, and is still living an Ideot. Another Child was sitting on a Chamber floor. A Man rapped suddenly and violently on the Boards which made the floor under the Child
This may suggest a Caution to keep Children from sudden Frights and surprizes.
Dr. Gardiner arrived here to day, from Boston, brings us News of a Battle at the Town Meeting, between Whigs and Tories, in which the Whiggs after a Day and an Halfs obstinate Engagement were finally victorious by two to one. He says the Tories are preparing a flaming Protest.2
119I am determined to be cool, if I can; I have suffered such Torments in my Mind, heretofore, as have almost overpowered my Constitution, without any Advantage: and now I will laugh and be easy if I can, let the Conflict of Parties, terminate as it will—let my own Estate and Interest suffer what it will. Nay whether I stand high or low in the Estimation of the World, so long as I keep a Conscience void of Offence towards God and Man. And thus I am determined by the Will of God, to do, let what will become of me or mine, my Country, or the World.
I shall arouse myself ere long I believe, and exert an Industry, a Frugality, a hard Labour, that will serve my family, if I cant serve my Country. I will not lie down and die in Dispair. If I cannot serve my Children by the Law, I will serve them by Agriculture, by Trade, by some Way, or other. I thank God I have a Head, an Heart and Hands which if once fully exerted alltogether, will succeed in the World as well as those of the mean spirited, low minded, fawning obsequious scoundrells who have long hoped, that my Integrity would be an Obstacle in my Way, and enable them to out strip me in the Race.
But what I want in Comparison of them, of Villany and servility, I will make up in Industry and Capacity. If I dont they shall laugh and triumph.
I will not willingly see Blockheads, whom I have a Right to despise, elevated above me, and insolently triumphing over me. Nor shall Knavery, through any Negligence of mine, get the better of Honesty, nor Ignorance of Knowledge, nor Folly of Wisdom, nor Vice of Virtue.
I must intreat you, my dear Partner in all the Joys and Sorrows, Prosperity and Adversity of my Life, to take a Part with me in the Struggle. I pray God for your Health—intreat you to rouse your whole Attention to the Family, the stock, the Farm, the Dairy. Let every Article of Expence which can possibly be spared be retrench'd. Keep the Hands attentive to their Business, and
Word omitted in MS.
At a town meeting in Faneuil Hall, 27 June, which lasted all day and on account of the numbers present had to be adjourned to the Old South Meeting House, a tory group called for the reading of all letters written and received by the town's Committee of Correspondence. After the reading the same group moved “that some Censure be now 120passed By the Town on the Conduct of the Committee of Correspondence; and that said Committee be annihilated.” This motion led to so protracted a debate that the meeting had to be adjourned until the 28th, when “after long Debates the Question was accordingly put; which passed in the Negative by a great Majority.” A motion commending the Committee was then put and “passed in the Affirmative by a Vast Majority.” (Boston Record Commissioners, 18th Report
, p. 177–178.) John Rowe gives an interesting account and observations on this “Battle,” and furnishes the names of the speakers on both sides (Letters and Diary, p. 276–277).
Word omitted in MS.
1774-07-02
I have concluded, to mount my Horse, tomorrow Morning at four, and ride to Wells to hear my old worthy learned ingenious Friend Hemmenway, whom I never was yet so happy as to hear.1 Mr. Winthrop agrees to be my Company.2 Wells is about 15 Miles from this Place: from thence we propose to ride after the Evening Service is over, to Saco, i.e. Biddeford, which is about 30 Miles from hence, which will leave us an easy Journey to Falmouth for Monday.
Mr. Winthrop tells me, that he has heard the late Governor Hutchinson, while he was Chief Justice, frequently say for seven Years together, that Salem was the most proper, convenient, and suitable Place in the Province for the Seat of Government: That he frequently complimented the Gentlemen of Salem, with the Happiness and Convenience of their Situation, for the Seat of Government, and with his Prophecies, that it would certainly be made such, in a Course of Years. I mentioned this to Judge Trowbridge, and he told me that he himself remembered to have heard him say the same Thing.—I am very much mistaken if I have not heard him say so too. And I remember, I happened to be with Kent when he carried to Judge Lynde his Commission as Chief Justice.3 And Judge Lynde entertained me for some Time, with Conversation about making Salem the Seat of Government, and with the probable Effects of such a Measure one of which he said would be the Translation of a great Part of the Trade from Boston to Salem. But he said he did not want to have Troops in Salem.
Now let any one, who knows these Anecdotes judge, who was the Suggester, Planner, and Promoter of this wrong headed, and iniquitous Measure.
Safford my Barber, tells me, that his Minister Lyman is bribed to be a Tory. He says that whenever Deacon Sayward has a Vessell arrive, he sends the Parson, 10 Gallons of Rum, 2 or 300 of Sugar, 10 Gallons 121of Wine, a Barrel of Flour &c. &c. &c. He says “he thinks that all Toryism grows out of Bribery.”
I thought the Barbers Observation as just and as memorable as Parson Moodys Doctrine “that when Men knew not what to do, they ought not to do they knew not what.”
I write you this Tittle Tatle, my Dear, in Confidence. You must keep these Letters chiefly to yourself, and communicate them with great Caution and Reserve. I should advise you to put them up safe, and preserve them. They may exhibit to our Posterity a kind of Picture of the Manners, Opinions, and Principles of these Times of Perplexity, Danger and Distress.
Deacon Sayward said at Table this Week in my Hearing that there was but one Point in which he differed, in Opinion from the late Governor Hutchinson and that was with Regard to the Reality of Witchcraft, and the Existence of Witches. The Governor he said would not allow there was any such Thing. The Deacon said he was loath to differ from him in any Thing. He had so great a Regard for him, and his opinions that he was willing to give up almost every Thing, rather than differ with him, but in this he could not see with him.
Such is the Cant of this artfull, selfish, hypocritical Man.
Pray remember me to my dear little Babes, whom I long to see running to meet me and climb up upon me, under the Smiles of their Mother.
Rev. Moses Hemmenway (or Hemenway), a Harvard classmate of JA's, minister at Wells since 1759 (Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.
).
Samuel Winthrop, a younger brother of Professor John Winthrop of Harvard and for many years clerk of the Superior Court of Judicature. He is frequently and usually approvingly mentioned in JA's Diary and Autobiography
. There is a sketch of him illustrated by a fine Copley portrait, in Lawrence Shaw Mayo, The Winthrop Family in America, Boston, 1948, p. 193–196.
Benjamin Lynde Jr., Harvard 1718, was commissioned chief justice in March 1771 (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 6:250–257). Benjamin Kent, Harvard 1727, was an elder and somewhat eccentric colleague of JA's at the bar (same, 8:220–230).
1774-07-03
Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Quincy and I came this Morning from York, before Breakfast, 15 Miles, in order to hear my learned Friend Hemmenway. Mr. Quincy brought me a Letter from Williams, in which he lets me know that you and the Family were well.1 This is very refreshing News.
We went to Meeting at Wells and had the Pleasure of hearing My Friend, upon “Be not Partaker's in other Mens Sins: Keep yourselves pure.”—Mr. Hemenway came and kindly invited us to dine, but we had engaged a Dinner at Littlefields, so we returned there, dined and took our Horses to Meeting in the Afternoon, and heard the Minister again, upon “Seek first the Kingdom of God and his Righteousness, and all these Things shall be added unto you.”—There is a great Pleasure in Hearing Sermons so serious, so clear, so sensible, and instructive as these.
We went to Mr. Hemmenways, and as it rained a little He put out our Horses and we took a Bed with him, i.e. Mr. Winthrop and I.
You know I never get or save any Thing by cozening or classmating; so I gave Pistareens enough among the Children and Servants to have paid twice for my Entertainment.
Josiah Quincy, allways impetuous and vehement, would not stop, but drove forward, I suppose that he might get upon the Fishing Ground before his Brother Sam. and me.—I find that the Divines and Lawyers, this Way are all Tories. Brother Hemmenway is as impartial as any I have seen or heard of—James Sullivan seems half inclined to be a Whigg.
Mr. Winthrop has been just making some Observations, which I think worth sending to you. Upon Reading an Observation in the Farmers fourth Letter,2 that some of our, (the Massachusetts) Resolves and Publications had better have been suppressed, Mr. Winthrop said, that many Things in our News Papers ought to have been suppressed. For example, Whenever there was the least popular Commotion, or Disturbance, it was instantly put in all the News Papers, in this Province. But in all the other Provinces they took Care to conceal and suppress every such Thing.
Another Thing He says, We ought to avoid all Paragraphs in our Papers about our own Manufactures—especially all vapouring puffing 123Advertisements about them, because such Paragraphs only tend to provoke the Ministry, Merchants and Manufacturers in England, to confine and restrain or prohibit our Manufactures.
But our Presses, in Boston, Salem, and Newbury Port are under no Regulation, nor any judicious prudent Care. Therefore it seems impracticable to keep out such Imprudences.
The Printers are hot, indiscreet Men, and they are under the Influence of others as hot, rash and injudicious as themselves, very often.
For my own Part it has long been my Resolution to avoid being concerned in councilling, or aiding or abetting any Tumult or Disorder, to avoid all exceptionable Scribbling in the Newspaper, of every Kind, to avoid all Passion and personal Altercation or Reflections. I have found it difficult, to keep these Resolutions exactly, all but the last however I have religiously and punctiliously, observed, these six Years.
Arrived last Evening at Falmouth, and procured a New Place to Lodge at, Mrs. Eustons. Quincy and I, have taken a Bed together. My Brother Neg. Freeman3 came to pay his Respects to me, and to invite me to a Bed in his House, but I was fixed before, and therefore thanked him and excused myself. It is a very neat House where We sleep. The Desk and Table shine like Mirrors. The floors are clean and white and nicely sanded &c.
But when shall I get home? This tedious Journey will produce me very little Profit. I never saw Falmouth before with such lean Expectations and empty Pocketts. I am much concerned for my Family: These Acts of Parliament and ministerial Maneuvres, will injure me, both in my Property and Business, as much as any Person whatever, in Proportion.
DAB
under
John Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies, Phila., 1768.
That is, Harvard Graduates
, 8:572–581; William Willis, History of the Law, the Courts, and the Lawyers of Maine, Portland, 1863, p. 651–652). JA's epithet “Brother Neg.” 124alludes to the fact that Freeman, like JA, had been negatived by Gage when elected to the Council in the preceding May.
1774-07-05
I cant be easy without my Pen in my Hand, yet I know not what to write.
I have this Morning heard a Dialogue between Will. Gardiner and a Captain Pote of Falmouth.1 Gardiner says he cant subscribe the Non Consumption Agreement, because he has 100 Men coming from England to settle upon Kennebeck River, and he must supply them, which he cant do without English Goods. That Agreement he says may do, at Boston, but not in the Eastern Country. Pote said he never would sign it, and rail'd away at Boston Mobs, drowning Tea, and tarring Malcom.2
James Sullivan at Dinner told us a Story or two.—One Member of the General Court he said as they came down Stairs after their Dissolution at Salem, said to him “Tho we are kill'd we died scrabbling, did not We.”—This is not very witty I think.
Another Story was of a Piece of Wit of Brother Porter of Salem. He came upon the Floor and asked a Member “What State are you in now?” The Member answered “in a State of Nature.”—Ay says Porter, “and you will be d——d before you will get into a State of Grace.”
I spent an Hour last Evening at Mr. Wyers with Judge Cushing. Wyers Father, who has a little Place in the Customs came in. He began, upon Politicks and told us, that Mr. Smith had a Fast last Week which he attended. Mr. Gillman preached, he said, Part of the Day and told them that the Judgments of God upon the Land, were in Consequence of the Mobbs and Riots, which had prevailed in the Country—and then turning to me, old Wyer said “What do you think of that Mr. Adams?”—I answered, I cant say but Mobs and Violences may have been one Cause of our Calamities. I am inclined to think that they do come in for a share: But there are many other Causes; did not Mr. Gillman mention Bribery and Corruption, as another Cause?—He ought to have been impartial, and pointed out the Venality which prevails in the Land as a Cause, as well as Tumults.—“I think he did” says Wyer.
I might have pursued my Enquiry, whether, he did not mention the Universal Pilfering, Robbery and Picking of Pocketts, which prevails 125in the Land—as every Mans Pockett upon the Continent is picked every Day, by taking from him Duties without his Consent.
I might have enquired whether he mentioned the universal Spirit of Debauchery, Dissipation, Luxury, Effeminacy and Gaming which the late ministerial Measures are introducing, &c. &c. &c. but I forbore.
How much Profaneness, Leudness, Intemperance, &c. have been introduced by the Army and Navy, and Revenue—how much servility, Venality And Artifice and Hypocricy, have been introduced among the Ambitious and Avaricious by the british Politicks of the last 10 Years?
In short the original faulty Causes of all the Vices which have been introduced, these last 10 Years, are the Political Innovations of the last 10 Years. This is no Justification and a poor Excuse for the Girls who have been debauched, and for the Injustice which has been committed, in some Riots. But surely the Soldiers, Sailors, and Excisemen, who have occasioned these Vices ought not to reproach those they have corrupted. These Tories act the Part of the Devil—they tempt Men and Women into sin, and then reproach them for It, and become soon their Tormentors for it.
A Tempter and Tormentor, is the Character of the Devil.—Hutchinson, Oliver, and others of their Circle, who for their own Ends of Ambition and Avarice, have procured, promoted, encouraged, councilled, aided and abetted the Taxation of America, have been the Real Tempters of their Countrymen and Women, into all the Vices, sins, Crimes and follies which that Taxation has occasioned: And now by
There is not a Sin which prevails more universally and has prevailed longer, than Prodigality, in Furniture, Equipage, Apparell and Diet. And I believe that this Vice, this Sin has as large a Share in drawing down the Judgments of Heaven as any. And perhaps the Punishment that is inflicted, may work medicinally, and cure the Desease.
William Gardiner was a son of JA's client Dr. Silvester Gardiner of Boston. Jeremiah Pote, a loyalist merchant, fled the following year to New Brunswick; one of his daughters had married a brother of the loyalist lawyer David Wyer, frequently mentioned in these letters (William Willis, History of Portland, from 1632 to 1864, Portland, 1865, p. 456, note).
John Malcom (or Malcomb), an unpopular customs collector, was tarred and feathered in Boston in Jan. 1774, and the incident became the subject of 126satirical prints soon afterward issued in London. See a very fully documented account by Frank W. C. Hersey, “Tar and Feathers: The Adventures of Captain John Malcom,” Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.
, 34 (1943):429–473, which reproduces several of the prints.
1774-07-06
Mobs are the trite Topick of Declamation and Invective, among all the ministerial People, far and near. They are grown universally learned in the Nature, Tendency and Consequences of them, and very eloquent and pathetic in descanting upon them. They are Sources of all kinds of Evils, Vices, and Crimes, they say. They give Rise to Prophaneness, Intemperance, Thefts, Robberies, Murders, and Treason. Cursing, Swearing, Drunkenness, Gluttony, Leudness, Trespasses, Maims, are necessarily involved in them and occasioned by them. Besides, they render the Populace, the Rabble, the scum of the Earth, insolent, and disorderly, impudent, and abusive. They give Rise to Lying, Hypocricy, Chicanery, and even Perjury among the People, who are driven to such Artifices, and Crimes, to conceal themselves and their Companions, from Prosecutions in Consequence of them.
This is the Picture drawn by the Tory Pencil: and it must be granted to be a Likeness; but this is Declamation. What Consequence is to be drawn from this Description? Shall We submit to Parliamentary Taxation, to avoid Mobs? Will not Parliamentary Taxation if established, occasion Vices, Crimes and Follies, infinitely more numerous, dangerous, and fatal to the Community? Will not parliamentary Taxation if established, raise a Revenue, unjustly and wrongfully? If this Revenue is scattered by the Hand of Corruption, among the public Officers, and Magistrates and Rulers, in the Community, will it not propagate Vices more numerous, more malignant and pestilential among them. Will it not render Magistrates servile, and fawning to their vicious Superiours? and insolent and Tyrannical to their Inferiours? Is Insolence, Abuse and Impudence more tolerable in a Magistrate than in a subject? Is it not more constantly and extensively, pernicious? And does not the Example of Vice and Folly, in Magistrates descend, and spread downwards among the People?
Besides is not the Insolence of Officers and Soldiers, and Seamen, in the Army and Navy as mischievous as that of Porters,
Are not Riots raised and made by Armed Men, as bad as those by unarmed? Is not an Assault upon a civil officer, and a Rescue of a 127Prisoner from lawfull Authority, made by Soldiers with Swords or Bayonets, as bad as if made
Is not the Killing of a Child by R.2 and the slaughter of half a Dozen Citizens by a Party of Soldiers, as bad as pulling down a House, or drowning a Cargo of Tea? even if both should be allowed to be unlawfull.
Parties may go on declaiming: but it is not easy to say, which Party has excited most Riots, which has published most Libels, which have propagated most Slander, and Defamation.
Verbal Scandal has been propagWhiggs antiministerial ones. Fleets Paper, Meins Chronicle,3 &c. &c. have been as virulent as any that was ever in the Province.
These Bickerings of opposite Parties, and their mutual Reproaches, their Declamations, their Sing Song, their Triumphs and Defyances, their Dismals, and Prophecies, are all Delusion.
We very seldom hear any solid Reasoning. I wish always to discuss the Question, without all Painting, Pathos, Rhetoric, or Flourish of every Kind. And the Question seems to me to be, whether the american Colonies are to be considered, as a distinct Community so far as to have a Right to judge for themselves, when the fundamentals of their Government are destroyed or invaded? Or Whether they are to be considered as a Part of the whole British Empire, the whole English Nation, so far as to be bound in Honour, Conscience or Interest by the general Sense of the whole Nation?
However if this was the Rule, I believe it is very far from the general Sense of the whole Nation that America s
But if all other Parts of the Empire were agreed unanimously in the Propriety and Rectitude of taxing us, this would not bind us. It is a fundamental, inherent, and unalienable Right of the People that they have some Check, Influence, or Controul in their Supream Legislature. 128If the Right of Taxation is conceded to Parliament, the Americans have no Check, or Influence at all left.—This Reasoning never was nor can be answered.
MS: “as.”
Ebenezer Richardson, a customs officer in Boston, shot and killed a boy named Christopher Snider on 22 Feb. 1770, in an affair that was a prelude to the Boston “Massacre”; see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:349–350.
Thomas and John Fleet's Boston Evening Post, a conservative paper which expired in 1775; and John Mein and John Fleeming's short-lived and markedly tory Boston Chronicle, 1767–1770.
1774-07-06
Our Jmisled.—He he he,” blinking, and grinning.—At Dinner, to day, Somebody mentioned Determinations in the Lords House (the Court sitts in the Meeting House).—“I've known many very bad Determinations in the Lords House of late” says he, meaning a Fling upon the Clergy.—He is perpetually flinging about the Fasts, and ironically talking about getting Home to the Fast. A Gentleman told me, that he had heard him say frequently, that the Fast was perfect Blasphemy.—“Why dont they pay for the Tea? Refuse to pay for the Tea! and go to fasting and praying for Direction! perfect Blasphemy!”1
This is the Moderation, Candor, Impartiality, Prudence, Patience, Forbearance, and Condescention of our J
S
Such is the Bitterness and Rancour, the Malice and Revenge, the Pride and Vanity which prevails in these Men. And such Minds are possessed of all the Power of the Province.2
S. makes no Fortune this Court. There is very little Business here, it is true, but S. gets very little of that little—less than any Body.
Wyer retains his old good Nature and good Humour, his Wit, such as it is, and his Fancy, with its wildness.
Bradbury retains his Anxiety and his plaintive, angry Manner, David Sewal his Softness, and conceited Modesty.
Bradbury and Sewall always roast Dr. Gardiner, at these Courts, 129but they have done it more now than usual, as Gardiner had not me to protect him.—See how I think of myself!
I believe it is Time to think a little about my Family and Farm. The fine Weather, we have had for 8 or 10 days past I hope has been carefully improved to get in my Hay. It is a great Mortification to me that I could not attend every Step of their Progress in mowing, making and carting. I long to see what Burden.
But I long more still to see to the procuring more Sea Weed and Marsh Mud and Sand &c.
However my Prospect is interrupted again. I shall have no Time. I must prepare for a Journey to Philadelphia, a long Journey indeed! But if the Length of the Journey was all, it would be no burden. But the Consideration of What is to be done, is of great Weight. Great Things are wanted to be done, and little Things only I fear can be done. I dread the Thought of the Congress's falling short of the Expectations of the Continent, but especially of the People of this Province.
Vapours avaunt! I will do my Duty, and leave the Event. If I have the Approbation of my own Mind, whether applauded or censured, blessed or cursed, by the World, I will not be unhappy.
Certainly I shall enjoy good Company, good Conversation, and shall have a fine Ride, and see a little more of the World than I have seen before.
I think it will be necessary to make me up, a Couple of Pieces of new Linnen. I am told, they wash miserably, at N. York, the Jerseys and Philadelphia too in Comparison of Boston, and am advised to carry a great deal of Linnen.3
Whether to make me a Suit of new Cloaths, at Boston or to make them at Phyladelphia, and what to make I know not, nor do I know how I shall go—whether on Horse back, in a Curricle, a Phaeton, or altogether in a Stage Coach I know not.
The Letters I have written or may write, my Dear, must be kept secret or at least shewn with great Caution.
Mr. Fairservice goes tomorrow: by him I shall send a Packett.
Kiss my dear Babes for me. Your
I believe I forgot to tell you one Anecdote: When I first came to this House it was late in the Afternoon, and I had ridden 35 miles at least. “Madam” said I to Mrs. Huston, “is it lawfull for a weary Traveller to refresh himself with a Dish of Tea provided it has been honestly smuggled, or paid no Duties?”
130“No sir, said she, we have renounced all Tea in this Place. I cant make Tea, but I'le make you Coffee.” Accordingly I have drank Coffee every Afternoon since, and have borne it very well. Tea must be universally renounced. I must be weaned, and the sooner, the better.
Quoted matter in this paragraph has been slightly repunctuated for clarity.
JA always believed that Samuel Quincy had felt overshadowed by his younger brother Josiah's greater talents, and that Hutchinson and Sewall, perceiving this, had attached Samuel to the side of government by having him appointed Provincial solicitor general in succession to Sewall in 1771 (JA to Jedidiah Morse, 22 Dec. 1815, PHi; JA, Works
, 10:195).
This and the following paragraph were silently omitted by CFA when he published this letter, for the first time, in JA–AA, Familiar Letters
, p. 16–18. The passage is typical of many of the same homely or intimate kind that CFA excised in his several editions of his grandfather's and grandmother's correspondence.
1774-07-07
Have you seen a List of the Addressers of the late Governor? There is one abroad, with the Character, Profession or Occupation of each Person against his Name.1 I have never seen it but Judge Brown says, against the Name of Andrew Fanuil Phillips, is “Nothing,” and that Andrew when he first heard of it said, “Better be nothing with one Side, than every Thing with the other.”—This was witty and smart, whether Andrew said it, or what is more likely, it was made for him.
A Notion prevails among all Parties that it is politest and genteelest to be on the Side of Administration, that the better Sort, the Wiser Few, are on one Side; and that the Multitude, the Vulgar, the Herd, the Rabble, the Mob only are on the other. So difficult it is for the frail feeble Mind of Man to shake itself loose from all Prejudices and Habits. However Andrew, or his Prompter is perfectly Right, in his Judgment, and will finally be proved to be so, that the lowest on the Tory Scale, will make it more for his Interest than the highest on the Whiggish. And as long as a Man Adhers immoveably to his own Interest, and has Understanding or Luck enough to secure and promote it, he will have the Character of a Man of Sense And will be respected by a selfish World. I know of no better Reason for it than this—that most Men are conscious that they aim at their own Interest only, and that if they fail it is owing to short Sight or ill Luck, and therefore cant 131blame, but secretly applaud, admire and sometimes envy those whose Capacities have proved greater and Fortunes more prosperous.
I am to dine with Mr. Waldo, to day. Betty, as you once said.2
I am engaged in a famous Cause: The Cause of King, of Scarborough vs. a Mob, that broke into his House, and rifled his Papers, and terrifyed him, his Wife, Children and Servants in the Night. The Terror, and Distress, the Distraction and Horror of this Family cannot be described by Words or painted upon Canvass. It is enough to move a Statue, to melt an Heart of Stone, to read the Story. A Mind susceptible of the Feelings of Humanity, an Heart which can be touch'd with Sensibi
Dined With Mr. Collector Francis Waldo, Esqr. in Company with Mr. Winthrop, the two Quincys and the two Sullivans. All very social and chearfull—full of Politicks. S. Quincy's Tongue ran as fast as any Bodies. He was clear in it, that the House of Commons had no Right to take Money out of our Pocketts, any more than any foreign State repeated large Paragraphs from a Publication of Mr. Burke's in 1766, and large Paragraphs from Junius Americanus &c.4 This is to talk and to shine, before Persons who have no Capacity of judging, and who do not know that he is ignorant of every Rope in the Ship.
I shant be able to get away, till next Week. I am concerned only in 2 or 3 Cases and none of them are come on yet. Such an Eastern Circuit I never made. I shall bring home as much as I brought from home I hope, and not much more, I fear.
I go mourning in my Heart, all the Day long, tho I say nothing. I am melancholly for the Public, and anxious for my Family, as for myself a Frock and Trowsers, an Hoe and Spade, would do for my Remaining Days.
For God Sake make your Children, hardy, active and industrious, for Strength, Activity and Industry will be their only Resource and Dependance.
Two broadside editions of this List of Addressers were issued, both of them probably by Edes & Gill, publishers of the Boston Gazette (Ford, Mass. Broadsides
, Nos. 1699, 1700). One of them is reproduced in this volume from an original in MHi; see the Descriptive List of Illustrations. The other, preceded by a text of the Address and brief editorial comment, was reproduced in Boston Public Library, Bulletin, 12:217–218 and insert (Oct. 1893).
Francis Waldo, Harvard 1747, was one of the leading citizens and the first collector of the port of Falmouth, later Portland; he later fled to England as a loyalist exile (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, vol. 12 [in press]). The signification of “Betty” is not apparent.
Though perhaps once “famous” (as JA says), and certainly illustrative of the feelings aroused by the Revolutionary struggle in its early stages, this “Cause” seems to have been almost entirely overlooked by historians and biographers.
The principal in it was Life and Correspondence of Rufus King compiled by his grandson, Charles R. King, N.Y., 1894–1900. A faint and misleading echo of it may appear in the note on Richard King's papers at vol. 1:2, but a considerable mass of documents bearing on the mobbing and trials actually remains among the Rufus King Papers in the New-York Historical Society.
Other, if lesser, acts of vandalism against King's property occurred in the following months, and King, despite threats of personal injury if he went to law, sued his persecutors for trespass, claiming damages of £2,000. The case and its sequels continued in the courts until long after King's death. They can only be summarized here. Fuller documentation will appear when JA's legal papers are edited and published.
The trial of Richard King v. John Stewart et al. (Jonathan Andrews Jr., Amos Andrews, John Timothy, and Samuel Stewart) came on in Falmouth Inferior Court in March 1773. King was allowed no damages and appealed to the Superior Court in its July term. Here he won a judgment for £200. Both sides requested writs of review, King because he considered the judgment insufficient and the defendants because they thought the verdict wrong. This necessitated a trial de novo in July 1774.
It was at this point that JA entered the case, which had now, however, become two—King v. John Stewart et al., and Jonathan Andrews et al. v. King. JA and Theophilus Bradbury acted for King in both cases; James and John Sullivan were their opponents in both. JA's emotional harangue to the jury in the first case was written out more or less in full and is preserved among his legal papers. He concentrated on the physical damage to King's property, the intangible damage to his “Credit in Trade” (through the destruction of his papers), and the anguish suffered by 133the whole family from the malice and cruelty of the mob. For example:
“The Cruelty, the Terror, the Horror of the whole dismal scene. It would be affectation to attempt to exaggerate, it is almost impossible to exagerate, the distresses of this innocent Family at that Time.—The Excellency of a Tryal by Jury is that they are the Partys Peers, his equalls, men of like Passions, feelings, Imaginations and Understandings with him. If your Passions are not affected upon this Occasion, you will
“Be pleased then to imagine yourselves each one for himself—in Bed with his pregnant Wife, in the dead of Midnight, five Children also asleep, and all the servants. 3 Children in the same Chamber, two above. The Doors and Windows all barrd, bolted and locked—all asleep, suspecting nothing—harbouring no Malice, Envy or Revenge in your own Bosoms nor dreaming of any in your Neighbors, In the Darkness, the stillness, the silence of Midnight.
“All of a sudden, in an Instant, in a twinkling of an Eye, an Armed Banditti of Felons, Thieves, Robbers, and Burglars, rush upon the House.—Like Savages from the Wilderness, or like Legions from the Blackness of Darkness, they yell and Houl, they dash in all the Windows and enter—enterd the
“Do you see a tender and affectionate Husband, an amiable deserving Wife near her Time, 3 young Children, all in one Chamber, awakened all at once—ignorant what was the Cause—terrifyd—inquisitive to know it. The Husband attempting to run down stairs, his Wife, laying hold of his Arm, to stay him and sinking, fainting, dying away in his Arms. The Children crying and clinging round their Parents—father will they kill me— father save me! The other Children and servants in other Parts of the House, joining in the Cries of Distress.
“What Sum of Money Mr. Foreman would tempt you, to be Mr. King, and to let your Wife undergo what Mrs. King underwent, and your Children what theirs did for one Night?
“I freely confess that the whole sum sued for would be no temptation to me, if there was no other Damage than this.
“But how can the Impression of it be erased out of his Mind and hers and the Childrens. It will lessen and frequently interrupt his Happiness as long as he lives, it will be a continual Sourse of Grief to him.”
But JA's eloquence had limited effects. King obtained additional damages of £60 in this case, but in the other Jonathan Andrews was found not guilty and recovered £40 from the previous award to King.
JA's minutes of the testimony, of the opposing arguments, and of his own plea are in Adams Papers, M/JA/6 (Microfilms, Reel No. 185). See also Superior Court of Judicature, Minute Book 99; Records, 1773, fol. 92; 1774, fol. 229–231; Suffolk County Court House, Early Court Files, &c., Nos. 139590, 139642, 139645. Richard King's papers (in Rufus King MSS, NHi) include drafts, originals, and copies of depositions of witnesses in his favor (some of whom had originally been defendants but were excused when they agreed to testify for King); lists of the rioters and of King's losses; King's petitions and remonstrances to the Governor, General Court, and Superior Court; some correspondence; and even a doggerel poem by King about his adversaries, which is revealing enough to be quoted in part:
If mixt with those, vile Sons there are, Who, Burn and Steal, and fallsly Sware, Or make their Gain, by such fowl Deeds, Select them Lord, as vitious weeds;
Shall falls Confession Save the Soul, Who still retains what he has Stole, Or having don his Neighbour wrong, Will God be pleased with his Song
Richard King died early in 1775, and his widow had difficulty collecting the small judgments her husband had won at law. She was still trying to collect some part of the damages as late as 1790 (Records, 1790, fol. 140–141; Early Court Files, &c., Nos. 139893, 139894, 140140).
A drawing of “The King Mansion” 134in Scarborough appears as an insert on a detailed map of the region preceding the titlepage in Maine Hist. Soc., Colls., 1st ser., vol. 3 (1853). This volume has a garbled account of the “King Riot” of 1766 at p. 182–186, and some information on Richard King, p. 163, 172; see also same, 3d ser., 2 (1906):370–373.
Edmund Burke published in 1766 “A Short Account of a Late Short Administration,” a manifesto of the Rockingham whigs. “Junius Americanus” was a pen name used by Arthur Lee in contributing political pieces to the London papers.
1774-07-09
I never enjoyed better Health in any of my Journeys, but this has been the most tedious, the most irksome, the most gloomy and melancholly I ever made.
I cannot with all my Phylosophy and christian Resignation keep up my Spirits. The dismal Prospect before me, my Family, and my Country, are too much, for my Fortitude.
The Day before Yesterday, a Gentleman came and spoke to me, asked me to dine with him on Saturday. Said he was very sorry I had not better Lodgings in Town, desired if I came to Town again I would take a Bed at his House and make his House my Home. I should always be very welcome. I told him I had not the Pleasure of knowing him. He said his Name was Codman.1 I said I was very much obliged to him, but I was very well accommodated where I lodged. I had a clean Bed and a very neat House, a Chamber to myself, and every Thing I wanted.
Saturday I dined with him in Company with Brigadier Prebble,2 Major Freeman and his son, &c. and a very genteel Dinner we had. Salt Fish and all its apparatus, roast Chickens, Bacon, Pees, as fine a Salad as ever was made, and a rich meat Pie—Tarts and Custards &c., good Wine and as good Punch as ever you made. A large spacious, elegant House, Yard and Garden &c. I thought I had got into the Palace of a Nobleman. After Dinner when I was obliged to come away, he renewed his Invitation to me to make his House my Home, whenever I should come to Town again.
Fryday I dined with Coll., Sherriff, alias Bill Tyng.3 Mrs. Ross and 135her Daughter Mrs. Tyng dined with us and the Court and Clerk and some of the Bar.
At Table We were speaking about Captain Maccarty, which led to the Affrican Trade. J
At another Time, J. Trowbridge said, it seems by Coll. Barres Speeches that Mr. Otis has acquired Honour, by releasing his Damages to Robbinson.4—Yes, says I, he has acquired Honour with all Generations.—Trowbridge. He did not make much Profit I think.—Adams. True, but the less Profit the more Honour. He was a Man of Honour and Generosity. And those who think he was mistaken will pity him.
Thus you see how foolish I am. I cannot avoid exposing myself, before these high Folk—my Feelings will at Times overcome my Modesty and Reserve—my Prudence, Policy and Discretion.
I have a Zeal at my Heart, for my Country and her Friends, which I cannot smother or conceal: it will burn out at Times and in Companies where it ought to be latent in my Breast. This Zeal will prove fatal to the Fortune and Felicity of my Family, if it is not regulated by a cooler Judgment than mine has hitherto been. Coll. Otis's Phrase is “The Zeal-Pot boils over.”
I am to wait upon Brother Bradbury to Meeting to day, and to dine with Brother Wyer. When I shall get home I know not. But, if possible, it shall be before next Saturday night.5
I long for that Time to come, when My Dear Wife and my Charming little Prattlers will embrace me.
Deacon Richard Codman, a merchant who in 1762 had built “one of the best houses in town on the corner of Middle and Temple streets” (William Willis, History of Portland, from 1632 to 1864, Portland, 1865, p. 795).
Brig. Gen. Jedediah Preble, who had served in Canada under Wolfe and was frequently a representative to the General Court; one of his daughters married a son of Richard Codman, and his son Edward became famous in American naval annals (same, p. 835–836).
Colls.
, 1st ser., 10 [1809]:183–186).
On the Otis-Robinson quarrel and suit, in which JA had acted for Otis, see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:342; 2:47–48.
Presumably on one of the remaining days that he spent at Falmouth Court 136(for if it had happened earlier he would surely have mentioned it in a letter), JA took his painful leave of his colleague and oldest friend, Attorney General Jonathan Sewall, on Munjoy's Hill overlooking Casco Bay. In 1819 JA gave the following account of this incident:
“We continued our friendship and confidential intercourse, though professedly in boxes of politics, as opposite as East and West, until the year 1774, when we both attended the Superior Court in Falmouth, Casco-bay, now Portland. I had then been chosen a delegate to Congress. Mr. Sewall invited me to take a walk with him, very early in the morning, on the great hill. In the course of our rambles he very soon begun to remonstrate against my going to Congress. He said 'that Great Britain was determined on her system; her power was irresistible and would certainly be destructive to me, and to all those who should persevere in opposition to her designs.' I answered, 'that I knew Great Britain was determined on her system, and that very determination, determined me on mine; that he knew I had been constant and uniform in opposition to all her measures; that the die was now cast; I had passed the Rubicon; swim or sink, live or die, survive or perish with my country, was my unalterable determination.' The conversation was protracted into length, but this was the substance of the whole. It terminated in my saying to him, 'I see we must part, and with a bleeding heart I say, I fear forever; but you may depend upon it, this adieu is the sharpest thorn on which I ever sat my foot.' I never conversed with him again 'till the year 1788. Mr. Sewall retired in 1775 to England, where he remained and resided in Bristol....
“In 1788, Mr. Sewall came to London to embark for Halifax. I enquired for his lodgings and instantly drove to them, laying aside all etiquette, to make him a visit. I ordered my servant to announce John Adams, was instantly admitted, and both of us forgetting that we had ever been enemies, embraced each other as cordially as ever. I had two hours conversation with him in a most delightful freedom upon a multitude of subjects. He told me he had lived for the sake of his two children; he had spared no pains nor expense in their education, and he was going to Halifax in hope of making some provision for them. They are now two of the most respectable gentlemen in Canada. One of them a Chief Justice; the other an Attorney General. Their father lived but a short time after his return to America; evidently broken down by his anxieties and probably dying of a broken heart. He always lamented the conduct of Great Britain towards America. No man more constantly congratulated me, while we lived together in America, upon any news, true or false, favorable to a repeal of the obnoxious Statutes and a redress of our grievances; but the society in which he lived had convinced him that all resistance was not only useless but ruinous.”
(Preface to
Novanglus and Massachusettensis..., Boston, 1819, p. vi–vii. As late as 1819 JA still wrongly believed Sewall was the author of “Massachusettensis.”)
JA was mistaken in dating this meeting with Sewall in London in 1788, for Sewall (who now spelled his name “Sewell”) on 21 Sept. 1787 addressed a long autobiographical letter to Judge Joseph Lee in Cambridge from St. John's, New Brunswick, which described the meeting and furnished a memorable characterization of JA:
“While I was in London, my
quondamfriend, Jno. Adams, sent me a complimentary card, and afterwards made me a long friendly visit, as Mrs. Adams soon after did to Mrs. Sewell; and they then earnestly pressed us to take a family-dinner with them; in a way so evidently friendly and hearty, that I was sorry I could not comply; but having resolved to make no Visits nor accept of any Invitations; and having upon this ground previously declined invitations to dine with Sr. Wm. Pepperrell, your friend Mr. Clark, and several other friends, I was obliged, to avoid giving offence, to decline this. When Mr. Adams came in, he took my hand in both his, and with a hearty squeeze, accosted me in these words—how do you do my dear old friend!Our Conversation was just such as might be expected at the Meeting of two old sincere friends after a long separation. Adams has a heart formed for friendship, and susceptible of it's finest feelings; he is humane, generous and 137open—warm in his friendly Attachments tho' perhaps rather implacable to those whom he thinks his enemies—and tho' during the american Contest, an unbounded Ambition and an enthusiastic Zeal for the imagined, or real, glory and welfare of his Country, (the ofspring perhaps, in part, tho imperceptible to himself, of disappointed Ambition,) may have suspended the operation of those social and friendly principles, which, I am positive, are in him, innate and congenial; yet, sure I am, they could not be eradicated;—they might sleep inactive, like the body in the grave, during the Storm raised by more violent and impetuous passions, in his political career for the Goal to which, Zeal and Ambition, united, kept his Eye immoveably fixed; but a resuscitation must have been the immediate Consequence of the peace; gratify'd in the two darling wishes of his Soul,—the Independence of America acknowledged and established, and he himself placed on the very pinnacle of the temple of Honor!—why, the very Devil himself must have felt loving and good-natured after so compleat a victory—much more a Man in whose heart lay dormant every good and virtuous, social and friendly principle. Nature must, and I have no doubt did break forth and assert her rights—of this I am so well convinced, that, if he could but play backgammon, I declare I would chuse him, in preference to all the Men in the world, for myfidus Achates, in my projected asylum: and I believe he would soon find it the happiest State; for if I am not mistaken, now he has reached the summit of his Ambition, he finds himself quite out of his element; and looks back with regret to those happy days, when in a snug house with a pretty farm about him at Braintree, he sat quiet in the full possession of domestic happiness with an amiable sensible wife and an annual increase of olive plants round his table, for whose present and future support he was, by his own honest Industry, for he was an honest lawyer as ever broke Bread, rapidly making ample provision: he is not qualifyed by nature or education to shine in Courts—his abilities are, undoubtedly, quite equal to the mechanical parts of his business as Ambassador; but this is not enough—he cant dance, drink, game, flatter, promise, dress, swear with the gentlemen, and talk small talk and flirt with the Ladys—in short he has none of the essentialArtsorornamentswhich constitute a Courtier—there are thousands who with a tenth part of his Understanding, and without a spark of his honesty, would distance him infinitely in any Court in Europe. I will only add that I found many Americans in London whose Sentiments and conduct towards him were by no means so liberal as I could have wish'd.”(MHi: Lee Family Papers); a surviving
fragment of a much longer letter.Tr of the full text is in Adams Papers, probably furnished to JQA by Benjamin Waterhouse, whose wife was a grandniece of Joseph Lee the addressee; see Waterhouse to JQA, 9 May 1827, Adams Papers.
1774-07-16
I have this moment finished Copying The manuscript you was kind enough to Lend me, and must write a line, to beg your excuse for not Sooner returning it.2 I could not Steal the time to Copy it before, and was Loath to Lose it. I think it is a very Pretty thing; tho, (if you can excuse my Seeming arrogance, in Presuming to Criticise,) there are Some expressions in it, that Seem not quite according to the rules of good Poetry; I mean, a too frequent repetition of the Same Words; for instance, the word, woe, and woes, Comes in so often as to, in Some measure flatten the Spirrit of it, but, I am Sensible Im runing out of 138my Proper Sphere, and Shall Doubtless expose my own ignorence, Pray Pardon me, and accept my thanks for the Books, Part of which I Shall return tomorrow; My impatience Prevail'd upon me to Send on monday last, to Your office, for the other Vol's of Charles Wentworth; and expected Josey would Send it by the Return of the Chaise at night, but was disappointd; I long to have the rest of it but the fates are against me.3 Miss Nancy left us this morning; her aunt moves out of town on monday. Company is at the door So adieu.
15 July 1774 was a Friday; the letter was probably written on Saturday, 16 July.
This MS poem has not been further identified.
The History of Charles Wentworth, Esq. In a Series of Letters, a novel in three volumes by Edward Bancroft, was published anonymously in London, 1770 (BM, Catalogue
). For JA's opinion of it see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 4:72–73.
1774-08-09
I Returned yesterday from a Visit to my Venerable Father, and on our arival at our own Habitation we met the tidings that the Royal signet was affixed to those acts which are designed to perpetuate the thraldom of America: and perticulerly the Massachusets.
I think the appointment of the new counsel is the last comic scene we shall see Exhibite'd in the state Farce which has for several years been playing off.1 I fear the Tragic part of the Drama will hastely Ensue, and that Nothing but the Blood of the Virtuous Citizens Can repurchase the Rights of Nature, unjustly torn from us by the united arms of treachery and Violence. Every Circumstance Contributes to Lead this people to Look with more impatient Expectation for the result of the approaching Congress. The persons Deputed to that purpose have an important part to act, a part on which depends in a great measure the Future Fredom and Happiness of a Wide Extended Empire. Mr. Adams has justly Compared them to the Amphyctiones of Grece, and as their work is not less arduous, may they aquit themselves in such a manner as that their Names may stand as high on the Records of Fame as those of any of that Respected Body. May they be Endowd with Virtue and judgment, Wisely to deliberate and Resolve, and Fortitude and Vigour to Execute whatever may be thought Necessary to Reestablish the Welfare and Tranquility of their much injured Country.
139Tell Mr. Adams that my best Wishes will Attend him through his journey both as A Friend and as a patriot. May he return with satisfaction to himself and the applauses of his Constituants.2
I hope they will have no uncommon Dificulties to surmount, or Hostile Movments to impede them, but if the Locrians should interrupt them, tell him I hope they will beware that no future annals may say they Chose an ambitious Philip for their Leader, who subverted the Noble order of the American Amphyctiones: and Built up a Monarchy on the Ruins of the Happy institution.
I never doubted but my Friend Mrs. Adams Would Virtuously adhere to the queen street agrement.3 As to myself since I left the City the Dishable of External appearance has Comported with the solicitude of Mind I feel for the Calamities of my Country, and shall I own to you that the Woman and the Mother daily arouse my fears and fill my Heart with anxious Concern for the decission of the Mighty Controversy between Great Britain and the Colonies. For if the sword must finally terminate the dispute besides the feelings of Humanity for the Complicated distress of the Comunity: no one has at stake a larger share of Domestic Felicity than myself. For not to mention my fears for him with whom I am most tenderly Connected: Methinks I see no Less than five sons who must Buckle on the Harness And perhaps fall a sacrifice to the Manes of Liberty Ere she again revives and spreads her Chearful Banner over this part of the Globe. But I quit the painful Revire and desire to Leave all my Cares in his Hand who wills the universal Happiness of his Creatures, and who I trust if we Look to him in the Manner we ought will, while he secures the Welfare of the upright individual, Restore to the society our judges as at the first and our Councelers as at the beginning.
I will add no more to this lengththy Epistle but an Enquiry whether you know the Reason why I hear not from my amiable Friend Miss Smith. My Love to her Concludes from yours unfeignedly,
When the above was wrote I Expected a ready conveyance, nor did I know that the Gentlemen of the Congress proposed seting out so Early, but doubt not it is best. If you and Miss Betsey would make a Visit in the absence of Mr. Adams you would Give great pleasure to your Plimouth Friends.
Under the terms of the Massachusetts Government Act (14 George III, ch. 45), recently received in America, the House was no longer to elect the Council but its members were to be appointed directly by the crown. The instructions to Gage of 20 May named 36 of these “mandamus” councilors. Those who accepted were sworn in at Salem on 8 and 16 Aug., but a considerable number of these were obliged under popular pressure to resign during the next few weeks, and the remnants of this last royal Council in Massachusetts met only a few times in the course of the next year. See Albert Matthews, “Documents Relating to the Last Meetings of the Massachusetts Royal Council, 1774–1776,” Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.
, 32 (1937):460–504.
JA had returned to Braintree about 15 July and thereafter for several weeks quietly tended his farm, read, and reflected on his forthcoming mission to Philadelphia. On 25 July he wrote James Warren:
“It would do your Heart good to see me, mowing, raking, carting, and frolicking with my Workmen, as unconcernd as if No Port Bill, or regulating Bill, or Murder Bill, had ever existed.
“I catch myself however, now and then, among the Hay Cocks bestowing most hearty Execrations, on a few Villains, who have dignified themselves by Superlative Mischief to their native Country, the British Empire and the World” (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.).
On 10 Aug. JA and his colleagues Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, and Robert Treat Paine (James Bowdoin having excused himself from serving), set off together for Philadelphia, proceeding that day as far as Framingham (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:97–98). John Andrews reported concerning their departure from Boston: “Am told they made a very respectable parade, in sight of five of the Regiments encamp'd on the Common, being in a coach and four, preceded by two white servants well mounted and arm'd, with four blacks behind in livery, two on horseback and two footmen” (MHS, Procs.
, 1st ser., 8 [1864–1865]: 339).
The Adamses' Boston house was in Queen (now Court) Street, but what this “agrement” was does not appear.
1774-08-15
I know not where this will find you whether upon the road, or at Phylidelphia, but where-ever it is I hope it will find you in good Health and Spirits. Your Journey I immagine must have been very tedious from the extreem heat of the weather and the dustiness of the road's. We are burnt up with the drouth, having had no rain since you left us, nor is there the least apperance of any. I was much gratified upon the return of some of your Friends from Watertown who gave me an account of your Scocial Dinner, and friendly parting. May your return merrit, and meet with the Gratefull acknowledgments of every well wisher to their Country. Your task is difficult and important. Heaven direct and prosper you. I find from Mr. A——r of B——r1 that the chief Justice is determined to take his Seat, and that the court shall proceed to Buisness if posible, even tho the Sheriff should be obliged to return no other but the late addressers.2 He talks as he always used to—sometimes one thing sometimes an other, pretends the money would not have been collected in that town for the congress if 141he had not exerted himself, tho it seems he staid till the eleventh hour, and it did not get to town before you left it. I found by a hint he dropd that he used all his influence to surpress the Nonconsumption agreement which some of them had drawn up to sign, and that he has in-listed himself intirely under the influence of the ch
Our little ones send their Duty to their Pappa, and the Gentlemen their respects—and that which at all times and in all places evermore attends you is the most affectionate regard of your
25 15 1774.”
Mr. Angier of Bridgewater; see JA to AA, May 1772, note 4.
Chief Justice Peter Oliver did indeed take his seat on the first day (30 Aug.) of the new term of Suffolk Superior Court, but both the grand and petit juries unanimously refused to be sworn, on the ground that Oliver had been impeached by the House and never acquitted. After vainly attempting to do business on the three following days the Court adjourned sine die. “Thus ended the Superior Court and is the last common Law Court that will be allowed to sit in this or any other County of the Province” (William Tudor to JA, 3 Sept. 1774, Adams Papers). See also Gage to Dartmouth, 2 Sept. 1774 (Gage, Corr.
, 1:371). The formal statements by the two juries were printed in Mass. Spy, 1 September.
My Mind and Its Thoughts ..., Boston, 1823, p. 194). Despite Morton's Jeffersonian politics, the Mortons and Adamses were for many years family friends. See a sketch of Perez Morton by John Noble in
Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.
, 5 (1902): 282–293;
DAB
article on Mrs. Morton; Emily Pendleton 142and Milton Ellis, Philenia: The Life and Works of Sarah Wentworth Morton, Orono, Maine, 1931, passim.
Both of these young men had recently entered JA's office as law clerks; see an entry in the Suffolk Bar Book, 26 July 1774, approving their engagement by JA (MHS, Procs.
, 1st ser., 19 [1881–1882]:152). Register Continental Army
). Diary and Autobiography
; see, further, Adams Genealogy.
Probably Harvard Quinquennial Cat.
).
1774-08-19
The great distance between us, makes the time appear very long to me. It seems already a month since you left me. The great anxiety I feel for my Country, for you and for our family renders the day tedious, and the night unpleasent. The Rocks and quick Sands appear upon every Side. What course you can or will take is all wrapt in the Bosom of futurity. Uncertainty and expectation leave the mind great Scope. Did ever any Kingdom or State regain their Liberty, when once it was invaded without Blood shed? I cannot think of it without horror.
Yet we are told that all the Misfortunes of Sparta were occasiond by their too great Sollicitude for present tranquility, and by an excessive love of peace they neglected the means of making it sure and lasting. They ought to have reflected says Polibius that as there is nothing more desirable, or advantages than peace, when founded in justice and honour, so there is nothing more shameful and at the same time more pernicious when attained by bad measures, and purchased at the price of liberty.
I have received a most charming Letter from our Friend Mrs. W
I have taken a very great fondness for reading Rollin's ancient History since you left me. I am determined to go thro with it if posible in 143these my days of solitude. I find great pleasure and entertainment from it, and I have perswaided Johnny to read me a page or two every day, and hope he will from his desire to oblige me entertain a fondness for it.2—We have had a charming rain which lasted 12 hours and has greatly revived the dying fruits of the earth.
I want much to hear from you. I long impatiently to have you upon the Stage of action. The first of September or the month of September, perhaps may be of as much importance to Great Britan as the Ides of March were to Ceaser. I wish you every Publick as well, as private blessing, and that wisdom which is profitable both for instruction and edification to conduct you in this difficult day.—The little flock remember Pappa, and kindly wish to see him. So does your most affectionate
Dated 9 Aug. 1774 and printed above.
The Ancient History..., 5th edn., 7 vols., London, 1768; and The Roman History..., 3d edn., 10 vols.,
London, 1768. Among JQA's books in the Stone Library (MQA) are a set of the Histoire ancienne, 13 vols. in 14, Amsterdam, 1740; and two sets of the Histoire romaine, each in 16 vols., Amsterdam, 1739, and Paris, 1759–1781. It is more likely that at this period AA and JQA were reading Rollin in English than in French.
1774-08-20
I thank you my dear Sister for all your kind offers. I have not been able yet to get Miss Dolly Read. I expected her yesterday: but what has prevented I cant say. As to moving, we want to see Mr. Russel before we talk again with Mr. Cleavely.1 Mr. Cranch is so hurried with Work that he does not know how to spare time to see after any thing, and I am so unwell that I am not able too. I do not know what is the reason but I never felt so low spirit'd in my life. I have been so long in an uncertainty what we ought to do: and one Friend advising one way and one another that I feel rack'd. I think I cannot bear it much 144longer. I am full of aprehentions of—I dont know what. What unnumberd distresses has Lord North brought upon thousands of Innocent Creatures. I have more charity than to think he ever realized half of them.—What an answer the Governer has given our congress. Some part of it gives me more fear of insults than I have had yet I long to see the reply.—Mr. Tufts will take your cheese so you may send them as soon as you please. I was so unwell a Teusday that I thought I had better come home and I have a great many things to do before I move. We rejoice to hear Mr. Adams is well and hope it will not be long before it will be convenient for him to come home. The divine protection be his guard where ever he is, is the ardent Wish of your affectionate sister,
These persons have not been identified, but “Cleavely” is probably a misspelling of Cleverly, a common name in Braintree.
1774-08-28
I received your kind Letter, at New York, and it is not easy for you to imagine the Pleasure it has given me. I have not found a single Opportunity to write since I left Boston, excepting by the Post and I dont choose to write by that Conveyance, for fear of foul Play. But as We are now within forty two Miles of Philadelphia, I hope there to find some private Hand by which I can convey this.
The Particulars of our Journey, I must reserve, to be communicated after my Return. It would take a Volume to describe the whole. It has been upon the whole an Agreable Jaunt, We have had Opportunities to see the World, and to form Acquaintances with the most eminent and famous Men, in the several Colonies we have passed through. We have been treated with unbounded Civility, Complaisance, and Respect.1
We Yesterday visited Nassau Hall Colledge, and were politely treated by the Schollars, Tutors, Professors and President, whom We are, this Day to hear preach. Tomorrow We reach the Theatre of Action. God Almighty grant us Wisdom and Virtue sufficient for the high Trust that is devolved upon Us. The Spirit of the People wherever we have been seems to be very favourable. They universally consider our Cause as their own, and express the firmest Resolution, to abide the Determination of the Congress.
145I am anxious for our perplexed, distressed Province—hope they will be directed into the right Path. Let me intreat you, my Dear, to make yourself as easy and quiet as possible. Resignation to the Will of Heaven is our only Resource in such dangerous Times. Prudence and Caution should be our Guides. I have the strongest Hopes, that We shall yet see a clearer Sky, and better Times.
Remember my tender Love to my little Nabby. Tell her she must write me a Letter and inclose it in the next you send. I am charmed with your Amusement with our little Johnny. Tell him I am glad to hear he is so good a Boy as to read to his Mamma, for her Entertainment, and to keep himself out of the Company of rude Children. Tell him I hope to hear a good Account of his Accidence and Nomenclature, when I return. Kiss my little Charley and Tommy for me. Tell them I shall be at Home by November, but how much sooner I know not.
Remember me to all enquiring Friends—particularly to Uncle Quincy,2 your Pappa and Family, and Dr. Tufts and Family. Mr. Thaxter, I hope, is a good Companion, in your Solitude. Tell him, if he devotes his Soul and Body to his Books, I hope, notwithstanding the Darkness of these Days, he will not find them unprofitable Sacrifices in future.
I have received three very obliging Letters, from Tudor, Trumble, and Hill.3 They have cheared us, in our Wanderings, and done us much Service.
My Compliments to Mr. Wibirt4 and Coll. Quincy, when you see them.
Your Account of the Rain refreshed me. I hope our Husbandry is prudently and industriously managed. Frugality must be our Support. Our Expences, in this Journey, will be very great—our only Reward will be the consolatory Reflection that We toil, spend our Time, and tempt Dangers for the public Good—happy indeed, if we do any good!
The Education of our Children is never out of my Mind. Train them to Virtue, habituate them to industry, activity, and Spirit. Make them consider every Vice, as shamefull and unmanly: fire them with Ambition to be usefull—make them disdain to be destitute of any usefull, or ornamental Knowledge or Accomplishment. Fix their Ambition upon great and solid Objects, and their Contempt upon little, frivolous, and useless ones. It is Time, my dear, for you to begin to teach them French. Every Decency, Grace, and Honesty should be inculcated upon them.
I have
See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:97 ff.
All recent or current clerks in JA's Boston law office. John Trumbull, the young poet and future judge, has already been identified. Only Tudor's letter, dated 21 Aug. 1774 (Adams Papers), has been found.
Colls.
, 2d ser., 8 (2d edn., 1826):285–325.
Procs.
, 1st ser., 19 [1881–1882]:151; “Letters of John Andrews,” same, 8 [1864–1865]:403; information from Harvard Univ. Archives.)
Rev. Harvard Graduates
, vol. 12 [in press]). In earlier years JA had been a close companion of Wibird, who is mentioned frequently in JA's Diary, not always in flattering terms.
MS: “keep.”
1774-09-02
I am very impatient to receive a letter from you. You indulged me so much in that Way in your last absence, that I now think I have a right to hear as often from you as you have leisure and opportunity to write. I hear that Mr. Adams1 wrote to his Son and the Speaker2 to his Lady, but perhaps you did not know of the opportunity. Suppose you have before this time received two letters from me, and will write me by the same conveyance. I judg you reachd Phylidelphia last Saturday night. I cannot but felicitate you upon your absence a little while from this Scene of purtubation, anxiety and distress. I own I feel not a 147little agitated with the accounts I have this day received from Town. Great commotions have arisen in concequence of the discovery of a Tratorous plot of Colonel Brattle's—his advice to Gage to Break every commisiond officer, and to seize the province and Towns Stock of powder.3 This has so enraged and exasperated the people that there is great apprehension of an immediate rupture. They have been all in flames ever since the new fangled counsellors have taken their oaths. The importance with which they consider the meeting of the Congress, and the result thereof to the community, withholds the arm of vengance already lifted but which would most certainly fall with accumalated wrath upon Brattle were it posible to come at him, but no sooner did he discover that his treachery had taken air, than he fled not only to Boston, but into the camp for Safety. You will by Mr. Tudor no doubt have a much more accurate account than I am able to give you, but one thing I can inform you of which perhaps you may not have heard, viz. Mr. Vinton our Sheriff it seems received one of those twenty Warrants which were issued by Mr. Goldthwait (and Price, which has Cost them such bitter repentance, and Humble acknowledgments, and which has reveald
the great Secret of their attachment to the liberties of their country and their veneration and regard, for the good will of their countrymen.4 See their address to H
I should be glad to know how you found the people as you traveled from town to town. I hear you met with great Hospitality and kindness in Connecticut.
Pray let me know how your Health is, and whether you have not had exceeding hot weather. The drought has been very severe. My 148poor Cows will certainly prefer a petition to you, setting forth their Greavences and informing you that they have been deprived of their ancient privilages, whereby they are become great Sufferers, and desiring that they may be restored to them, more espicially as their living by reason of the drought is all taken from them, and their property which they hold else where is all decaying. They Humbly pray that you would consider them least hunger should break thro the Stone walls. Our little flock are well, and present their Duty to their Pappa. My Mother is in a very low State occasiond by a return of her old complaints. Nabby has enclosed a letter to you—would be glad I would excuse the writing, because of a soar Thumb, which she has.7 The tenderest regard evermore awaits you from your Most Affectionate
Samuel Adams.
Thomas Cushing.
On 27 Aug. Brig. Gen. William Brattle of Cambridge wrote to Gage informing him among other things that military companies in the neighboring towns were under orders “to meet at one Minute's Warning, equipt with Arms and Ammunition,” and that the selectmen of the towns were withdrawing large stocks of powder from the Provincial arsenal at Quarry Hill in what is now Somerville. Gage at once ordered a detachment of regulars to remove the powder to Castle Island, but with extraordinary carelessness he dropped Brattle's letter on a street in Boston. It was soon published, Brattle was obliged to flee for his life to the protection of the troops in Boston, and Gage began fortifying Boston Neck against roving bands of militia aroused by these events. See “Letters of John Andrews,” MHS, Procs.
, 1st ser., 8 (1864–1865): 350–355; Rowe, Letters and Diary
, p. 283–284;
Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 7:20–22; text of Brattle's letter printed in Boston Gazette, 5 Sept. 1774.
Under the Massachusetts Government Act freeholders were no longer to elect jurors, who were instead to be selected by sheriffs appointed by the governor. Ezekiel Goldthwait and Ezekiel Price, joint clerks of the Suffolk Court of Sessions and both addressers of Hutchinson, were obliged to apologize for attempting to carry this new regulation into effect. Their statements are in Mass. Spy, 1 Sept.; see also MHS, Procs.
, 2d ser., 14 (1900–1901) 51–54.
That is Stoughtonham, an early name for what is now Sharon, Mass.
The powers of town meetings were greatly curtailed by the Massachusetts Government Act, but the new regulations were generally ignored and evaded. One of the evasions was the convoking of county conventions, a scheme gotten up by the committees of correspondence. At a Braintree town meeting on 22 Aug. it was voted that Braintree be represented in a proposed Suffolk Convention to be held at Dedham on 6 Sept., and that the Braintree representatives be empowered to act on “all such matters & things in said Convention or in a General Provincial Convention as they may judge of public utility in this time of publick & General Distress” (
Braintree Town Records
, p. 450). Steps such as these were the first in the rapid process of overthrowing British authority and assuming the powers of government.
This letter is missing, but JA's reply to it will be found under 19 Sept., below.
1774-09-03
You may depend on my giving your Letter to Capt. Marston who sets out for Philadelphia on Monday. A safer Hand it could not go by.
Pray let your Fears subside about Tumults—there have been none. There was an Assembly of 4000 Patriots at Cambridge yesterday—where the utmost Regularity was observ'd, and after finishing their Business they all repair'd to their homes in Quiet.
They procur'd a Resignation from Danforth, Lee and Oliver under their hands of their seats at the Board.1 Made Phipps2 ask Pardon for being concern'd in the Removal of the Powder, and sware that he would be no ways instrumental in executing the tyrannic Parliamentary Edicts. Brattle had wisely got out of their Reach—his infamous Billet to Genl. Gage, and Address of Yesterday to the Public I inclose3—what will be his Fate is at present uncertain.
It is expected, and on very rational Grounds that by Monday Night the Governor will be left without a Member of his Divan.
It Greaves with his Fleet,4 Nor Gage with his Army and Castle can insure them Protection from the Fury of their injured Countrymen.
Every Thing in Boston is quiet. The Minds of People are tranquil but firm as Rocks, and we anticipate from American Virtue, a glorious Restoration of American Liberty.
The Monday Prints will be more particular than I can now be.
As mandamus councilors. Samuel Danforth and Joseph Lee were both judges of the Middlesex Inferior Court of Common Pleas; Thomas Oliver was the last royal lieutenant governor of the Province; all three were residents of Cambridge. Edward Hill reported to JA: “I cannot omit mentioning that I was present when the People assembled at Cambridge; and never saw men who appear'd so determined to pursue the measures they had plan'd—they were dress'd just as they are at work—every man appeared just as composed as if they were at a funeral—I saw many among them whom I should judge were 60 and 70 years of age” (4 Aug. Boston Gazette, 5 Sept. 1774.
Sheriff David Phips of Middlesex co.
For Brattle's letter see note 3 on the preceding letter; his “Address to the Public” was printed in Mass. Spy, 8 Sept. 1774.
Vice Adm. DNB
).
1774-09-08
When or where this Letter will find you, I know not. In what Scenes of Distress and Terror, I cannot foresee.—We have received a confused Account from Boston, of a dreadfull Catastrophy. The Particulars, We have not heard. We are waiting with the Utmost Anxiety and Impatience, for further Intelligence.1
The Effect of the News We have both upon the Congress and the Inhabitants of this City, was very great—great indeed! Every Gentleman seems to consider the Bombardment of Boston, as the Bombardment, of the Capital of his own Province. Our Deliberations are grave and serious indeed.
It is a great Affliction to me that I cannot write to you oftener than I do. But there are so many Hindrances, that I cannot.
It would fill Volumes, to give you an Idea of the scenes I behold and the Characters I converse with.
We have so much Business, so much Ceremony, so much Company, so many Visits to recive and return, that I have not Time to write. And the Times are such, as render it imprudent to write freely.
We cannot depart from this Place, untill the Business of the Congress is compleated, and it is the general Disposition to proceed slowly. When I shall be at home I cant say. If there is Distress and Danger in Boston, pray invite our Friends, as many as possible, to take an Assylum with you. Mrs. Cushing and Mrs. Adams if you can.
There is in the Congress a Collection of the greatest Men upon this Continent, in Point of Abilities, Virtues and Fortunes. The Magnanimity, and public Spirit, which I see here, makes me blush for the sordid venal Herd, which I have seen in my own Province. The Addressers, and the new Councillors, are held in universal Contempt and Abhorrence, from one End of the Continent to the other.
Be not under any Concern for me. There is little Danger from any Thing We shall do, at the Congress. There is such a Spirit, thro the Colonies, and the Members of the Congress are such Characters, that no Danger can happen to Us, which will not involve the whole Continent, in Universal Desolation, and in that Case who would wish to live?
Make my Compliments to Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Rice—and to every other of my Friends. My Love to all my dear Children—tell them to be good, and to mind their Books. I shall come home and see them, I hope, the latter End of next Month.
P.S. You will judge how Things are like to be in Boston, and whether it will not be best to remove the Office entirely to Braintree. Mr. Hill and Williams, may come up, if they choose, paying for their Board.
The exaggerated reports of bloodshed and bombardment in connection with Gage's removal on 1 Sept. of the powder and weapons from the Quarry Hill arsenal and nearby points reached Philadelphia on 6 Sept.; see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:124, 127.
1774-09-14
Five Weeks have past and not one line have I received. I had rather give a dollar for a letter by the post, tho the consequence should be that I Eat but one meal a day for these 3 weeks to come. Every one I see is inquiring after you and when did I hear. All my intelligance is collected from the news paper and I can only reply that I saw by that, that you arrived such a day. I know your fondness for writing and your inclination to let me hear from you by the first safe conveyance which makes me suspect that some Letter or other has miscaried, but I hope now you have arrived at Philidelphia you will find means to convey me some inteligance.
We are all well here. I think I enjoy better Health than I have done these 2 years. I have not been to Town since I parted with you there. The Govenor is making all kinds of warlike preperations such as mounting cannon upon Beacon Hill, diging entrenchments upon the Neck, placeing cannon there, encamping a regiment there, throwing up Brest Works &c. &c. The people are much allarmed, and the Selectmen have waited upon him in concequence of it. The county congress have also sent a committee—all which proceedings you will have a more particuliar account of than I am able to give you from the publick papers. But as to the Movements of this Town perhaps you may not hear them from any other person. In consequence of the powders being taken from Charlstown, a general alarm spread thro many Towns and was caught pretty soon here. The report took here a fryday, and a Sunday a Soldier was seen lurking about the common. Supposed to be a Spy, but most likely a Deserter.
However inteligence of it was communicated to the other parishes, and about 8 o clock a Sunday Evening there pass
I Dined to Day at Coll. Quincys. They were so kind as to send me, and Nabby and Betsy an invitation to spend the Day with them, and as I had not been to see them since I removed to Braintree, I accepted the invitation. After I got there, came Mr. Samll. Quincys wife2 and Mr. Sumner,3 Mr. Josiah and Wife.4 A little clashing of parties you may be sure. Mr. Sam's Wife said she thought it high time for her Husband to turn about, he had not done half so clever since he left her advice. Said they both greatly admired the most excellent and much admired Speach of the Bishop of St. Asaph which suppose you have seen. It meets, and most certainly merrits the greatest encomiums.5
Upon my return at night Mr. Thaxter met me at the door with your Letter dated from Prince town New Jersy. It really gave me such a flow of Spirits that I was not composed eno to sleep till one oclock. 153You make no mention of one I wrote you previous to that you received by Mr. Breck and sent by Mr. Cunningham. I am rejoiced to hear you are well; I want to know many more perticuliars than you wrote me, and hope soon to hear from you again. I dare not trust myself with the thought of how long you may perhaps be absent. I only count the weeks already past, and they amount to 5. I am not so lonely as I should have been, without my two Neighbours. We make a table full at meal times, all the rest of their time they spend in the office. Never were two persons who gave a family less trouble than they do. It is at last determined that Mr. Rice keep the School here. Indeed he has kept ever since he has been here, but not with any expectation that He should be continued,
but the people finding no small difference between him and his predecessor chose he should be continued. I have not sent Johnny. He goes very steadily to Mr. Thaxter who I believe takes very good care of him, and as they seem to have a likeing to each other believe it will be best to continue him with him. However when you return we can then consult what will be best. I am certain that if he does not get so much good, he gets less harm, and I have always thought it of very great importance that children should in the early part of life be unaccustomed to such examples as would tend to corrupt the purity of their words and actions that they may chill with horrour at the sound of an oath, and blush with indignation at an obscene expression. These first principal
I was very sorry I did not know of Mr. Cary's going. It would have been so good an opportunity to have sent this as I lament the loss of. You have heard no doubt of the peoples preventing the court from setting in various counties, and last week in Taunton, Anger
I saw a Letter from Miss Eunice6 wherein she gives an account of it, and says there were 2000 men assembled round the court house and by a committee of nine presented a petition requesting that they 154would not set, and with the uttmost order waited 2 hours for there answer, when they disperced.
Your family all desire to be remember'd to you, as well as unkle Quincy who often visits me, to have an hour of sweet communion upon politicks with me. Coll. Quincy desires his complements to you. Dr. Tufts sends his Love and your Mother and Brothers also. I have lived a very recluse life since your absence, seldom going any where except to my Fathers who with My Mother and Sister desire to be rememberd to you. My Mother has been exceeding low, but is a little better.—How warm your climate may be I know not, but I have had my bed warmed these two nights.—I must request you to procure me some watermellon seads and Muskmellon, as I determine to be well stocked with them an other year. We have had some fine rains, but as soon as the corn is gatherd you must release me of my promise. The Drougth has renderd cutting a second crop impracticable, feeding a little cannot hurt it. However I hope you will be at home to be convinced of the utility of the measure.—You will burn all these Letters least they should fall from your pocket and thus expose your most affectionate Friend,
The Cleverlys, Etters, and Millers were Church of England families and accordingly inclined to toryism. The “church parson” was Edward Winslow, Harvard 1741, who had settled at Braintree in 1763 but was obliged early in 1777 to leave as a person “Inimical to the United States” (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 11:97–107; see AA to JA, 2 April 1777, below). On 3 Oct. 1774 a town meeting voted that a report circulating in Boston and elsewhere to the effect that Braintree Anglicans were being disturbed was “malicious, false & injurious & calculated to defame the Town” (
Braintree Town Records
, p. 451).
Increase NEHGR
, 8 [1854]:105–128; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:257;
DAB
.)
DNB
; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:181–182, 193). Already known as markedly sympathetic with the American cause, he voted in the House of Lords against the bill to alter the Massachusetts Charter in 1774 and soon afterward published A Speech Intended to Have Been Spoken on the Bill for Altering the Charters of the Colony of Massachusett's Bay. In it he declared that he looked “upon North-America as the only great nursery of freemen now left upon the face of the earth.” No fewer than five editions of the Speech were issued in London in 1774, and one or 155more reprints were published
in Boston, Salem, Newport, Hartford, New York, Philadelphia, Lancaster, and Williamsburg during the same year. See Sabin 80511–80526; Evans 13615–13625; T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” Nos. 141a–p.
Eunice, sister of Robert Treat Paine; her letter has not been traced.
1774-09-14
I have written but once1 to you since I left you. This is to be imputed to a Variety of Causes, which I cannot explain for Want of Time. It would fill Volumes to give you an exact Idea of the whole Tour. My Time is to totally filled from the Moment I get out of Bed, untill I return to it. Visits, Ceremonies, Company, Business, News Papers, Pamphlets &c. &c. &c.
The Congress will, to all present Appearance be well united and in such Measures, I hope will give Satisfaction to the Friends of our Country.2
A Tory here is the most despicable Animal in the Creation. Spiders, Toads, Snakes, are their only proper Emblems. The Massachusetts Councillors, and Addressers are held in curious Esteem here, as you will see.
The Spirit, the Firmness, the Prudence of our Province are vastly applauded, and We are universally acknowledged the Saviours and Defenders of American Liberty.
The Designs, and Plans of the Congress, must not be communicated, untill compleated, and We shall move with great Deliberation.
When I shall come home I know not, but at present I dont expect to take my Leave of this City these four Weeks.
My Compliments, Love, Service where they are due. My Babes are never out of my Mind, nor absent from my Heart.
Actually twice: from Princeton, N.J., 28 Aug., and from Philadelphia, 8 Sept., both printed above.
Thus in MS. CFA supplied the word “as” following the word “Measures,” which was probably JA's intention.
1774-09-16
Having a Leisure Moment, while the Congress is assembling, I gladly embrace it to write you a Line.
When the Congress first met, Mr. Cushing made a Motion, that it should be opened with Prayer. It was opposed by Mr. Jay of N. York and Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, because we were so divided in religious Sentiments, some Episcopalians, some Quakers, some Aanabaptists, some Presbyterians and some Congregationalists, so that We could not join in the same Act of Worship.—Mr. S. Adams arose and said he was no Bigot, and could hear a Prayer from a Gentleman of Piety and Virtue, who was at the same Time a Friend to his Country. He was a Stranger in Phyladelphia, but had heard that Mr. Duchè (Dushay they pronounce it) deserved that Character, and therefore he moved that Mr. Duchè, an episcopal Clergyman, might be desired, to read Prayers to the Congress, tomorrow Morning. The Motion was seconded and passed in the Affirmative. Mr. Randolph our President, waited on Mr. Duchè, and received for Answer that if his Health would permit, he certainly would. Accordingly next Morning he appeared with his Clerk and in his Pontificallibus, and read several Prayers, in the established Form; and then read the Collect for the seventh day of September, which was the Thirty fifth Psalm.1—You must remember this was the next Morning after we heard the horrible Rumour, of the Cannonade of Boston.—I never saw a greater Effect upon an Audience. It seemed as if Heaven had ordained that Psalm to be read on that Morning.
After this Mr. Duche, unexpected to every Body struck out into an extemporary Prayer, which filled the Bosom of every Man present. I must confess I never heard a better Prayer or one, so well pronounced. Episcopalian as he is, Dr. Cooper2 himself never prayed with such fervour, such Ardor, such Earnestness and Pathos, and in Language so elegant and sublime—for America, for the Congress, for The Province of Massachusetts Bay, and especially the Town of Boston. It has had an excellent Effect upon every Body here.
I must beg you to read that Psalm. If there was any Faith in the sortes Virgilianae, or sortes Homericae, or especially the Sortes biblicae, it would be thought providential.
It will amuse your Friends to read this Letter and the 35th. Psalm to them. Read it to your Father and Mr. Wibirt.—I wonder what our Braintree Churchmen would think of this?—Mr. Duchè is one of the 157most ingenious Men, and best Characters, and greatest orators in the Episcopal order, upon this Continent—Yet a Zealous Friend of Liberty and his Country.3
I long to see my dear Family. God bless, preserve and prosper it. Adieu.
Not the collect actually, “but a portion of the psalter for the seventh day of the month, morning prayer, namely, the thirty-fifth Psalm” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:19, note).
Harvard Graduates
, 11:192–213).
JCC
, 1:26, 27; James Duane's Notes of Proceedings, Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:13, 15–16; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:126). Two years later, after the British took Philadelphia, Duché apostatized, wrote George Washington urging him to have the Declaration of Independence rescinded, and fled at the end of 1777 to England (
DAB
; W. C. Ford, ed., The Washington-Duché Letters, Brooklyn, 1890; JA to AA, 25 Oct. 1777, below).
1774-09-18
I received your very agreable Letter, by Mr. Marston, and have received two others, which gave me much Pleasure. I have wrote several Letters, but whether they have reached you I know not. There is so much Rascallity in the Management of Letters, now come in Fashion, that I am determined to write nothing of Consequence, not even to the Friend of my Bosom, but by Conveyances which I can be sure of.
The Proceedings of the Congress, are all a profound Secret, as yet, except two Votes which were passed Yesterday, and ordered to be printed. You will see them from every Quarter. These Votes were passed in full Congress with perfect Unanimity.1
The Esteem, the Affection, the Admiration, for the People of Boston and the Massachusetts, which were expressed Yesterday, And the fixed Determination that they should be supported, were enough to melt an Heart of Stone. I saw the Tears gush into the Eyes of the old, grave, pacific Quakers of Pensylvania.
158You cannot conceive my Dear, the Harry of Business, Visits and Ceremonies which we are obliged to go through.
We have a delicate Course to steer, between too much Activity and too much Insensibility, in our critical interested situation. I flatter myself however, that We shall conduct our Embassy in such a manner as to merit the Approbation of our Country.
It has taken Us much Time to get acquainted with the Tempers, Views, Characters, and Designs of Persons and to let them into the Circumstances of our Province. My dear2 do, intreat every Friend I have to write me. Every Line which comes from our Friends is greedily enquired after, and our Letters have done us vast service.
Middlesex and Suffolk have acquired unbounded Honour here.3
There is No Idea of Submission, here in any Bodies head.
Thank my dear Nabby for her Letter4—tell her it has given me great Spirits. Kiss all my sweet ones for me.
These were resolutions approving the proceedings of the Suffolk co. convention held at Dedham and Milton, 6–9 Sept. (the well-known “Suffolk Resolves”), and calling on all the Colonies for continued contributions to alleviate “the distresses of our brethren at Boston.” The Suffolk Resolves and the resolutions thereupon were entered in the Journal, 17 and 18 Sept. (
JCC
, 1:31–40), and the latter were ordered to be printed in the newspapers. See also JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:134–135.
Here JA wrote and then for reasons of his own heavily inked out a word which may be “Charmer.”
The Middlesex co. convention held at Concord on 30–31 Aug. had communicated its proceedings to the Massachusetts delegates in Congress, who presented them to Congress on 14 Sept. (
JCC
, 1:31). The Middlesex Resolves were printed in Boston Gazette, 12 Sept., suppl., and a broadside text is in MHi (Evans 13439).
Not found, but see JA's answer, 19 Sept., below.
1774-09-18
In your last you inquire tenderly after my Health, and how we found the People upon our Journey, and how We were treated.
I have enjoyed as good Health as usual, and much more than I know how to account for, when I consider the extream Heat of the Weather, and the incessant Feasting I have endured ever since I left Boston.
The People, in Connecticutt, New York, the Jerseys and Pensyl-159vania, we have found extreamly well principled, and very well inclined, altho some Persons in N. York and Phyladelphia, wanted a little Animation. Their Zeal however has increased wonderfully since we began our Journey.
When the horrid News was brought here of the Bombardment of Boston, which made us compleatly miserable for two days, We saw Proofs both of the Sympathy and the Resolution, of the Continent.
War! War! War! was the Cry, and it was pronounced in a Tone, which would have done Honour to the Oratory of a Briton or a Roman. If it had proved true, you would have heard the Thunder of an American Congress.
I have not Time nor Language to express the Hospitality and Civility, the studied and expensive Respect with which we have been treated, in every Stage of our Progress. If Cambden,1 Chatham, Richmond2 and St. Asaph had travelled thro the Country, they could not have been entertained with greater Demonstrations of Respect, than Cushing, Paine and the Brace of Adams's have been.
The Particulars will amuse you, when We return.
I confess the Kindness, the Affection, the Applause, which has been given to me and especially, to our Province, have many a Time filled my Bosom, and streamed from my Eyes.
My best Respects to Coll. Warren and his Lady when you write to them. I wish to write them.
DNB
).
DNB
).
1774-09-18
I thank you most kindly for your obliging Letter.1 And beg the Continuance of your Correspondence. Every Line from Boston is a Cordial, and of great Use to us in our Business.
It is a grief to my Heart that I cannot write to my Friends so often and particularly as I wish.
But Politicks I cant write, in Honour. I send the Votes of Yesterday, 160which are ordered to be printed, and this is the only Thing which we are yet at Liberty to mention even to the People out of Doors here.—The Congress will support Boston and the Massachusetts or Perish with them. But they earnestly wish that Blood may be spared if possible, and all Ruptures with the Troops avoided. Break open my Letters to my Wife, and then send them as soon as possible.
Not found.
1774-09-19
I have received your pretty Letter,1 and it has given me a great deal of Pleasure, both as it is a Token of your Duty and Affection to me and as it is a Proof of your Improvement in your hand Writing and in the faculties of the Mind.—I am very sorry to hear of your Grand Mamma's Indisposition: but I hope soon to hear of her Recovery. Present my Love to your Mamma, and to your Brothers, Johnny, Charly and Tommy. Tell them they must be good Children and mind their Books, and listen to the Advice of their excellent Mamma, whose Instructions will do them good as long as they live, and after they shall be no more in this World.
Tell them, they must all strive to qualify themselves to be good and usefull Men—that so they may be Blessings to their Parents, and to Mankind, as well as qualified to be Blessings to those who shall come after them.
Remember me to Mr. Brackett, and Copeland, and to Patty Field, Molly Marsh, Jonathan Bass and Patty Curtis.—I am my dear little Nabby, with continual Prayers for your Happiness and Prosperity, your affectionate Father,
Not found; it had been enclosed in AA's letter to JA, 2 Sept., above.
1774-09-20
I am very well yet:—write to me as often as you can, and send your Letters to the Office in Boston or to Mr. Cranches, whence they will be sent by the first Conveyance.
I am anxious to know how you can live without Government. But the Experiment must be tryed. The Evils will not be found so dreadfull as you a
Frugality, my Dear, Frugality, OEconomy, Parcimony must be our Refuge. I hope the Ladies are every day diminishing their ornaments, and the Gentlemen too.
Let us Eat Potatoes and drink Water. Let us wear Canvass, and undressed Sheepskins, rather than submit to the unrighteous, and ignominious Domination that is prepared for Us.—Tel Brackett, I shall make him leave off drinking Rum. We cant let him fight yet.—My Love to my dear ones.
MS torn by seal.
1774-09-22
I have just returnd from a visit to my Brother, with my Father who carried me there the day before yesterday, and call'd here in my return to see this much injured Town.1 I view it with much the same sensations that I should the body of a departed Friend, only put of
Scot has arrived, and brings news that he expected to find all peace and Quietness here as he left them at home.2 You will have more particuliars than I am able to send you, from much better hands. There 162has been in Town a conspiracy of the Negroes. At present it is kept pretty private and was discoverd by one who endeavourd to diswaid them from it—he being threatned with his life, applied to Justice Quincy3 for protection. They conducted in this way—got an Irishman to draw up a petition to the Govener telling him they would fight for him provided he would arm them and engage to liberate them if he conquerd, and it is said that he attended so much to it as to consult Pircy4 upon it, and one
I left all our little ones well, and shall return to them to night. I hope to hear from you by the return of the bearer of this and by Revere. I long for the Day of your return, yet look upon you much safer where you are, but know it will not do for you. Not one action has been brought to this court, no buisness of any sort in your way. All law ceases, and the Gosple will soon follow, for they are supporters of each other. Adieu. My Father hurries me. Yours most sincerely,
AA's brother, William Smith, had moved not long before to Lincoln and was to participate in the events of 19 April 1775.
Capt. Scott of the Hayley; he had arrived at Salem from London on the 19th (Mass. Spy, 22 Sept. 1774).
DNB
).
1774-09-25
I would not loose the Opportunity of writing to you—tho I must be short.
Tedious, indeed is our Business.—Slow, as Snails. I have not been used to such Ways.
163We sit only before Dinner. We dine at four O Clock. We are crowded with a Levee in the Evening.
Fifty Gentlemen meeting together, all Strangers, are not acquainted with Each others Language, Ideas, Views, Designs. They are therefore jealous, of each other—fearfull, timid, skittish,—1
Obviously unfinished and perhaps not sent. Though folded as if to be sent, the letter bears no seal, address, or endorsement.
1774-09-29
Sitting down to write to you, is a Scene almost too tender for my State of Nerves. It calls up to my View the anxious, distress'd State you must be in, amidst the Confusions and Dangers, which surround you. I long to return, and administer all the Consolation in my Power, but when I shall have accomplished all the Business I have to do here, I know not, and if it should be necessary to stay here till Christmas, or longer, in order to effect our Purposes, I am determined patiently to wait.
Patience, Forbearance, Long Suffering, are the Lessons taught here for our Province, and at the same Time absolute and open Resistance to the new Government. I wish I could convince Gentlemen, of the Danger, or Impracticability of this as fully as I believe it myself.
The Art and Address, of Ambassadors from a dozen belligerant Powers of Europe, nay of a Conclave of Cardinals at the Election of a Pope, or of the Princes in Germany at the Choice of an Emperor, would not exceed the Specimens We have seen.—Yet the Congress all profess the same political Principles.
They all profess to consider our Province as suffering in the common Cause, and indeed they seem to feel for Us, as if for themselves. We have had as great Questions to discuss as ever engaged the Attention of Men, and an infinite Multitude of them.
I received a very kind Letter from Deacon Palmer,1 acquainting me with Mr. Cranch's designs of removing to Braintree, which I approve very much—and wish I had an House for every Family in Boston, and Abilities to provide for them, in the Country.
I submit it to you, my Dear, whether it would not be best to remove all the Books and Papers and Furniture in the Office at Boston up to Braintree. There will be no Business there nor any where, I suppose, 164and my young Friends can study there better than in Boston at present.
I shall be kill'd with Kindness, in this Place. We go to congress at Nine, and there We stay, most earnestly engaged in Debates upon the most abstruse Misteries of State untill three in the Afternoon, then We adjourn, and go to Dinner with some of the Nobles of Pensylvania, at four O Clock and feast upon ten thousand Delicacies, and sitt drinking Madeira, Claret and Burgundy till six or seven, and then go home, fatigued to death with Business, Company, and Care.—Yet I hold it out, surprizingly.2 I drink no Cyder, but feast upon Phyladelphia Beer, and Porter. A Gentleman, one Mr. Hare, has lately set up in this City a Manufactory of Porter, as good as any that comes from London. I pray We may introduce it into the Massachusetts. It agrees with me, infinitely better than Punch, Wine, or Cyder, or any other Spirituous Liquor.—My Love to my dear Children one by one. My Compliments to Mr. Thaxter, and Rice and every Body else. Yours most affectionately,
Palmer's letter was dated from Boston, 14 Sept., but it has not been found except in the form of brief extracts printed in Hezekiah Niles' Principles and Acts of the Revolution in America, Baltimore, 1822, p. 322. In 1819, at Niles' urging, JA sent the Baltimore printer a “bundle” of letters and documents from his early files, and being without clerical help he unfortunately kept no copies. Niles printed some of these and portions of others in his compilation issued in 1822, but he never returned the originals, and there is now no way of telling precisely what was lost from JA's files by Niles' negligence. Information concerning Niles' papers, now scattered and perhaps largely lost, would be welcomed by the present editors.
Remainder of text omitted by CFA.
1774-10-07
I thank you for all your kind favours. I wish I could write to you, much oftener than I do. I wish I could write to you, a Dozen Letters every day. But the Business before me, is so arduous and takes up my Time so entirely, that I cannot write often. I had the Characters and Tempers, the Principles and Views of fifty Gentlemen total Strangers to me to study, and the Trade, Policy, and whole Interest of a Dozen Provinces, to learn when I came here. I have Multitudes of Pamphlets, News Papers, and private Letters to read. I have numberless Plans of 165Policy, and many Arguments to consider. I have many Visits to make and receive—much Ceremony to endure, which cannot be avoided, which you know I hate.
There is a great Spirit in the Congress. But our People must be peaceable. Let them exercise every day in the Week, if they Will, the more the better. Let them furnish themselves with Artillery, Arms and Ammunition. Let them follow the Maxim, which you say they have adopted “In Times of Peace, prepare for War.” But let them avoid War, if possible, if possible I say.
Mr. Revere will bring you the Doings of the Congress, who are now, all around me debating what Advice to give to Boston and the Massachusetts Bay.
We are all well—hope our Family is so—remember me to them all. I have advised you before to remove my Office from Boston to Braintree. It is now, I think absolutely necessary. Let the best Care be taken of all Books and Papers.
Tell all my Clerks to mind their Books, and study hard—for their Country will stand in need of able Councillors.
I must give you a general Licence to make my Compliments to all my Friends and Acquaintances: I have not Time to name them particularly. I wish they would all write to me—if they leave Letters at Edes and Gills, they will soon be sent to me.
I long to be at home, but I cannot say when. I will never leave the Congress, untill it rises, and when it will rise, I cannot say. And indeed I cannot say but We are better here than any where. We have fine Opportunities here to serve Boston and Massachusetts, by acquainting the whole Continent with the true State of them. Our Residence here greatly serves the Cause.
The Spirit and Principles of Liberty, here, are greatly cherished, by our Presence and Conversation.
The Elections of the last Week in this City, prove this. Mr. Dickenson was chosen almost unanimously a Representative of the County. The Broadbrims1 began an opposition to your Friend Mr. Mifflin, because he was too warm in the Cause. This instantly alarmed the Friends of Liberty and ended in the Election of Mr. Mifflin, by Eleven hundred Votes out of Thirteen, and in the Election of our Secretary Mr. Charles Thompson to be a Burgess with him. This is considered here as a most compleat and decisive Victory in favour of the American Cause. And it
Mrs. Mifflin who is a charming Quaker Girl, often enquires kindly after your Health.
Quakers.
In this critical election John Dickinson was returned to the Pennsylvania House of Representatives by Philadelphia co., and he was promptly added by the House to the Pennsylvania delegation in Congress. Thomas Mifflin and Charles Thomson were returned by the city of Philadelphia. Joseph Galloway lost his place as speaker in the session that followed. See
Penna. Archives
, 8th ser., 8:7148, 7152.
1774-10-09
I am wearied to Death with the Life I lead. The Business of the Congress is tedious, beyond Expression. This Assembly is like no other that ever existed. Every Man in it is a great Man—an orator, a Critick, a statesman, and therefore every Man upon every Question must shew his oratory, his Criticism and his Political Abilities.
The Consequence of this is, that Business is drawn and spun out to an immeasurable Length. I believe if it was moved and seconded that We should come to a Resolution that Three and two make five We should be entertained with Logick and Rhetorick, Law, History, Politicks and Mathematicks, concerning the Subject for two whole Days, and then We should pass the Resolution unanimously in the Affirmative.
The perpetual Round of feasting too, which we are obliged to submit to, make the Pilgrimage more tedious to me.
This Day I went to Dr. Allisons Meeting in the Forenoon and heard the Dr.—a good Discourse upon the Lords Supper.1 This is a Presbyterian Meeting. I confess I am not fond of the Presbyterian Meetings in this Town. I had rather go to Church. We have better Sermons, better Prayers, better Speakers, softer, sweeter Musick, and genteeler Company. And I must confess, that the Episcopal Church is quite as agreable to my Taste as the Presbyterian. They are both Slaves to the Domination of the Priesthood. I like the Congregational Way best—next to that the Independent.
This afternoon, led by Curiosity and good Company I strolled away to Mother Church, or rather Grandmother Church, I mean the Romish 167Chappell.2 Heard a good, short, moral Essay upon the Duty of Parents to their Children, founded in Justice and Charity, to take care of their Interests temporal and spiritual. This Afternoons Entertainment was to me, most awfull and affecting. The poor Wretches, fingering their Beads, chanting Latin, not a Word of which they understood, their Pater Nosters and Ave Maria's. Their holy Water—their Crossing themselves perpetually—their Bowing to the Name of Jesus, wherever they hear it—their Bowings, and Kneelings, and Genuflections before the Altar. The Dress of the Priest was rich with Lace—his Pulpit was Velvet and Gold. The Altar Piece was very rich—little Images and Crucifixes about—Wax Candles lighted up. But how shall I describe the Picture of our Saviour in a Frame of Marble over the Altar at full Length upon the Cross, in the Agonies, and the Blood dropping and streaming from his Wounds.
The Musick consisting of an organ, and a Choir of singers, went all the Afternoon, excepting sermon Time, and the Assembly chanted—most sweetly and exquisitely.
Here is every Thing which can lay hold of the Eye, Ear, and Imagination. Every Thing which can charm and bewitch the simple and ignorant. I wonder how Luther ever broke the spell.
DAB
; Historic Philadelphia, Amer. Philos. Soc., Trans.
, vol. 43, pt. 1 [1953], p. 217).
St. Mary's Church, built in 1763 on Fourth Street between Spruce and Locust (Historic Philadelphia, as cited in preceding note, p. 203–209).
1774-10-13
I have been trying ever since you went away to learn to write you a Letter. I shall make poor work of it, but Sir Mamma says you will accept my endeavours, and that my Duty to you may be expressd in poor writing as well as good.
I hope I grow a better Boy and that you will have no occasion to be ashamed of me when you return. Mr. Thaxter says I learn my Books well—he is a very good Master. I read my Books to Mamma. We all long to see you; I am Sir your Dutiful Son,
1774-10-14
I have (my Dear Brother) been more than entertained by perusing a number of your Letters to my Sister. Highly favoured among Women, and peculiarly happy is her Lot in sharing the Confidence, and possessing the Esteem; the tenderest Affection, of a Man, in whose Breast the patriotic Virtues glow with unmitigated Fervour.
In one of your Letters you express a desire that all your Friends would write to you, and though you did not particularly mention me, yet without Vanity I may suppose myself One of the many. For if cordial Esteem would entitle me to a place, I am sure I should not be the last in the number. And though my Correspondence cannot be so advantageous to you in your political Concerns, as others you have been favoured with, yet the Effusions of a Sisters Heart, though unornamented by the methodical Correctness of the Head, may serve to sooth, and unbend your Mind after the Fatigue of Business.
I wish it was in my Power to rejoce your Heart with good News, but Weymouth does not lie under its meridian. It has almost deserted this Climate, and become a stranger in the Latitude of forty-two. Instead of the gratulations of Joy, Evil Tidings molest our Habitations, and wound our Peace.—Oh my Brother! Oppresion is enough to make a wise people Mad. I have Just heard of the cruel and unjust Treatment of some of our Men, who were bringing Salt Hay from Noddles Island in a Lighter. She was seized by one of the Tenders, our Men detained, and threatened with being put in Irons. After many In-treaties they were suffered (as an act of Mercy) to go and fling their welldried Hay, for which they had
into the sea.—How can we suppress our turbulent Passions! But we live in Days when these must be carefully checked and guided by Reason, and Prudence. These are Days that call for the exercise of every nobler Faculty, and all the heroic Virtues of the Soul. These are Days you are sensible
All Eyes look up to the American Congress, as the Constelation, by which the important Affairs of State is to receive its guidance and direction.
We all join in wishing you may prosper in your arduous Employment, and may every measure for the good of our Country, be crowned with glorious Success.
Weymouth you know, consists cheifly of Farmers, and has never been distinguished, unless for its Inactivity. The Hand of Power has never been very liberal in dispensing Offices, that have excited either Envy or Jealousy, and they have not been necessitated to extort Conffesions and Recantations from their Fellow Townsmen, but have contented themselves with being tacitly loyal Subjects, and firm adherers to the Rights of their Country, till some of our Carpenters undertook to build Barracks. This awakened them from their Slumber, and kindled the latent Sparks of Freedom. They glowd with indignation and were determined to demolish their Houses unless they immediately desisted from so execrable, so detested an Employment.
But they were happily diverted from the Execution by the timely return of the Persons who had rendered themselves so obnoxious, and the Spirit subsided in the Erection of two immense Liberty Poles, to convince the world that they were not inattentive, or unconcerned Spectators.
Mother has been sick almost ever since you quitted this part of the World, which has prevented my spending any of my Time with your Beloved, and alleviating in some small degree your absence. I need not tell you we all long to see you.—Indeed my Brother I feel an uncommon great disposition to be saucy—but it must be suppresed.
May I flatter myself that you will lay aside a few moments, the important Toils of state, and gratify me with a Line. I readily acknowledge the Hope of being favoured with an Epistle from a Brother seting in an american Congress, has induced me thus to expose myself.
I rely on the Candor of a Friend, and the Partiallity of a Brother to forgive the many inacuracies you will find in this Letter, from Your Friend & Sister,
PS I know you will rejoice to see that I had an Oppertunity to send this, by so trusty a Conveyance.1
Probably William Tudor; see the following letter.
1774-10-15
I received your very obliging Letter1 and thank you for the early intelligence of your designed Tour.2 I could wish to be a fellow Traveller with you; tho I cannot personally partake, of your joyful reception, I feel no small pleasure in the anticipation of yours.
I commit to your care a Letter which I would not trust to any hand less safe than yours. You will carry it Sir with my tenderest regards and best wishes for our Common Friend.
The esteem and regard you profess, both for Mr. Adams and myself, not only deserves, but most assuredly meets with a Reciprocal Return.
I wish you a prosperous journey and a safe return that you may distinguish yourself in these perilous Times by arouseing your Ambition and animating your attention, even to the “Bareing your Bold Breast, and pouring your generous Blood” in defence of the just claims of your much injured Country. In the foremost rank of her Heroes may you obtain that glory which your merrit deserves, and live to see those Halcion Days when Ancient fraud shall cease, and returning justice lift aloft her scale. Then may you be a sharer in that Domestick felicity which gives Society its highest taste—
SubmissiveWisdom, Modest Skill,
Be kind eno' to inquire at Dr. Warrens if a Letter3 which I sent there last week has met with a conveyance.
Not found.
Tudor set out for Philadelphia in a day or two and arrived by the 27th, under which date in JA's Diary is an ac-171count of their sightseeing tour together. Congress had adjourned on 26 Oct.; JA himself left Philadelphia on 28 Oct. and arrived in Braintree probably on 10 Nov. (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:157–160).
Not found.
1774-10-15
It has been with inexpressable pleasure that I have beheld you usher'd into the world with such deserved approbation and it has been no common sattisfaction that I have receiv'd from your being placed in a Station where you may be so extencively useful.1 My fancy has often transported me into future time and presented you to me as a good Sheepherd feeding his flock in the tenderest manner with the best and most wholesome food, and never till very lately had I a fear that my most sanguine expectations with regard to you would be dissapointed. Orthodoxy in Politicks is full as necessary a quallification for Settling a minister at the present Day as orthodoxy in divinity was formely, and tho you should preach like an angel if the People suppose you unfriendly to the country and constitution and a difender of the unjust, cruil and arbitary measures that have been taken by the ministry against us, you will be like to do very little good. I hope you do not deserve it but this is the oppinion that manny in this and the neighbouring towns have of you and the very People who a Twelvemonth ago heard you with admiration and talk'd of you with applause, will now leave the meeting-house when you inter it to preach. This my cousin has been the Case I have been told by several in two meetings houses in this town within these Six weeks. I have said every thing I could in your defence but cant remove the prejudice.
I fear you have been imprudent. You have no doubt a right to enjoy you own oppinion but I Query whether your Duty calls you to divulge your Sentiments curcomstanced as you are. While the spirit of the People runs so high, you cannot imagine what trouble these Storys have given me. I cannot bear to think that my cousins amiable disposition and great abillities should be effaced by arbitary principles. I had rather think that he understands Divinity better than Politicks. The management of our publick affairs is in very good hands, and all that is requir'd of you is your Prayers and exhortations for a general reformation. It is not my province to enter into politicks, but sure I am that it is not your Duty to do or say any thing that shall tend to distroy your usefulness. You will not only hurt your self but you will injure your father in his business, for it will be said and I know it has been said 172“If the son is a Tory the father is so to be sure.” You will grieve your mother beyond discription, and if I know you I think you would not willingly wound such tender parents.
My high Esteem and great regard for you must be my excuse for the freedom I have taken with you in this Letter for you may be assur'd my dear cousen that no one more sincerely wishes your usefulness in this world and your happiness in the next than your affectionate Friend,
Having completed his studies for the ministry, Isaac Smith Jr. was now a tutor at Harvard College—an appointment he held until hostilities broke out; shortly thereafter he sailed for England.
1774-10-16
I dare not express to you at 300 hundred miles distance how ardently I long for your return. I have some very miserly Wishes; and cannot consent to your spending one hour in Town till at least I have had you 12. The Idea plays about my Heart, unnerves my hand whilst I write, awakens all the tender sentiments that years have encreased and matured, and which when with me were every day dispensing to you.1 The whole collected stock of nine ten weeks absence knows not how to brook any longer restraint, but will break forth and flow thro my pen. May the like sensations enter thy breast, and (in spite of all the weighty cares of State) Mingle themselves with those I wish to communicate, for in giving them utterance I have felt more sincere pleasure than I have known since the 10 of August.—Many have been the anxious hours I have spent since that day—the threatning aspect of our publick affairs, the complicated distress of this province, the Arduous and perplexed Buisness in which you are engaged, have all conspired to agitate my bosom, with fears and apprehensions to which I have heretofore been
I greatly fear that the arm of treachery and voilence is lifted over us as a Scourge and heavy punishment from heaven for our numerous offences, and for the misimprovement of our great advantages. If we expect to inherit the blessings of our Fathers, we should return a little more to their primitive Simplicity of Manners, and not sink into inglorious ease. We have too many high sounding words, and too few actions that correspond with them. I have spent one Sabbeth in Town since you left me. I saw no difference in respect to ornaments, &c. &c. but in the Country you must look for that virtue, of which you find but small Glimerings in the Metropolis. Indeed they have not the advantages, nor the resolution to encourage our own Manufactories which people in the country have. To the Mercantile part, tis considerd as throwing away their own Bread; but they must retrench their expenses and be content with a small share of gain for they will find but few who will wear their Livery. As for me I will seek wool and flax and work willingly with my Hands, and indeed their is occasion for all our industry and economy.
You mention the removal of our Books &c. from Boston. I believe they are safe there, and it would incommode the Gentlemen to remove them, as they would not then have a place to repair to for study. I suppose they would not chuse to be at the expence of bording out. Mr. Williams I believe keeps pretty much with his mother. Mr. Hills father had some thoughts of removing up to Braintree provided he could be accommodated with a house, which he finds very difficult.
Mr. Cranch's last determination was to tarry in Town unless any thing new takes place. His Friends in Town oppose his Removal so much that he is determind to stay. The opinion you have entertaind of General Gage is I believe just, indeed he professes to act only upon the Defensive. The People in the Co
I rejoice at the favourable account you give me of your Health; May it be continued to you. My Health is much better than it was last fall. Some folks say I grow very fat.—I venture to write most any thing in this Letter, because I know the care of the Bearer. He will be most sadly dissapointed if you should be broke up before he arrives, as he is very desirous of being introduced by you to a Number of Gentlemen 174of respectable characters. I almost envy him, that he should see you, before I can.
Mr. Thaxter and Rice present their Regards to you. Unkle Quincy too sends his Love to you, he is very good to call and see me, and so have many other of my Friends been. Coll. Warren and Lady were here a monday, and send their Love to you. The Coll. promiss'd to write. Mrs. Warren will spend a Day or two on her return with me. I told Betsy to write to you. She says she would if you were her Husband.
Your Mother sends her Love to you, and all your family too numerous to name desire to be rememberd. You will receive Letters from two, who are as earnest to write to Pappa as if the welfare of a kingdom depended upon it.3 If you can give any guess within a month let me know when you think of returning to Your most Affectionate
Thus in MS and, though awkward, probably not in need of the kind of emendation ingeniously (and silently) made by CFA; see JA–AA, Familiar Letters
, p. 47. In the 18th century the present participle was often used in constructions that now require a passive verb. “The books are now printing” was standard, or at least good idiomatic usage, for “The books are now being printed.” AA's final clauses may therefore be read as follows: “... and which
Josiah Quincy Jr. had sailed from Salem aboard the Boston Packet for England on 28 September. Only a few of his closest friends, one of whom was JA, knew of his purpose, which was to present the views of American patriot leaders to both the administration and the friends of America in England. See Josiah Quincy, Josiah Quincy, Jr.
, ch. 9. Quincy's journal and letters during the several months he was in England are printed in the following chapters of that memoir, but the journal is much more reliably printed in MHS, Procs.
, 50 (1916–1917): 433–471. Since he died just before reaching port on his return voyage, late in April 1775, Quincy never communicated to his friends what he learned in England; see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:161–162.
Only JQA's letter, dated 13 Oct., has been found. The missing letter was doubtless written by AA2.
1774-10-20
If it was possible to tell you, my dear Mrs. Cranch, how much I think myself obliged to you, for your kind, sensible and polite letter 175of the last week I would do it with the sincerest pleasure. As it is not easy to me, to express the sense I have of your own, and the benevolent intentions and wishes of other of my good friends with regard to me, I must only beg you, to accept my thanks in return.
“Orthodoxy in politics is,” I am sensible, “full as necessary a qualification for the ministry at this day as ever was orthodoxy in divinity.” If I am reputed an heretic in either, I cannot help it. It is my misfortune; it may be my fault. I hate enthusiasm and bigotry, in whatever form they appear, but am willing to submit to censure. The greatest friends of their country and of mankind, that ever lived, have frequently met with the same hard fate. I am not indifferent to the good opinion of those around me, but I cannot, in complaisance to others, even to those for whose understanding I have a much higher veneration, than for my own—I cannot give up the independance of my own mind.
“You fear, I have been imprudent.” I do not mean entirely to deny the charge. It is very possible, this may have been the case with me, in particular instances. But not so much so, perhaps, as you imagine. Into what times are we fallen, when the least degree of moderation, the least inclination to peace and order, the remotest apprehension for the public welfare and security is accounted a crime? Or what sort of cause is that, which dreads the smallest inquisition?
“Our cause,” you tell me, “is in very good hands.” I do not at all dispute it. But is it not also in bad ones? Has not the conduct of a few bad men already done infinite mischief to our cause? Have not bad men wantonly bro't us to a state of the greatest extremity and hazard? And may not the violence and temerity of such men precipitate us into measures, which the united efforts of the good cannot prevent?
Whatever others may think or say, let me intreat of you, my dear Mrs. Cranch, not to conceive of me, as in the least wanting in affection for my country. Heav'n knows the continual anxiety, I feel for its welfare. Nor do I merit the charge of being unfriendly to its constitution. It is true, I have not exclaimed so loudly against the cruelty, the injustice, the arbitrary nature of the late acts of Parliament, as others have done. My age, my particular profession in life, my connection with this seminary of learning, the seat of liberal enquiry, would have forbidden me to do so, had I even looked upon them, in a more odious light, than the people of the province in general. No one, however, wishes less, to see them established. At the same time I must freely own, that I had rather calmly acquiesce in these, and an hundred other acts, proceeding from a British Legislature, (tho' we need not 176even do this,) than be subject to the capricious, unlimited despotism of a few of my own countrymen, or behold the soil, which gave me birth, made a scene of mutual carnage and desolation.
I had intended to have said more. But as your friendly admonition appears to me to be founded on some misinformation, I had rather converse with you on the subject. I thank you, for every favourable sentiment you have been pleased to entertain of me, and wish I was in any measure worthy of the esteem you have so kindly express'd.
P.S. If you wish to see an exact picture of my thoughts, please to read the third of the Farmer's first Letters, which I always admired.1
John Dickinson's Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania ..., Phila., 1768.
1774
I was yesterday at Weymouth where I received your Letter,2 and the saffron risbands3 &c. I thank you and Cousin Betsy both; I expect you a thursday, but from all I can find out, I do not think the visit will be to any purpose; there seems to me to be at present a real aversion to change of state.
This date is highly tentative. It is assigned on the presumption that AA is discussing her sister Betsy's relationship with John Shaw, whom Betsy was to marry in 1777 but whom she had renounced in March 1774; see Elizabeth Smith to AA, 7 March 1774, above. But since AA later opposed the marriage, this presumption may be wrong.
Not found.
Thus in MS.
Illegible initial.
1774
In the last Letter which Mr. Adams had the honour to receive from you, you express a Desire to become acquainted with our American Ladies.1 To them Mrs. Macaulay is sufficiently distinguished by her superior abilities, and altho she who is now ventureing to address her cannot lay claim to eaquil accomplishments with the Lady before introduced,2 yet she flatters herself she is no ways deficient in her esteem for a Lady who so warmly interests herself in the cause of America—a Cause madam which is now become so serious to every American that we consider it as a struggle from which we shall obtain a release from our present bondage by an ample redress of our Grieveances—or a redress by the Sword. The only alternative which every american thinks of is Liberty or Death.
“Tender plants must bend, but when a Goverment is grown to strength like some old oak rough with its armed bark it yealds not to the tug, but only nods and turns to sullen state.”
Should I attempt to discribe to you the complicated misiries and distresses brought upon us by the late inhumane acts of the British parliment my pen would faill me. Suffice it to say, that we are invaded with fleets and Armies, our commerce not only obstructed, but totally ruined, the courts of Justice shut, many driven out from the Metropolis, thousands reduced to want, or dependant upon the charity of their neighbours for a daily supply of food, all the Horrours of a civil war threatning us on one hand, and the chains of Slavery ready forged for us on the other. We Blush when we recollect from whence these woes arise, and must forever execrate the infamous memory of those Men whether they are Americans or Brittons, whose contagious Ambition first opened the pandoraen Box, and wantonly and cruelly scatterd the fatal ingrediants—first taught us filled with grief and anxiety to inquire
178You will think Madam perhaps from the account I have given you, that we are in great confusion and disorder—but it is far otherways. Tho there are but few who are unfealing or insensible to the general calimity, by far the greater part support it with that firmness, that fortitude, that undaunted resolution which ever attends those who are conscious that they are the injured not the injurer, and that they are engaged in a righteous cause in which they fear not to “bare their bold Breasts and pour their generous Blood.” Altho by the obstruction of publick justice, each individual is left at a loose, to do that which is right in his own Eyes, yet each one strives to shew his neighbour that the restraints of Honour and of conscience are more powerful motives, than the judiciary proceedings of the Law. Notwithstanding the inveterate Malice of our Enimies who are continually representing us, as in a state of anarchy and confusion, torn up with intestine broils, and guilty of continual riots and outrage, yet this people never saw a time of greater peace and harmony among themselves, every one uniting in the common cause, and strengthning each other with inconceivable constancy and sumpathetick ardor.
I mean always to Except those whose venal Souls barter freedom for Gold, and would sell their Country, nay gladly see an innocent land deluged with Blood, if they could riot upon its Spoils, which heaven Avert!—Tis with anxious Hearts and eager expectations that we are now waiting for the result of the united Supplications of America. Yet having so often experienced their Enefficacy we have little reason to hope. We think we have more to expect from the firm and religious observance of the association which accompanied them3—for tho it was formerly the pride and ambition of American
I must intreet your pardon Madam for Detaining you so long from the important Services in which you are engaged, but having taken up my pen I could not refrain giving utterance to some of those Emotions which have agitated my Bosom and are the cause of many anxious hours to her who begs leave to subscribe herself Dear Madam your great admirer & humble Servant,
The letter in question, dated 11 Sept., was enclosed in Edward Dilly's letter to JA of 24 Sept. 1774 (both in Adams Papers).
Mercy (Otis) Warren, who became a frequent correspondent of Mrs. Macaulay.
The “association” was the nonimportation, nonconsumption, nonexportation agreement adopted by the first Continental Congress, signed by the members on 20 Oct., and widely printed and circulated. See
JCC
, 1:75–81; “Bibliographical Notes” in same, p. 127; and facsimile of signed MS in pocket inside back cover of that volume.
1775-01-25
I wrote you last Sabbeth evening2 in a good deal of pertubation of Spirits. I fear I did wrong in sending it you; I then promised to acquaint you with the result as soon as I knew it. Mr. Adams returnd a monday night in order to Relieve me from my apprehensions. It does not appear that there was any premediated design to raise a Tumult. An officer very drunk sallied forth, and was seen in that state by the Watch who suspecting that some evil might ensue offerd to see him to his lodgings. He readily consented, but his Servant comeing up and seeing him with the Watch, enterd into a Quarrel with them, and ran to Jones tavern and raised nine officers who were pretty well warmd with liquor and they without inquireing into the merits of the cause, fell upon the Watch. The people applied to the General. He orderd them under guard, and a court martial sat upon 180them a monday. I have not heard what they did. The Watch enterd their complaint befor Justice Quincy and Warrents were issued out. Yesterday Mr. Adams went to Town to attend the examination before Justice Hill, Quincy and Pemberton. I hear the court was much crouded, and that they did not get thro, but adjourned till to day.3—Thus are we to be in continual hazard and Jeopardy of our lives from a Set of dissolute unprincipald officers, and an Ignorant abandoned Soldiery who are made to believe that their Errant here is to Quell a Lawless Set of Rebels—who can think of it without the utmost indignation. “Is it not better to die the last of British freemen than live the first of British Slaves.” Every act of cunning and chicanery is made use of by the execrable Massachusettensis “to make the worse appear the better reasoning” and with high words that bare semblance of worth, not substance gently raise their fainting courage and dispell their fears “and now his Heart distends with pride, and hard'ning in his strength glories.” I do not think it unlikely that he receives a share of the Money we are told was sent as a bribe for the Leaders of the people. “Sly undermining Tool” representing the Whigs as men of desperate fortunes as tho Truth could not be told only by men of fortunes and pensioners. When is it ever told by them? Are not pensions and places productive of a most narrow sordid and mercenary Spirit, and are we not told that they are granted more for Ministeria
We have had a Town meeting this week for the chusing of Delegates, and voted to send but one by which means Col. Thair
We have had a Rumor here that a collection of tories from Marshfield have flown to Town, to request a regiment of Soldiers to protect them, and in concequence of it that 100 & 25 have embarked but should it be so what they can propose we can not immagine, unless it is to give them opportunity to escape.
Internal evidence makes it possible to date this letter precisely. As the newspapers indicate, the “examination” before the Suffolk justices began on Tuesday, 24 Jan., and was continued next day, which AA speaks of as “to day,” i.e. 25 Jan. 1775.
This letter, which must have been 181written on 22 Jan., has not been found.
The Boston Gazette of 30 Jan. gives a detailed account of this incident. Eight British officers were bound over by the justices on 25 Jan. “to answer for their conduct at the Superior Court, ... but the good People of this County will rather chuse to hear no more of this Matter, than return Jurors Act of Parliament to regulate the Government of this Province, which they have resolved never to submit to.”
The author of the “Massachusettensis” papers, which appeared in the Boston Post Boy, 12 Dec. 1774–3 April 1775, was Daniel Leonard, though JA, who answered them in twelve numbers over the signature “Novanglus” in the Boston Gazette, 25 Jan.–17 April 1775, long supposed they were the work of Jonathan Sewall. See JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:161; 3:313.
Lawful money.
This meeting was held on Monday, 23 January. It elected Joseph Palmer to the second Provincial Congress, instructed him to “attend to the Spirit & letter” of the “recommendations & resolves of the continental Congress,” and voted a long series of measures for the encouragement of the militia (
Braintree Town Records
, p. 453–454). Though JA had been a member of the first Provincial Congress, which had by now taken over the functions of the General Court, he was glad to have been left out of the second Congress (along with Ebenezer Thayer), for reasons he detailed to James Warren in a letter of 15 March (MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.; JA, Works
, 9:354–355).
1775-01-28
I think myself Doubly obligated to my amiable Friend that she has for once Layed aside that Cerimonious Demand of a Letter in Return for Every Line she favours me with.
Your Last1 I perceive was wrote with a heart trembling with the Laudable feelings of Humanity Least your suffering Country should be driven to Extreemities, and its Inocent inhabitants be made the sacrifices to Disappointed Ambition and Avarice, but I will hope yet a Little Longer for a more Favorable termination of the Distresses of America. But we cannot Long Continue in this state of suspence. It is and Ever has been my poor Opinion that justice and Liberty will finally Gain a Compleat Victory over Tyrany. What may be the intervening sufferings of the many individuals, Heaven only knows, and to a superintending providence we must Leave the Decession of the important Contests of the Day, who alone has power to Avert the Evils we fear.
I am very sensible with you my dear Mrs. Adams that by our Happy Connection with partners of Distinguished Zeal, integrity and Virtue, who would be Marked out as Early Victems to successful Tyrany, we should therby be subjected to peculier Afflictions but Yet we shall never wish them to do anything for our sakes Repugnant to Honour or Conscience. But though we may with a Virtuous Crook2 be Willing to suffer pain and poverty With them, Rather than they should Deviate 182from their Noble Principles of Integrity and Honour, yet where Would be our Constancy and Fortitude Without their Assistance to support the Wounded Mind. And Which of us should have the Courage of an Aria or a Portia in a Day of trial like theirs. For myself I dare not Boast, and pray Heaven that Neither Me nor my Friend May be Ever Called to such a Dreadful proof of Magnanimity. I do not mean to die by our own Hand Rather than submit to the Yoke of servitude, and survive the Companions of our Hearts, nor do I think it would have been the Case with Either of those Celebrated Ladies had they Lived in the Days of Christianity, for I think it is a much Greater proof of an Heroic Soul to struggle with the Calamities of Life, and patiently Resign ourselves to the Evils we Cannot Avoid then Cowardly to shrink from the post Alloted us by the Great Director of the Theatre of the Universe, Before we have finished our part in the Drama of Life.
You have doubtless heard that their is a Detachment from head quarters stationed in the Neighbourhoud of Plimouth. People here are much at a Loss what Can be the Design of this Ridiculous Movment. Most probably to try if they Cannot provoke to some precepitant Measures that may tend to Divide and Distress this Country to a Higher Degree.
Yours of Jan. the third3 begins with an instance of Curiosity which I am willing to Cherish. Nay Even to Gratify provided I may be indulged in Return with the sight of Mr. and Mrs. Adams's Correspondence with the Lady Refered to,4 for however I may fall short of Mrs. Adams in many Female accomplishments, I believe I must own we are on an Equal footing with Regard to the one quality which the other sex so Generously Consigns over to us, though for no other Reason but because they have the opportunities of indulging their inquisitive Humour to the utmost in the Great school of the World, while we are Confined to the Narrower Circle of Domestic Care. But we have yet one Advantage peculier to ourselves. If the Mental Faculties of the Female are not improved it may be Concealed in the Obscure Retreats of the Bed Chamber or the kitchen which she is not often Necessitated to Leave. Whereas Man is Generally Called out to the full display of his Abilities but how often do they Exhibit the most Mortifying instances of Neglected Opportunities and their Minds appear Not with standing the Advantages of what is Called a Liberal Education, as Barren of Culture and as Void of Every useful acquirement as the most Triffling untutored Girl.
The Request towards the Close of your Last may perhaps be Complyd with in some Future Day if you Continue to Desire it.
183
Probably the missing letter of 22 Jan., mentioned in note 2 on the preceding letter.
This is not an intended play on words but an example of Mrs. Warren's inveterate habit of assuming classical postures. Her “Virtuous Crook” must be a shepherdess' crook symbolizing rural retirement and poverty.
Not found.
Doubtless Mrs. Macaulay is meant.
1775-02-03
The die is cast. Yesterday brought us such a Speach from the Throne as will stain with everlasting infamy the reign of G
Mr. Adams is in Boston. I have not seen him since the news royal mandate arrived. Nor have I been able to learn any further news. I wait for his return with anxiety even tho I expect to be confirmed in all my apprehensions. Those who have most to loose have most to fear. The Natural timidity of our sex always seeks for a releif in the encouragement and protection of the other.
Thus far I wrote with a Heart tremblingly anxious, and was prevented from persuing my Subject by companys comeing in. Upon Mr. Adams'es return I experienced the truth of your observation. He laughed at my fears and in some Measure dispelld them—made me see that we were not called either rebels or Trators, told me that there was no other news by this Ship and he still thought that their fears might have weight with them. I would not have my Friend immagine that with all my fears and apprehension, I would give up one Iota of our rights and privilages. I think upon the Maturest deliberation I can say, dreadful as the day would be I had rather see the Sword drawn. Let these truths says the admired Farmer2 be indelibly impressed on our Minds that we cannot be happy without being free, that we cannot be free without being secure in our property, that we cannot be secure in our property if without our consent others may as by right take it away.—We know too well the blessings of freedom, to tamely resign it—and there really seems to be a ray of light breaking thro the palpable darkness which has for so long a time darkened our hemisphere and threatned to overwhelm us in one common ruin and I cannot but hope with you for more favorable Scenes, and brighter Days. Lord North has luckely thought of a new explanation of his Neroisim. What ever may be their secret motives to a change of Measures is uncertain, but from their formour conduct we shall have little reason to think that justice or Humanity were the motives, and must ever mantain a jealous Eye over those who have acted so repugnant to all Laws both Humane and Divine. May justice and Liberty finally prevail and the Friends of freedom enjoy that Satisfaction and tranquility which ever attends upright intentions and is the sure recompence of virtue.
But if adverse Days are still alloted us, which neither wisdom or 185prudence can prevent, it must be a continual Source of Satisfaction that every method consistant with reason and religion has have been adopted to avert the calimities. But if Innocence must be exposed to Caluminy and virtue become the object of percecution and the upright individual fall a sacrifice to his own virtue, still we must not arraign the divine justice which acts not by partial but by general Laws and may have very important and extensive concequences to answer for the general good of Society.3
My Friend assures me that she will comply with my request and gratify my curiosity, but at the same time holds me to conditions which if I comply with it will be only to obtain the greater good for the less. Very selfish motives you will say, tho but few I believe would withstand the temptation.4
I observe my Friend is labouring under apprehensions least the Severity with which a certain Group was drawn was incompatable with that Benevolence which ought always to be predominant in a female character.5 “Tho an Eagles talon asks an Eagles Eye” and Satire in the hands of some is a very dangerous weapon yet when it is so happily blended with benevolence, and is awakend only by the Love of virtue, and abhorance of vice, when Truth is invoilably preserved, and ridiculous and vicious actions are alone the Subject, it is so far from blameable, that it is certainly meritorious; and to suppress it would be hideing a talent like the slothful Servant in a napkin.
and a keen Satire well applied, has some times found its way when persuasions, admonitions, and Lectures of morality have failed—such is the abhorance of humane nature when it diviates from the path of rectitude, to be represented in its true coulours.
You will say perhaps that our Sex is partial to each other. That 186objection if it carries any weight may be made against the person you appeald to.6 But give me leave to Quote a poet upon the Subject.
I must intreat a compliance with my other request. I shall esteem it an obligation conferd upon Your much obliged Friend,
George III's speech at the opening of Parliament, 30 Nov. 1774, which AA mentions as having become known “Yesterday,” was published in the Mass. Spy on 2 Feb. 1775.
John Dickinson, author of Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania ..., Phila., 1768.
Remainder of text derives from fragmentary RC.
Dft adds two sentences omitted in RC: “I have an other motive too in complying which I dare not own to her. Some future time perhaps I may venture to.”
In a letter to JA of 30 Jan. Mrs. Warren asked whether she had violated good taste in her satirical portraits in The Group. His answer is in a letter of 15 March. James Warren had sent JA the first two acts of The Group on 15 Jan., and JA had caused them to be printed, anonymously, in the Boston Gazette of 23 January. Warren sent the entire play to JA on 15 March, and its publication in an anonymous pamphlet was announced in the Gazette of 3 April. (All these letters are in Adams Papers or MHi: Warren-Adams Coll.; they are printed in
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:35–36, 36–39, 41–44, and JA, Works
, 9:354–356.)
Dft reads, instead: “You will excuse me for given
1775-02-25
I had the pleasure of hearing Yesterday by a transient person that 187my much Esteemed friend Mrs. Adams was well. I wish she had been kind Enough to have put a line into his Hand for me who is always highly gratified with Every such intimation of friendship from those she loves.
I thank you for the Letter I Received by Mr. Warren,1 and for the Copy of a very agreable one to a Distinguished Lady that accompanyd it, and did I not fear you might tax me with the Nonperformance of some former Engagements, I believe I should have spared you the trouble of perusing the Enclosed.2 But I think Every Mark of trust and Confidence Reposed demands some instance of A Reciprocal Wish to oblige, for friendship is of too Delicate a Nature to suffer the least Neglect without pain.
Therfore I must tell you that I never once suspected that the unlimited Confidence Reposed in you and in the Worthy partner of your Heart was Ever Betrayed.3 But there are some things Reported (tho I believe merely from Conjecture) which I could have Wished the World Might not have suspected: Considering how Cruel and Vindictive Mankind Generally are: but Methinks something like Conscience wispers me that I ought to Behave in such a Manner as to be able to Wish with the ancient sage for a Window in my Breast. Yet if I had I think though some might assert the pen at times bears a little tincture of Gall, they Might see in the Heart, Wrote in Legible Characters, a Readiness to forgive the Bitterest Enemy to myself, my friends, or my Country, on the least Mark of Repentance (from A proper sense of Virtue) or even Could one be Convinced that their pernicious Conduct Arises from Error of judgment, and not from a perverted Mind Devoid of Every principle of Rectitude or Humanity.
If you please you may tell a Gentleman of my acquaintance whom I much Esteem, that I am very Glad Massachusetensis has fallen into such Excelent hands, into the hand of a person so Capable of Developing the intracate Windings, of that state Crokedile, of tracing the Movements of the Narrow souled junto, and unraveling the Lybarinths of that Corrupt influance Which has brought one of the finest Countrys in the World to the Verge of Distruction. But though I have been highly pleasd and Entertained for several Weeks past with the productions of the just and Masterly pen of Novanglus, Yet I was in hopes Ere this to have heard something perticularly from Mr. Adams. As I think he Could not very well avoid making some kind of answer 188to my Last4 ('tho perhaps I ought to ask pardon for Calling of his Attention a moment from more important services) I am under some Apprehension least a letter may have miscaried as none has yet come to hand.
Every week brings us inteligence from Boston by a post Rider from Plimouth who I suppose Generally calls at Your Neighbur Brakets. I mention this that the want of safe Conveyance may not prevent us the pleasure of hearing from Braintree Friends.
Do let me know if the Letters to Mrs. Macauley are gone, and by whom. The Enclosed is Rather more lengthy than I should have presumed to have been, to a Lady of her Distinguished Character but that I thought the Circumstences of America were such that it demanded some perticulers from Every hand, more Especially as we have so Many Busy and Mischevious tongues and pens (of not much more importance than a Womans) to Vilify and misrepresent us.
If you Recieve any pleasure in the perusal, or if the Gratification of Curiosity is a Ballence for the trouble of picking it out I shall not Regret the puting it into your hand, as an oppertunity of obliging Mrs. Adams will always give pleasure to her sincere & affectionate Friend,
Apparently missing.
The “Distinguished Lady” was certainly Catharine Macaulay, and the “Copy” of a letter to her is probably AA's letter printed above under the assigned date of 1774. The enclosure in Mrs. Warren's letter was a long letter to Mrs. Macaulay, 29 Dec. 1774, which remains in the Adams Papers. Apparently no early opportunity for conveying it occurred; before long, communication with England was cut off, and it was never sent.
This and what follows pertains to rumors attributing to Mrs. Warren the authorship of The Group. The rumors were correct, but she did not relish them.
Dated 30 Jan. 1775 (Adams Papers).
1775-04-30
I arrived here, last Evening, and have attended Mr. Strongs Meeting all this Day. I rode alone, all the Way to this Place. Here I found my worthy Brothers Hancock and Adams.1 Cushing, We hear, spends this Day at Windham, and has sent us Word that he will join us here, tomorrow.—Mr. Paine is here too.—All well.
We have good Accounts from N. York and N. Ca
Jose. Bass is a very clever, sober, discreet Youth. He has been an agreable Companion to me, and very attentive. Let his Friends know he is well, and highly pleased with his Travells.2 My Love to the Children and all the Family. My Duty to my Mother, and Love to my two Brothers. My Duty to your Father. Tell him, my Mare will carry me like a Lion to Phyladelphia, and that his behaves very well.3 My Duty to your Mother, and a thousand thanks for her Cake. Love to Brother Cranch and sister, and to sister Betcy. Let every Body write to me. I will write you, as often as possible. God bless you and yours.
JA had probably set off for the second Continental Congress on 26 April. John Hancock had replaced James Bowdoin (who had not attended the first Congress) in the Massachusetts delegation. From Hartford on, the delegates traveled together, arriving in Philadelphia on 10 May.
Joseph Bass, a Braintree neighbor's son, was JA's servant during the second Congress. See JA's accounts with him in
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:167, 170, 225–226.
See, however, JA to AA, 8 May, below.
1775-04-30
New York has appointed an ample Representation in our Congress, and have appointed a provincial Congress. The People of the City, have siezed the City Arms and Ammunition, out of the Hands of the Mayor who is a Creature of the Governor. Lord North will be certainly disappointed, in his Expectation of seducing New York. The Tories there, durst not shew their Heads.
The Jerseys are arroused, and greatly assist the Friends of Liberty in New York.
North Carolina has done bravely, chosen the old Delegates in Provincial Congress, and then confirmed the Choice in General Assembly, in Opposition to all that Governor Martin could do.
The Assembly of this Colony is now sitting at Hartford. We are treated with great Tenderness, Sympathy, Friendship and Respect. Every Thing is doing by this Colony, that can be done by Men—both for N. York and Boston.
Keep your Spirits composed and calm, and dont suffer your self to be disturbed, by idle Reports, and frivolous Alarms. We shall see 190better Times yet. Lord North is ensuring us success.—I am wounded to the Heart, with the News this Moment told me of J. Quincys Death.1
Josiah Quincy “the Patriot”; see AA to JA, 16 Oct. 1774, above, and note 2 there.
1775-05-02
What a scene has opened upon us since I had the favour of your last! Such a scene as we never before Experienced, and could scarcely form an Idea of. If we look back we are amazed at what is past, if we look forward we must shudder at the view. Our only comfort lies in the justice of our cause; and in the mercy of that being who never said, “Seek ye me in vain.” These are consolation
Col. Josiah Quincy's house, built in 1770, overlooked Boston Harbor from what is now Muirhead Street in the Wollaston section of Quincy. As long as the Quincy family occupied it, the estate extended to the water's edge, but in the 1890's it was cut up into small building lots that now surround and choke the once imposing mansion. In 1937 the house was presented to the Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities; see an illustrated account of it in Old-Time New England, 28:85–89 (Jan. 1938).
1775-05-02
Our Hearts are bleeding for the poor People of Boston. What will, or can be done for them I cant conceive. God preserve them.
I take this opportunity, to write, by our Committee who were sent to this Colony,1 just to let you know that I am comfortable, and shall proceed this afternoon.
Pray write to me, and get all my Friends to write and let me be informed of every Thing that occurs.
Send your Letters to Coll. Palmer or Dr. Warren, who will convey them—they will reach me, sooner or later. This Colony is raising 6000 Men. Rhode Island 1500. N. York has shut up their Port, seized the Custom House, Arms, Ammunition &c., called a Provincial Congress, and entered into an Association to stand by whatever shall be ordered by the Continental and their Provincial Congress. Dr. Cooper is fled on board a Man of War2 and the Tories are humbled in the Dust.
I have just made a Visit to your Cousin Austin, who is very well.3 Tell my Brothers I have bought some military Books and intend to buy more, so that I shall come back qualified to make them compleat officers. Write me whether Either of my Brothers intend to take a Command in the Army. I wont Advise them, but leave them to their own Inclinations and Discretion. But if they should incline they should apply to Coll. Palmer and Dr. Warren soon.
A committee sent to Hartford by the second Provincial Congress; see Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.
, p. 136–137, 149, 179–180.
DAB
).
1775-05-02
Mr. Eliot of Fairfield, is this Moment arrived in his Way to Boston. He read us a Letter from the Dr. his Father dated Yesterday Sennight being Sunday.1 The Drs. Description of the Melancholly of the Town, is enough to melt a Stone. The Tryals of that unhappy and devoted People are likely to be severe indeed. God grant that the Furnace of Affliction may refine them. God grant that they may be relieved from their present Distress.
It is Arrogance and Presumption in human Sagacity to pretend to penetrate far into the Designs of Heaven. The most perfect Reverence and Resignation becomes us. But, I cant help depending upon this, that the present dreadfull Calamity of that beloved Town is intended to bind the Colonies together in more indissoluble Bands, and to animate their Exertions, at this great Crisis in the Affairs of Mankind. It has this Effect, in a most remarkable Degree, as far as I have yet seen or heard. It will plead, with all America, with more irresistable Perswasion, than Angells trumpet tongued.
In a Cause which interests the whole Globe, at a Time, when my Friends and Country are in such keen Distress, I am scarcely ever interrupted, in the least Degree, by Apprehensions for my Personal Safety. I am often concerned for you and our dear Babes, surrounded as you are by People who are too timorous and too much susceptible of allarms. Many Fears and Jealousies and imaginary Dangers, will be suggested to you, but I hope you will not be impressed by them.
In Case of real Danger, of which you cannot fail to have previous Intimations, fly to the Woods with our Children. Give my tenderest Love to them, and to all.
The younger Andrew Eliot, Harvard 1762, minister at Fairfield, Conn., was the son of Andrew Eliot, Harvard 1737, S.T.D., the eminent minister of the New North Church, which he continued to serve throughout the siege of Boston (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 10:128–161).
1775-05-04
I have but little news to write you. Every thing of that kind you will learn by a more accurate hand than mine; things remain much in the 193same situation here that they were when you went away, there has been no Desent upon the sea coast. Guards are regularily kept, and people seem more settled, and are returning to their husbandry.—I feel somewhat lonesome. Mr. Thaxter is gone home, Mr. Rice is going into the Army as captain of a company. We have no School. I know not what to do with John.—As Goverment is assumed I suppose Courts of Justice will be established, and in that case there may be Buisness to do. If so would it not be best for Mr. Thaxter to return? They seem to be discouraged in the study of Law, and think there never will be any buisness for them. I could have wishd they had consulted you upon the subject before you went away. Mr. Rice has asked my advice? I tell him I would have him act his pleasure. I dont chuse to advise him either way.—I suppose you will receive 2 or 3 Vol. of that forlorn Wretches Hutchisons Letters.1 Among many other things I hear he wrote in 1772 that Deacon Philips and you had like to have been chosen into the Counsel, but if you had you should have shared the same fate with Bowers.2 May the fate of Mordeca be his.—There is no body admitted into Town yet. I have made two or 3 attempts to get somebody in, but cannot succeed, so have not been able to do the Buisness you left in charge with me.—I want very much to hear from you, how you stood your journey, and in what state you find yourself now. I felt very anxious about you tho I endeavourd to be very insensible and heroick, yet my heart felt like a heart of Led. The same Night you left me I heard of Mr. Quincys Death, which at this time was a most melancholy Event, especially as he wrote in minets which he left behind that he had matters of concequence intrusted with him, which for want of a confident must die with him.—I went to see his distressed widdow last Saturday at the Coll.3 and in the afternoon from an allarm they had, she and her sister, with three others of the family took refuge with me, and tarried all night. She desired me to present her regards to you, and let you know she wished you every blessing, should always esteem you as a sincere Friend of her deceased husband. Poor afflicted woman, my heart was wounded for her.—I must quite the subject, and intreet you to write me by every opportunity. Your Mother desires to be rememberd to you. She is with me now. The children send Duty, and their Mamma unfeigned Love.
These were letters recently found in Hutchinson's house in Milton. Selections were published in the patriot newspapers. See William Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United States of 194America, London, 1788, 2:29–30; and, for a very different account, Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 8:210–211.
Jerathmeel Bowers was negatived by Hutchinson after election to the Council in 1772; next year he was again negatived, together with JA and William Phillips.
That is, at Col. Josiah Quincy's house on Wollaston shore.
1775-05-07
I received by the Deacon1 two Letters from you this Day from Hartford. I feel a recruit of spirits upon the reception of them, and the comfortable news which they contain. We had not heard any thing from N. Carolina before, and could not help feeling anxious least we should find a defection there, arising more from their ancient feuds and animosities, than from any setled ill will in the present contest. But the confirmation of the choise of their Delagates by their assembly leaves not a doubt of their firmness, nor doth the Eye say unto the hand I have no need of thee, the Lord will not cast of his people neither will he forsake his inheritance. Great Events are most certainly in the womb of futurity and if the present chastisement which we experience have a proper influence upon our conduct, the Event will most certainly be in our favour.—The Distresses of the inhabitants of Boston are beyond the power of language to discribe. There are but very few who are permitted to come out in a day. They delay giving passes, make them wait from hour to hour, and their counsels are not two hours together alike. One day they shall come out with their Effects, the next Day merchandise are not Effects. One day their household furtinuture is to come out, the next only weareing apparrel, and the next Pharaohs heart is hardned, and he refuseth to hearken unto them and will not let the people go. May their deliverence be wrought out for them as it was for the Children of Israel. I do not mean by miracles but by the interposition of heaven in their favour. They have taken a list of all those who they suppose were concernd in watching the tea, and every other person who they call obnoxious, and they and their Effects are to suffer distruction. Poor Eads2 escaped out of town last night with one Ayers in a small boat, and was fired upon, but got safe and came up to Braintree to day. His name it seems was upon the black list.—I find it impossible to get any body in with any surty of their returning again. I have sent to Walthham but cannot hear any thing of Mr. Cushings Son. I wish you would write me whether Mr. Cushing left any directions what should be done in that affair.—I hear that Mr. Bromfield has Letters 195for you, and young Dr. Jarvis has more, but cannot get at them.—Pray write me every opportunity every thing that transpires. Every body desires to be rememberd to you—it would fill the paper to name them. I wrote you once before. Let me know whether you have received it.—You dont say one word about your Health. I hope it was comfortable and will continue so. It will be a great comfort to know that it is so to your
Joseph Palmer, who forwarded the letters from Watertown, where the Massachusetts Provincial Congress was sitting.
Apparently Boston Gazette in Watertown on 5 June; see
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:49 and note.
1775-05-08
I have an opportunity by Captn. Beale, to write you a Line. We all arrived last Night in this City. It would take many Sheets of Paper, to give you a Description of the Reception, We found here. The Militia were all in Arms, and almost the whole City out to Meet us.1 The Tories are put to Flight here, as effectually as the Mandamus Council at Boston. They have associated, to stand by Continental and Provincial Congresses, &c. &c. &c. Such a Spirit was never seen in New York.
Jose Bass met with a Misfortune, in the Midst of some of the unnecessary Parade that was made about us. My Mare, being galled with an ugly Buckle in the Tackling, suddenly flinched and started in turning short round a Rock, in a shocking bad Road, overset the sulky which frightened her still more. She ran, and dashed the Body of the Sulky all to Pieces. I was obliged to leave my sulky, ship my Bagage on board Mr. Cushings Carriage, buy me a Saddle and mount on Horse back. I am thankfull that Bass was not kill'd. He was in the utmost danger, but not materially hurt.
I am sorry for this Accident, both on Account of the Trouble and Expence, occasioned by it. I must pay your Father for his sulky.2 But in Times like these, such Little Accidents should not affect us.
Let me caution you my Dear, to be upon your Guard against that Multitude of Affrights, and Alarms, which I fear, will surround you. Yet I hope the People with you, will grow more composed than they were.
196Our Prospect of a Union of the Colonies, is promising indeed. Never was there such a Spirit. Yet I feel anxious, because, there is always more Smoke than Fire—more Noise than Musick.
Our Province is nowhere blamed. The Accounts of the Battle are exaggerated in our favour.—My Love to all. I pray for you all, and hope to be prayed for. Certainly, There is a Providence—certainly, We must depend upon Providence or We fail. Certainly the sincere Prayers of good Men, avail much. But Resignation is our Duty in all Events. I have this Day heard Mr. Livingston in the Morning and Dr. Rogers this afternoon—excellent Men, and excellent Prayers and sermons.
My Love to Nabby, Johnny, Charly and Tommy. Tell them they must be good, and Pappa will come home, before long.
John Hancock provided his “Dear Dolly” (Dorothy Quincy, whom he was to marry in August of this year) with a very full and boastful account of the delegates' reception in New York (letter dated 7 May 1775; Salisbury, Family-Memorials
, 1:328–330).
JA charged Massachusetts £12 for the wrecked sulky (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:163–164).
1775-05-13
A Brother of Mr. Adams'es who has been a Captain of a Company in this Town, is desirous of joining the Army provided he can obtain
Commonwealth History of Massachusetts, Boston, 1927–1930, vol. 3: facing p. 220.
Facsimile (and presumably the MS) mutilated.
AA's application was in behalf of JA's brother Elihu. Warren told JA in a letter dated at Cambridge, 20 May (Adams Papers), that he had received AA's letter and would “do all in
1775-05-14
I am indeed the Silvia, the once favored correspondent of Diana; But I am Silvia without my Beloved flock, my former sheepfolds are Laid waste, my Lambs are scatter'd, and I mourn here among other congregations the loss of my former companions.—I thank you for the testimony you have given me of your remembrance.1 Should have Certifyd my grateful reception by the first Conveyance but indisposition forbid. I am now relieve'd from the distress I have suffered, but very week and faint. I rejoyce with you in the account of Hortentious's better health.2 Thank you for the articles of news from HBraintree. O Lord North what hast thou done. The Groans of those distressed by thee will smother all thy Joys.
I hope to hear from you again very soon. Pray dont neglect so charitable a work. Ill do as well as Ever I can but Ive no Subjects unless my
AA's letter has not been found, and consequently some of the allusions in this reply are obscure.
Not identified; possibly JA, though the editors have not seen him called Hortensius elsewhere.
A word was probably omitted here: “. . . that
Presumably Eunice Paine's elder sister Greenleaf Family
, p. 195; Sarah Cushing Paine and Charles H. Pope, Paine Ancestry, Boston, 1912, p. 24).
Meaning Boston, where Greenleaf had extensive real-estate as well as other business interests (Thwing Catalogue, MHi).
Isaac Smith Sr. and his family left Boston about this time for Salem, exchanging houses with Judge William Browne. Documents bearing on this exchange are in the Smith-Carter Papers (MHi).
1775-05-15
Though I am very unwell scarce able to set up long Enough to write, yet I must let my dear Friend Mrs. Adams know it gave me great pleasure to have but a Line or too from her after her very long silence.1
199I lament with you the infatuation of Britain, the Commotions of America and the Dangers to Which the Best of men and the truest Friends to Virtue, Liberty and the British Constitution are Exposed. And though I feel A painful Concern for their safty I acknowledge I feel some kind of pride in being so Closely Connected with persons who dare to act so Noble a part.
I think the Dignity of their Conduct, the unshaken Fortitude, the Disinterested perseverance that has Hitherto appeared in their Resolutions Reflects a Lustre on their Characters which is A Ballence for the Hazzard.
I am well Assured that you do not more Ardently Wish to Converse with your Friend here than she does for an interveiw with Mrs. Adams.
I Wish you would take Miss Smith or some other Friend and Run to Plimouth if it was but for one day Ere we are obliged by the inroads of an unjust and Cruel Foe to Go further Asunder, and if You Could Convenantly put such a project in Execution this Week my son would be Very Happy in being your Escort on Fryday next.
I do not Wonder you feel the Want of that Comfort and support under the tryals of the day which You might Receive from Your Worthy Companion would the service of the public Admit of his being Constently with you. But I have learned to think less of Absence then I used to do when I Can be Assured of the safety of my Friend, more Especially when I Consider the situation of the Country and the Interest of posterity Calls for the utmost Exertions of Every Man of Ability, Integrity or Virtue.
Do let me hear from you often and let me know from time to time what you hear from Mr. Adams. And when you write again if you can find Room at one Corner to usher along my Regards and best Wishes to him I would flatter myself they Would not be unacceptable. I would not have him forget that he owes me A Letter, and if he has any Aversion to duns he had Better pay off the score the first Leasure.
I have a great deal to say to you Both
But I am too much indisposed to add more than my fervant Wishes that Heaven May gaurd and protect both you and yours wherever your Destination may Be. With Much affection subscribes your unfeigned Friend,
AA's letter has not been found.
1775-05-22
Just before Mr. Adams2 set off upon his journey to Philadelphia he had the pleasure of receiving a Letter from you by way of New York, accompanied with 3 pamphlets.3 He determined to have wrote you immediately, but two days after he received them, we were by the Hostilities of General Gage thrown into all the horrours and distresses of civil war. Mr. Adams directed me to write you by the first conveyance and return you his acknowledgments both for the Letter and books which were very acceptable to him as he had never been able to obtain those you mentiond as having sent in the Ship Paul Captain Gordon. I need not tell you Sir that the distressed state of this province calls for every excersion of every member of society. I call not those members who have forfeited every right and privilage by tratorously betraying their Country.4 The state of the inhabitants of the town of Boston and their distresses no language can paint—imprisond with their Enimies, suffering hunger and famine, obliged to endure insults and abuses from breach of faith plited to them in the most solemn manner by the General, that if they would deliver up their arms, both they and their affects should be sufferd to depart, and then treachously deceived—for no sooner did they comply, but he said merchandize was not considerd as affects, and so brutal are they as to take away even to a Bisquit if they find it by their inhumane searches, or a little chocolate does not escape even tho in the pockets of the distressed women. Those who receive the mighty boon of bringing out a little household furniture must turn it down in the Street, Exposed to the inclemnancy of the weather, tho not to the plunderer for all things are held as sacred that are the property of the inhabitants of Boston. We have no plunderers but there5—the poor distressed inhabitants with their little ones following their property as tho it was in funeral procession, many of them so delicately Educated as never before to have ever known either want or fatigue now quiting Elegant habitations, plenty and affluence for want and misiry. Words but faintly tell their woes, and tis impossible they should ever be throughly knowBritish troops who have been landing a number of Men upon one 201of our Sea coasts (about 4 miles from my own habitation) and plundering hay and cattle. Each party are now in actual engagement.6 God alone knows the Event, to whom also all our injuries and oppressions are known and to whom we can appeal for the justice of our cause when the Ear of Man is deaf and his heart hardned.
We have lamented the infatuation of Britain and have wished an honourable reconsilation with her till she has plunged her Sword into our Bosoms and laid 40 of our Breathren in the Dust. Tyranny, oppression and Murder have been the reward of all the affection, the veneration and the loyalty which has heretofore distinguished Americans. But tho we will ever love and revere those worthys who have constantly vindicated our cause and declared their abhorrance of such wicked, cruel and oppressive Measures and for whose sake alone the Name of Brittain can be endured7—we have received in the course of the last three Months every indignity that it was possible for humane nature to endure. The Troops of Brittain, once the pride and Glory of Europe, have descended to become a Mob. Those troops who it was pretended came here, to quell Mobs and riots and to bring this province to good order and decency, have themselves assembld with a colonel at their head Nesbit by Name and taken a poor unarmed Countryman, whom they had first coax'd into trading with them, tared and featherd him and with all the Drums and fifes of the Regiment paraded with Guns and bayonets thro the Streets of the Town of Boston.8 Our market people were out, beat and abused daily, as they passed in and out of Town. No doubt their resentments were high and they in their turn retaliated upon the Soldiers, for if they complained to the officers they were sure of having insult added to abuse. In this state of things they would frequently march out of Town and level fences laying every persons property common, and committing all manner of outrages, till the terible 19 of April when they premeditately went forth and secretly fell upon our people and like savage furies sheath'd their Breasts with Steal.9 Instead of the gay landscapes Beautious Die, Tis the staind field salutes our weeping Eyes, And the Green turf, with all the mournful glades, drench'd in the Stream, absorb their dewy heads
I wish Sir to send you an Authentick account of this engagment and have been trying to procure it, but there has been so much to be done 202with regard to forming the army, that I have not been able to and I fear if I neglect this opportunity of sending I shall not obtain an other soon.10
The Spirit that prevails among Men of all degrees, all ages and sex'es is the Spirit of Liberty. For this they are determined to risk all their property and their lives “nor shrink unnerv'd before a tyrants face But meet this louring insolence with Scorn.” Every peasant wears his arms, and flies to them with the uttermost eagerness upon every allarm, besides a standing Army of 30,000 thousand men which are stationd near Boston.—Tis Thought we must now bid a final adieu to Britain, nothing will now appease the Exasperated Americans but the heads of those trators who have subverted the constitution, for the blood of our Breathren crys to us from the Ground.—What is next to take place God only knows but we think if you love us if you feel for us you cannot any longer suffer a Spirit of blindness and infatuation to delude you. These are times when words alone will not save either Great Britain or America; if Britain still continus in a lethargy we shall soon see
My pen has run strange lengths. The present commotions have insensibly led me on. I must beg your pardon Sir. I enclose to you Sir a number of papers from which perhaps you may collect some usefull inteligance. A writer there under the signature of Novanglus has had the happiness of entertaining the same Opinions that Mr. Robinson has.11 I have heard that he enterd into the contest merely to strip of
Place and dateline taken from FC. Dft was actually written, however, while the British raid on Grape Island, off Weymouth, was taking place; the raid occurred on Sunday, 21 May. See further on in the present letter and also AA to JA, 24 May, below.
FC: “your Friend.” Here and elsewhere easy clues to the identity of the writer and her husband were prudently suppressed in FC, which may be assumed identical with missing RC.
The letter here acknowledged was from the London bookseller Edward Dilly, 13 Jan. 1775 (Adams Papers), and was accompanied by a packet of pamphlets, books, and newspapers specified in that letter. The present letter is an early example of AA's assuming responsibility for answering important communications received by JA and taking full advantage of the opportunity to express her own views. It will be noted that JA approved; see JA to AA, 6 June, below.
In FC this sentence reads: “(I call not those Members who have broken asunder the Bands of Society, and forfeited every Right and Priviledge, by traitorously betraying their Country: many of these Vipers have been nurtured and fostered in the Bosom of America, till she has found 'how sharper than a Serpents Tooth it is to have a thankless Child.')”
FC reads: “... but in Britain and Boston,” and adds four lines of verse.
FC: “... each Party have been in Engagement, but as they went upon an Island no Lives were lost, as I can learn. Our People set fire to the Hay about an Hundred Tons and the Marines made their Escape aboard their Cutter.”
FC: “... but tho we detest the Measures, we revere with unfeigned Gratitude every Worthy who has vindicated our Cause and expressed their Abhorrence of those wicked and cruel Measures which make us turn away with Horror at the Name of Britain!”
This affair occurred early in March. The victim was Thomas Ditson Jr. of Billerica. His deposition of 9 March before Justice Edmund Quincy is printed in full in the Boston Gazette, 13 March.
In FC this sentence reads: “The never to be forgotten nineteenth of April the Troops of George the Third secretly went forth and fell with insatiable Fury upon their American Brethren—they resisted and 500 put 1800 to Flight. Many fell upon their Side, 40 upon ours.”
In FC this paragraph reads: “I wish Sir to have had it in my Power to send you an Authentic Account of this Engagement. I have been trying to procure one but it is not printed—the Printers with their Presses have been all Prisoners in Boston—and they have been obliged to send to Salem for a Printer. The ministerial Account you will have much sooner, but as contrary to Truth as Light to Darkness—there are not wanting Men says Mr. Robinson
FC: “... the same Opinions with Mr. Sharpe.” Matthew Robinson-Morris was the author of Considerations on the Measures Carrying on with Respect to the British Colonies in North America, London [1774], four copies of the 2d edition of which had been sent to JA by Dilly with his letter of 13 Jan. to which AA is replying. Granville Sharp was the author of A Declaration of the 204People's Natural Right to a Share in the Legislature ..., London, 1774; JA's copy is among his books in MB. Both tracts were strongly anti-ministerial and went through a number of editions in London and in America; see T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” Nos. 134a–j, 139a–h.
FC: “'Tis said there are many Errors of the Press, as well as other Inaccuracies, which for the Truths they contain will be readily pardoned.”
FC: “Some of the Characters are so well known for the infamous Part they have taken that you will easily find them out.”
1775-05-24
Suppose you have had a formidable account of the alarm we had last Sunday morning. When I rose about six oclock I was told that the Drums had been some time beating and that 3 allarm Guns were fired, that Weymouth Bell had been ringing, and Mr. Welds was then ringing.1 I immediatly sent of an express to know the occasion, and found the whole Town in confusion. 3 Sloops and one cutter had come out, and droped anchor just below Great Hill. It was difficult to tell their design, some supposed they were comeing to Germantown others to Weymouth. People women children from the Iron Works flocking down this Way—every woman and child above or from below my Fathers. My Fathers family flying, the Drs.2 in great distress, as you may well immagine for my Aunt had her Bed thrown into a cart, into which she got herself, and orderd the boy to drive her of to Bridgwater which he did. The report was to them, that 300 hundred had landed, and were upon their march into Town. The allarm flew Levet's hay. There it was impossible to reach them for want of Boats, but the sight of so many persons, and the fireing at them prevented their getting more than 3 ton of Hay, tho they had carted much more down to the water. At last they musterd a Lighter, and a Sloop from Hingham which had six port holes. Our men eagerly jumpt on board, and put of for the Island. As soon as they perceived it, they decamped. Our people landed upon may, when 205you write—every one here abouts come
Yesterday we have an account of 3 Ships comeing in to Boston. I believe it is true, as there was a Salute from the other Ships, tho I have not been able to learn from whence they come. Suppose you have had an account of the fire which did much damage to the Warehouses, and added greatly to the distresses of the inhabitants whilst it continued. The bad conduct of General Gage was the means of its doing so much damage.
Tis a fine growing Season having lately had a charming rain, which was much wanted as we had none before for a fortnight. Your meadow is almost fit to mow. Isaac talks of leaving you, and going into the Army. I believe he will. Mr. Rice has a prospect of an adjutant place in the Army. I believe he will not be a very hardy Soldier. He has been sick of a fever above this week, and has not been out of his chamber. He is upon the recovery now.
Our House has been upon this alarm in the same Scene of confusion that it was upon the first—Soldiers comeing in for lodging, for Breakfast, for Supper, for Drink &c. &c. Sometimes refugees from Boston tierd and fatigued, seek an assilum for a Day or Night, a week—you can hardly imagine how we live.
I want to know how you do? How are your Eyes? Is not the weather very hot where you are? The children are well and send Duty to Pappa. This day Month you set of. I have never once inquired when you think it posible to return; as I think you could not give me any satisfactory answer. I have according to your direction wrote to Mr. Dilly, and given it to the care of Capn. Beals who will deliver it with his own hand; I got Mr. Thaxter to take a coppy for me, as I had not time amidst our confusions; I send it to you for your approbation.5 You will be careful of it as I have no other coppy. My best wishes attend you both for your Health and happiness, and that you may be directed into the wisest and best measures for our Safety, and the Security of our 206posterity. I wish you was nearer to us. We know not what a day will bring forth, nor what distress one hour may throw us into. Heitherto I have been able to mantain a calmness and presence of Mind, and hope I shall, let the Exigency of the time be what they will.
Mrs. W
Sister Betsy is with me, and desires her kindest Wishes, and most affectionate Regards may be presented to you.6
The meetinghouse of Rev. Ezra Weld, Yale 1759, was in the Middle Precinct of Braintree, adjacent to Weymouth (Dexter, Yale Graduates
, 2:631–633).
Dr. Cotton Tufts, AA's uncle.
The first digit is overwritten and somewhat uncertain.
For further details on the action at Grape Island see AA to JA, 22 June, below.
This greeting is in Elizabeth Smith's hand.
1775-05-26
I embrace an Opportunity by two young Gentlemen from Maryland to write you a Line, on friend Mifflins Table. The Names of these Gentlemen, are Hall. They are of one of the best Families in Maryland, and have independent Fortunes, one a Lawyer the other a Physician.1 If you have an Opportunity I beg you would shew to these Gentlemen all the Civilities possible. Get them introduced to your Uncle Quincy and to your Father and Dr. Tufts, and let every Thing be done to shew them Respect. They come 500 Miles to fight for you. They are Voluntiers to our Camp where they intend to spend the Season.
My Love and Duty, where they should be. I have not so good Health as I had before—and I have harder Service. Our Business is more extensive, and complicated—more affecting and hazardous. But our Unanimity will not be less. We have a Number of new and very ingenious M
Aquilla Hall and Josias Carvill Hall, both of whom served in the Maryland forces during the war, the latter in the Continental Line (JA to Joseph Palmer, 29 May 1775, CSmH; Heitman, Register Continental Army
).
MS mutilated. It is impossible to tell whether this letter was or was not signed.
1775-05-29
Our amiable Friend Hancock, who by the Way is our President, is to send his Servant, tomorrow for Cambridge. I am to send a few Lines by him. If his Man should come to you to deliver this Letter, treat him very kindly, because he is a kind, humane, clever Fellow.
My Friend Joseph Bass, very cleverly caught the Small Pox, in two days after we arrived here, by Inoculation and has walked about the streets, every day since, and has got quite over it and quite well. He had about a Dozen Pimples upon the whole. Let his Father and Friends know this.
We are distressed here for Want of Intelligence and Information from you and from Boston, Cambridge &c. &c. &c. We have no regular Advices. I received one kind Letter from you, in one from Coll. Warren.1 An excellent Letter, I had from him. It has done him great Honour, and me much good.
My Duty and Love to all. I have had miserable Health and blind Eyes almost ever since I left you, but, I found Dr. Young here, who after scolding at me, quantum sufficit for not taking his Advice, has pill'd and electuary'd me into pretty good Order.2 My Eyes are better, my Head is better, and so are my Spirits.
Private.3 The Congress will support the Massachusetts. There is a good Spirit here. But We have an amazing Field of Business, before us. When I shall have the Joy of Meeting you and our little ones, I know not.
The military Spirit which runs through the Continent is truly amazing. This City turns out 2000 Men every day. Mr. Dickinson is a Coll.—Mr. Reed a Lt. Coll.—Mr. Mifflin a Major. He ought to have been a Genl. for he has been the animating Soul of the whole.
Coll. Washington appears at Congress in his Uniform and, by his great Experience and Abilities in military Matters, is of much service to Us.
Oh that I was a Soldier!—I will be.—I am reading military Books.—Every Body must and will, and shall be a soldier.
Warren's letter was dated at Watertown, 7 May (Adams Papers;
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:46–49), and presumably enclosed AA's letter of 4 May, above.
JA furnished a diverting account of Young's role as a political agitator in a letter to Benjamin Rush, 8 Feb. 1789 (RC unlocated; printed in Biddle, Old Family Letters
, p. 30–31). See also Boston Record Commissioners, 16th and 18th Reports
, passim; Loring, Hundred Boston Orators
, p. 24–26; Henry H. Edes, “Memoir of Dr. Thomas Young, 1731–1777,” Col. Soc. Mass., Pubns.
, 11 (1910):2–54; Benjamin Rush, Letters
, 1:148–149, and references there.
This word appears in the margin of the letter.
1775-06-02
I had Yesterday the Pleasure of two Letters from you, by Dr. Church.1 We had been so long without any Intelligence from our Country, that the Sight of the Dr. gave us great Joy. I have received no Letters from England, untill the Dr. brought me one from Mr. Dilly.2
Mr. Henly goes, tomorrow, to the Camp at Cambridge. I am not so ill, as I was when I left you, tho not well. Bass has recover'd of the Small Pox.
Our Debates and Deliberations are tedious, from Nine to four, five, 209and once near Six. Our Determinations very slow—I hope sure. The Congress will support Us, but in their own Way. Not precisely in that Way which I could wish, but in a better Way than We could well expect, considering what an heterogeneous Body it is.
The Prospect of Crops in all the southern Colonies never was exceeded. What will become of immense Quantities of Provisions, when the Non Exportation takes Place I cant conceive. Surely We shant starve.
Poor Bostonians! My Heart Bleeds for them, day and Night. God preserve and bless them.
Was you frightened, when the sheep Stealers got a drubbing at Grape Island? Father Smith prayed for our Scough Crew, I doubt not, but how did my dear Friend Dr. Tufts sustain the shock? My Duty and Love to them and all others who justly claim them.
My Dear Nabby, and Johnny and Charley and Tommy are never out of my Thoughts. God bless, preserve and prosper them.
You need not send me any Money; What I shall want will be supplied me here, by my Colleagues to be repaid after our Return.
Dr. Warren writes me, about my Brother.3 My Love to both my Brothers, my Duty to my Mother and your Uncle Quincy. Tell him I hope, our Company continue their Exercises. He would burst to see whole Companies of armed Quakers in this City, in Uniforms, going thro the Manual and Maneuvres like regular Troops.
One of 7 May and another unidentified. Dr. Benjamin Church, a member of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, was ordered by that body on 16 May to repair to Philadelphia with an “application” requesting advice on “the taking up and exercising the powers of civil government” and the adoption by the Continental Congress of the troops gathered around Boston (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.
, p. 229–231). For JA's account of what resulted in Philadelphia, see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:351–353.
A letter from Edward Dilly to JA, 3 May, is in Adams Papers, but if correctly dated it could hardly have traveled from London to Watertown, Mass., and on to Philadelphia so rapidly.
Joseph Warren to JA, 20 May (Adams Papers); see AA to Joseph Warren, 13 May, above.
1775-06-03
So good an opportunity offering, tho I had not wrote before I have detaind the Bearer, just to thank you for your obliging favour, and ask you how you do? I know how much you have sufferd for your Friends, and pitty your distance from them. As news like the Snow Ball, 210allways gathers according to the distance it passes, we were not so much allarmd here as one would have immagined; but at Weymouth they were greatly distress'd for a while. Last Saturday Night we felt all the powers of Sympathy—the continued roar of the cannon predicted many slain upon both Sides.
But thanks be to that Being who hath heitherto coverd the Heads of our Breathren in the Day of Blood and Slaughter, not one man fallen upon our Side, hundreds upon theirs as tis credibly said.1
We must Expect continual allarms, and prepair ourselves for them—if they are affraid our people Will be taking advantages from that circumstance. An intercepted letter from Gage says he has not 36 hundred men in the Town of Boston.—I wait with much impatience to hear from the Congress. Not one word since I heard from New York. Adieu. I will write soon again. Pray remember me to all inquiring Friends, and write me every opportunity. Mrs. Cranch is very sick with the rash. Yours most affectionately,
These were actions in Boston Harbor on 26–27 May. Provincial troops raided Noddle's Island (now East Boston) and nearby Hog (now Breed's) Island, burned British hay stores, drove off and killed a quantity of livestock there, and later blew up a grounded British naval schooner, Diana, in Chelsea Creek. See French, First Year
, p. 190–193, 736–737.
1775-06-04
Yours received last Evening deserves my Early acknowledgment; as a token of your Love, it revived my drooping Spirits; as a Testimony of your Comfortable Existance, it turn'd my heart to Praise; and your kind Promise to write again soon, gives me a pleasing Expectation. I was deny'd a pleasure which I should have made a
I am told you look Charmingly, that you have your sister with you, and Enjoy yourself nicely. I rejoyce in your portion and most heartily wish myself near Eno' to Step in and Share the feast of soul. I am wretchedly ofall Charlstown folks. I have no support, no Chear up from any o' them. 211I seek retirement, and here in my own Chamber only can feel tolerable. The constant Exercise of my mind here is not friendly to the Body. My Strength wastes and all kinds of activity is Burdensome and I often fear I shall fall a sacrifice to Lord Norths mandates but I determine to try my utmost against him, and if it be possible to get a horse I can ride, once more visit the happy Land.
Four men have Just came on to the Green from Roxbury this day, they bring us accounts of the Deer Island Expedition. Not a Gun fire'd, 500 sheep recover'd, nine Prisoners taken. Amazing. I am lost in Admiration! Also thirteen regulars taken in a Boat up Cambridge River, tamely Surrender'd. I cant Express the Language of my heart but hope to gain Courage from these instances of the Divine favor.—I wonder how Gage and his Counsellors feel. I have heard that the Latter have tho't on the Missasippa (I dont know if tis spelt right) for a retreat at the last Cast—poor wretches I wish they were prepare'd for dissolution. My pen is so intollerable bad I fear you can't Guess out my scrawl. You must Call in Polly Palmers assistance and be assure'd I would do better if I cou'd. I am now holding my akeing head. A Cold oppresses me sorely. I hope yours is Easy and all your little ones well, that your farm is finely flourishing. We were Blest with most refreshing showers yesterday and all nature sparkles here to day. We have numerous favors to rejoyce us, therefore let us Keep up good Spirits. My Love & Duty to All your Good friends. This from your Rusticated
This was JA's letter to AA of 8 May, concerning the delay of which see also AA to JA, 24 May; both are printed above.
1775-06-06
I have received yours of 24th. May and a Copy of your Letter to Mr. Dilly, and one Letter from him. Your Letter to him is a very agreable one. I hope you will continue to write him, whenever you have Opportunity.
I am afraid you will have more Alarms than are necessary, in Consequence of the Brush at Grape Island. But I hope you will maintain your philosophical Composure.
Saturday last, I took a little Excursion, with Coll. Dyer And Mr. Deane down to Wilmington a pretty Village, about 30 Miles below 212this City upon Delaware River and kept Sabbath there. I find my self better for the Ride.
We have a charming Prospect here of a plentifull summer. Hope it is so with you.
With yours, I had the Pleasure of a Letter, from your Uncle Smith.1 I was rejoiced to find him and his family escaped from Prison.2
Pray let me know, whether your Brother is in the Army and in what Command. Let me know too, about my Brothers. My Love to them—my Love to my Daughter and sons, and all the Family. Tell Brackett, I wish I was with him busied about the Farm. Bass is well.
Not found.
That is, from Boston.
1775-06-07
Two days ago, I was very agreably surprized by a Letter from you,1 which was acceptable both for the important public Intelligence it contained and as it informed me of your Escape from Boston. I had suffered much Anxiety, on Account of yourself and your Family, supposing you were confined in Town and subject to I knew not what Inconveniences or Indignities.
I cant yet learn that Mr. Boylstone, or Mrs. Gill2 are suffered to leave the Town.
News, We have none at this Place. The Proceedings of the Congress, are all secret, but such few Votes as you see in the public Papers. The N. Foundland British Fishery We had taken Care of before I had the Honour of your Letter: and you may depend upon it, that not a Pound of flour, or Bread or Meat goes from any of these Colonies, to supply that fishery.
We have here a most glorious Season, plenty of Rain and as fine a Prospect of Crops as ever Was known. This is in a kind Providence our Security against Famine, and the amazing military Ardor That now prevails, through every Colony upon the Continent, We hope will secure our Country against the Swords of our Enemies.
There are in this City, Three large Regiments, raised, formed, armed, trained, and uniformed under Officers consisting of Gentlemen of the very first Fortune and best Character in the Place. All this has started up, since 19th. April. They cover the Common every Day in 213the Week, Sundays not excepted. There is a Company of young Quakers. This Spirit is not confined to the City, but runs through the Province, and through all the neighbouring Colonies. Saturday afternoon I made a little Excursion down to Wilmington. Every little Village We passed thro, had Companies of Men exercising.
My Duty to my Aunt, my Love to your two sons and to Miss Polly and Miss Betcy and Regards to all friends.3
Not found.
For Smith's children see Adams Genealogy.
1775-06-10
Dr. Church returns to Day, and with smarting Eyes, I must write a few Lines to you. I never had in my Life, such severe Duty to do, and was never worse qualified to do it. My Eyes depress my Spirits and my Health is quite infirm. Yet I keep about and attend Congress very constantly.
I wish I could write freely to you my Dear, but I can not. The Scene before me, is complicated enough. It requires better Eyes and better Nerves than mine. Yet I will not despond. I will lay all Difficulties prostrate at my feet....1 My Health and Life ought to be hazarded, in the Cause of my Country as well as yours, and all my friends.
It is impossible to convey to you any adequate Idea of the Embarrassments, I am under. I wish that you and our Friends may not be in greater Distress than I am. I fear you are. Pray let me know as often as possible. Our Friends write to Mrs.——2 not to me, this time. They dont let us know the State of Boston People, nor the State of the Army in Boston, so exactly as I could wish.
Two days ago, We saw a very wonderfull Phoenomenon in this City—a field Day, on which three Battallions of Soldiers were reviewed, making full two thousand Men. Battallion Men, Light Infantry, Grenadiers, Rifle Men, Light Horse, Artillery Men, with a fine train, all in 214Uniforms, going thro the manual Exercise and the Maneuvres, with remarkable Dexterity. All this has been accomplished in this City, since the 19th. of April. So sudden a formation of an Army never took Place any where.
In Congress We are bound to secrecy: But, under the Rose, I believe, that ten thousand Men will be maintained in the Massachusetts, and five thousand in New York at the Continental Expence.
We have a Major Skeene, just arrived from London with a Commission to be Governer of Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and Surveyor of the Woods &c., close Prisoner.3 He must dispute for his Government with Arnold and Allen.—My Love and Duty, where due.
Suspension points in MS.
Thus in MS. “Mrs.” may represent “Messrs.” or it may be a mistake for “Mr.”
On “Governor” Philip Skene in Philadelphia, see Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:114 and note, with references there.
1775-06-10
Dr. Church has given me a Lotion, which has helped my Eyes so much that I hope you will hear from me oftener than you have done. Pray write me as often and particularly as possible. Send your Letters to the Care of the Committee of safety who will forward them. I long to know, how you fare, and whether you are often discomposed with Alarms. Guard yourself against them my Dear. I think you are in no Danger—dont let the groundless Fears, and fruitfull Imaginations of others affect you. Let me know what guards are kept—and who were principally concerned in the Battle at Grape Island as well as that at Chelsea. The Reputation of our Countrymen for Valour, is very high. I hope they will maintain it, as well as that for Prudence, Caution and Conduct.
When I shall come home I know not. We have Business enough before Us to detain us, untill the 31. of next December. No Assembly ever had a greater Number of great Objects before them. Provinces, Nations, Empires are small Things, before Us.—I wish We were good Architects.
Remember Me to my dear Brother and sister Cranch and to sister Betcy, to my Parent and yours, to my Children, and all. Bass sends his Duty to his father—is quite recovered. Furnival sends his Respects 215to Mr. Cranch and Family. Fenno prays to be remembered to Coll. Palmer, and wants some thing in the Army.
1775-06-11
I have been this Morning to hear Mr. Duffil,1 a Preacher in this City whose Principles, Prayers and Sermons more nearly resemble those of our New England Clergy than any that I have heard.
His Discourse was a kind of Exposition on the thirty fifth Chapter of Isaiah.—America was the Wilderness and the Solitary Place, and he said it would be glad, rejoice, and blossom as the Rose. He laboured to strengthen the weak Hands, and confirm the feeble Knees. He said to them that were of a fearful Heart, be strong, fear not: behold your God will come with Vengeance, even God with a Recompence will come and save you. No Lyon shall be there, nor any ravenous Beast shall go up thereon, but the redeemed shall walk there—&c.
He applied the whole Prophecy to this Country, and gave us, as animating an Entertainment, as I ever heard. He fill'd and swell'd the Bosom of every Hearer.
I hope you have received a Letter, in which I inclosed you, a Pastoral Letter from the Synod of New York and Phyladelphia: by this you will see that the Clergy, this Way, are but now beginning to engage in Politicks, and they engage with a fervour that will produce wonderfull Effects.2
I can now inform you that the Congress have made Choice of the modest and virtuous, the amiable, generous and brave George Washington Esqr., to be the General of the American Army, and that he is to repair as soon as possible to the Camp before Boston.3 This Appointment will have a great Effect, in cementing and securing the Union of these Colonies.—The Continent is really in earnest in defending the Country. They have voted Ten Companies of Rifle Men to be sent from Pensylvania, Maryland and Virginia, to join the Army before Boston. These are an excellent Species of Light Infantry. They use a peculiar Kind of
I begin to hope We shall not sit all Summer.
I hope the People of our Province, will treat the General with all that Confidence and Affection, that Politeness and Respect, which is due to one of the most important Characters in the World. The Liberties of America, depend upon him, in a great Degree.
I have never been able to obtain from our Province, any regular and particular Intelligence since I left it. Kent, Swift, Tudor, Dr. Cooper, Dr. Winthrop, and others wrote me often, last Fall—not a Line from them this Time.
I have found this Congress like the last. When We first came together, I found a strong Jealousy of Us, from New England, and the Massachusetts in Particular. Suspicions were entertained of Designs of Independency—an American Republic—Presbyterian Principles—and twenty other Things. Our Sentiments were heard in Congress, with great Caution—and seemed to make but little Impression: but the longer We sat, the more clearly they saw the Necessity of pursuing vigorous Measures. It has been so now. Every Day We sit, the more We are convinced that the Designs against Us, are hostile and sanguinary, and that nothing but Fortitude, Vigour, and Perseverance can save Us.
But America is a great, unwieldy Body. Its Progress must be slow. It is like a large Fleet sailing under Convoy. The fleetest Sailors must wait for the dullest and slowest. Like a Coach and six—the swiftest Horses must be slackened and the slowest quickened, that all may keep an even Pace.
It is long since I heard from you. I fear you have been kept in continual Alarms. My Duty and Love to all. My dear Nabby, Johnny, Charly and Tommy come here and kiss me.
We have appointed a continental Fast.5 Millions will be upon their Knees at once before their great Creator, imploring his Forgiveness and Blessing, his Smiles on American Councils and Arms.
My Duty to your Uncle Quincy—your Papa, Mama and mine—my Brothers and sisters and yours.
Rev. Annals Amer. Pulpit
, 3:186–192).
A Pastoral Letter from the Synod of New York and Philadelphia, to the Congregations under Their Care; to Be Read from the Pulpits ... June 29, 1775, N.Y., 1775 (Evans 14410). This had 217been written by John Witherspoon as chairman of the committee to draft it (Varnum Lansing Collins, President Witherspoon: A Biography, Princeton, 1925, 1:176–177; 2:248–249). The letter in which JA enclosed it to AA is not identifiable.
Washington was unanimously elected commander in chief on 15 June (
JCC
, 2:91). JA's vivid recollections of this event and of his own part in it are in his
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:321–324.
MS worn, here and below, by creasing.
See
JCC
, 2:81, 87–88; 3:507; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:353; JA to AA, 23 July, below.
Probably unsigned, but the MS is worn away in a crease where the signature, or possibly initials, would have appeared if written.
1775-06-16
I set down to write to you a monday, but really could not compose myself sufficently: the anxiety I sufferd from not hearing one syllable from you for more than five weeks; and the new distress ariseing from the arrival of recruits agitated me more than I have been since the never to be forgotten 142 of April.
I have been much revived by receiving two letters from you last Night, one by the servant of your Friend and the other by the Gentleman you mention, tho they both went to Cambridge, and I have not seen them.3 I hope to send this as a return to you.
I feard much for your Health when you went away. I must intreat you to be as careful as you can consistant with the Duty you owe your Country. That consideration alone prevaild with me to consent to your departure, in a time so perilous and so hazardous to your family, and with a body so infirm as to require the tenderest care and nursing. I wish you may be supported and devinely assisted in this most important crisis when the fate of Empires depend upon your wisdom and conduct. I greatly rejoice to hear of your union, and determination to stand by us.
We cannot but consider the great distance you are from us as a very great misfortune, when our critical situation renders it necessary to hear from you every week, and will be more and more so, as difficulties arise. We now expect our Sea coasts ravaged. Perhaps, the very next Letter I write will inform you that I am driven away from our, yet quiet cottage. Necessity will oblige Gage to take some desperate steps. We are told for Truth, that he is now Eight thousand strong. We live in continual expectation of allarms. Courage I know we have in abundance, conduct I hope we shall not want, but powder—where shall we get a sufficient supply? I wish we may not fail there. Every Town is fill'd with the distressd inhabitants of Boston—our House 218among others is deserted, and by this time like enough made use of as a Barrack.—Mr. Bowdoin with his Lady, are at present in the house of Mrs. Borland,4 and are a going to Middlebouragh to the house of Judge Oliver. He poor Gentleman is so low, that I apprehend he is hastening to an house not made with Hands—looks like a mere skelliton, speaks faint and low, is racked with a voilent cough, and I think far advanced in a consumption. I went to see him last Saturday. He is very inquisitive of every person with regard to the times, beged I would let him know of the first inteligence I had from you, is very unable to converse by reason of his cough. He rides every pleasent Day, and has been kind enough to call at the Door, (tho unable to get out) several times. Says the very name of Hutchinson distresses him. Speaking of him the other day he broke out, “religious Rascal, how I abhor his Name.”
We have had very dry weather not a rainy day since you left us. The english Grass will not yeald half so great a crop as last year. Fruit premisses well, but the Cattepillars have been innumerable.
I wrote you with regard to the money I had got from Providence.5 I have since that obtain'd the rest. I have done as you directed with regard to the payment of some you mentiond, but it incroachd some upon your Stock. You will write me with regard to what you have necessity for and how I shall convey to you.—Mr. Rice is dissapointed of his place in the Army but has hopes of joining a company much talked of here under Mr. Hancock when he returns. I came here with some of my cousin Kents6 who came to see me a day, or two ago, and have left company to write you this afternoon least I should fail of conveyance. Pray be perticuliar when you write as possible—every body wants to hear, and to know what is doing, and what may be communicated, do not fail to inform me. All our Friends desire to be kindly rememberd to you. Gage'es proclamation you will receive by this conveyance. All the records of time cannot produce a blacker page. Satan when driven from the regions of bliss, Exibeted not more malice. Surely the father of lies is superceded.—Yet we think it the best proclamation he could have issued.7
I shall when ever I can, receive and entertain in the best Manner I am capable the Gentlemen who have so generously proferd their Service in our Army. Goverment is wanted in the army, and Else where. We see the want of it more from so large a body being together, than when each individual was imployd in his own domestick circle.—My best regards attend every Man you esteem. You will make my complements to Mr. Miflin and Lady. I do not now wonder at the regard the Laidies express for a Soldier—every man who wears a 219cockade appears of double the importance he used to, and I feel a respect for the lowest Subaltern in the Army.—You tell me you know not when you shall see me. I never trust myself long with the terrors which sometimes intrude themselves upon me.
I hope we shall see each other again and rejoice together in happier Days. The little ones are well, and send Duty to Pappa. Dont fail of letting me hear from you by every opportunity, every line is like a precious Relict of the Saints. Pray dont Expose me by a communication of any of my Letters—a very bad Soar upon the middle finger of my right hand has prevented my writing for 3 weeks. This is the 5 Letter I have wrote you. I hope they have all come to hand.—I have a request to make you. Something like the Barrel of Sand suppose you will think it, but really of much more importance to me. It is that you would send out Mr. Bass and purchase me a bundle of pins and put in your trunk for me. The cry for pins is so great that what we used to Buy for 7.6 are now 20 Shillings and not to be had for that. A bundle contains 6 thousand for which I used to give a Dollor, but if you can procure them for 50
AA inserted the day of the month above the line and then partly overwrote it so that it cannot now be read with certainty. But the letter was at least in part written on the same day as her letter to James Bowdoin of the 16th, q.v., following.
Thus clearly in MS, but meant of course for “19”–an example of AA's habitual and extreme unreliability in dating anything whatever.
The letters were those of 29 and 26 May respectively, one of which came by John Hancock's servant and the other by the Halls of Maryland; both are printed above.
The Vassall-Borland house, now the Adams National Historic Site, 135 Adams Street, Quincy. John Borland, a loyalist, who had used the house as a summer residence, had died earlier this month in Boston; his widow, Anna (Vassall) Borland, recovered this portion of her property after the Revolution, and in 1787, while still in London, JA bought the house and extensive farm surrounding it from Mrs. Borland's son, Leonard Vassall Borland. The “Old House,” as it was long called by the family, was occupied by four generations of Adamses, until the death of BA in 1927. In 1946 the house, outbuildings, and furnishings were presented by the family to the United States, and the property has since then been administered by the National Park Service. See HA2, “The Adams Mansion,” Old-Time New England, 19:3–17 (July 1928), an illustrated account which was issued in an enlarged and separate form by the Adams Memorial Society, Quincy, 1935. As the headquarters of the
family during most of the years covered by this edition of
The Adams Papers
, the Old House will play a large if not a speaking part in the volumes that follow.
No such letter has been found. Since AA says farther on that she has now written five letters to JA since he left Braintree, and this is only the fourth known to be extant, one is obviously missing from the sequence.
These were children of AA's uncle
A proclamation issued by Gage on 12 June but actually written by Gen. John Burgoyne in his characteristically bombastic style. It was directed to “the infatuated multitudes, who have long suffered themselves to be conducted by certain well-known incendiaries and traitors”—all of whom, however, with the exception of Samuel Adams and John Hancock, were promised pardon if they ceased resisting royal authority. Ford, Mass. Broadsides
, No. 1814; Evans 14184.
1775-06-16
I have the Pleasure of acquainting you that I last Evening recieved Letters from Mr. Adams,1 wherein he informs me that the Congress are determined to support the Massachusetts—that there is a good Spirit among them, and that they have an amazing Field of Business before them—that it is extensive, complicated and hazardous, but their Unanimnity is as great as before—that they have a Number of new and ingenious Members—that the military Spirit which runs thro' the Continent is truly amazing. The City of Philadelphia turns out 2000 Men every Day. Mr. Dickinson is a Coll., Mr. Reed a Lt. Coll., Mr. Mifflin a Major.
The Bearer of one of the Letters Mr. Hall is a Maryland Gentleman accompanied by his Brother. Gentlemen of independant Fortune, the one a Lawyer, the other a Physician, and of one of the best Families in Maryland and are come 500 Miles as Volunteers to the Camp, where they intend to spend the Season.
Please Sir to accept my most respectful Regards to Mrs. Bowdoin, and ardent Wishes for the Restoration of your Health from your humble Servant,
1775-06-16
I hoped
MS torn.
Word omitted in MS.
1775-06-18
The Day; perhaps the decisive Day is come on which the fate of America depends. My bursting Heart must find vent at my pen. I have just heard that our dear Friend Dr. Warren is no more but fell gloriously fighting for his Country—saying better to die honourably in the field than ignominiously hang upon the Gallows. Great is our Loss. He has distinguished himself in every engagement, by his courage and fortitude, by animating the Soldiers and leading them on by his own example. A particuliar account of these dreadful, but I hope Glorious Days will be transmitted you, no doubt in the exactest manner.
The race is not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong, but the God of Israel is he that giveth strength and power unto his people. Trust in him at all times, ye people pour out your hearts before him. God is a refuge for us.—Charlstown is laid in ashes. The Battle began upon our intrenchments upon Bunkers Hill, a Saturday morning about 3 o clock and has not ceased yet and tis now 3 o'clock Sabbeth afternoon.
Tis expected they will come out over the Neck to night, and a dreadful Battle must ensue. Almighty God cover the heads of our Country men, and be a shield to our Dear Friends. How
I have been so much agitated that I have not been able to write since Sabbeth day. When I say that ten thousand reports are passing vague and uncertain as the wind I believe I speak the Truth. I am not able to give you any authentick account of last Saturday, but you will not be destitute of inteligence. Coll. Palmer has just sent me word that he has an opportunity of conveyance. Incorrect as this scrawl will be, it shall go. I wrote you last Saturday morning.2 In the afternoon I received your kind favour of the 2 june, and that you sent me by Captn. Beals at the same time.—I ardently pray that you may be supported thro the arduous task you have before you. I wish I could 223contradict the report of the Doctors Death, but tis a lamentable Truth, and the tears of multitudes pay tribute to his memory. Those favorite lines
I rejoice in the prospect of the plenty you inform me of, but cannot say we have the same agreable veiw here. The drought is very severe, and things look but poorly.
Mr. Rice and Thaxter, unkle Quincy, Col. Quincy, Mr. Wibert all desire to be rememberd, so do all our family. Nabby will write by the next conveyance.
I must close, as the Deacon w
JA's brother Elihu lived on a farm farther inland, in what is now Randolph, Mass.
That is, on the 17th. The letter referred to is the one printed above under 16? June but may have been written on more than one day.
Except for bad spelling and punctuation this is an accurate rendering of William Collins' “Ode Written in the Beginning of the Year 1746,” commemorating the British troops who fell at Prestonpans and Falkirk and published in Collins' Odes, London, 1747. JQA learned these moving lines—among the finest produced in the 18th century—in 1775 and never forgot them. In a draft of a letter he wrote in a faltering hand to an English Quaker, Joseph Sturge, on the subject of war and pacifism, dated March 1846 (Adams Papers), he gave his own recollection of the events AA here describes:
“The year 1775 was the eighth year of my age. Among the first fruits of the War, was the expulsion of my father's family from their peaceful abode in Boston, to take refuge in his and my native town of Braintree.... For the space of 224twelve months my mother with her infant children dwelt, liable every hour of the day and of the night to be butchered in cold blood, or taken and carried into Boston as hostages, by any foraging or marauding detachment of men, like that actually sent forth on the 19th. of April, to capture John Hancock and Samuel Adams on their way to attend the continental Congress at Philadelphia. My father was separated from his family, on his way to attend the same continental Congress, and there my mother, with her children lived in unintermitted danger of being consumed with them all in a conflagration kindled by a torch in the same hands which on the 17th. of June lighted the fires in Charlestown. I saw with my own eyes those fires, and heard Britannia's thunders in the Battle of Bunker's hill and witnessed the tears of my mother and mingled with them my own, at the fall of Warren a dear friend of my father, and a beloved Physician to me. He had been our family physician and surgeon, and had saved my fore finger from amputation under a very bad fracture.... My mother was the daughter of a Christian Clergyman and therefore bred in the
faithof deliberate detestation of War.... Yet in that same Spring and Summer of 1775 she taught me to repeat daily after the Lord's prayer, before rising from bed the Ode of Collins, on the patriotwarriorswho fell in the War to subdue the Jacobite rebellion of 1745.How sleep the
brave, who sink to rest....Here follows the rest of Collins' “Ode,” with a single word misquoted. “Of the impression made upon my heart by the sentiments inculcated in these beautiful effusions of patriotism and poetry, you may form an estimate by the fact that now, seventy one years after they were thus taught me, I repeat them from memory without reference to the book.”
JQA's feelings ran so deep on the subject of Bunker Hill battle and Joseph Warren's death that in his Diary he commented with increasing disapproval on the anniversary celebrations of the battle, which grew more and more elaborate during his lifetime. In 1786, for example, he declined to go with his fellow students and the faculty of Harvard College to participate in “a scene of revels, and feasting,” with the head of the table “placed on the very spot where the immortal Warren fell.” And the celebration in 1843 marking the completion of the Monument, with Daniel Webster (“a traitor to the cause of human freedom”) speaking and President Tyler (“a Slave monger”) in attendance, revolted JQA: “I have throughout my life had an utter aversion to all pageants, and public dinners, and never attended one, when I could decently avoid it.... But now with the ideal association of the thundering cannon which I heard, and the smoke of burning Charlestown which I saw on that awful day, combined with this Pyramid of Quincy granite, and Daniel Webster spouting
with a Negro holding an umbrella over his head, and John Tyler's nose with a shadow outstreching that of the monumental column; how could I have witnessed all this at once without an unbecoming burst of indignation or of laughter?”
A cairn of stones at the summit of Penn's Hill in Quincy was erected in 1896 to mark the spot where AA and JQA reputedly viewed the battle and conflagration. The ceremonies dedicating it were simpler than those on Bunker Hill in 1843; see Wilson, Where Amer. Independence Began
, p. 257–259, with illustration. But whether JQA would have approved of them is problematical.
1775-06-18
This Letter, I presume, will go by the brave and amiable General Washington.
Our Army will have a Group of Officers, equal to any service. 225Washington, Ward, Lee, Gates, Gridley,1 together with all the other New England officers, will make a glorious Council of War.
This Congress are all as deep, as the Delegates from the Massachuchusetts, and the whole Continent as forward as Boston.
We shall have a Redress of Grievances, or an Assumption of all the Powers of Government legislative, Executive and judicial, throughout the whole Continent very soon.
Georgia is bestirring itself—I mean the whole of it. The Parish of St. Johns which is one third of it, was with Us before.
All well known officers recently taken into Continental service except Richard Gridley, formerly in the British engineers, who was now serving with the Massachusetts forces and was wounded at Bunker Hill; in September he was named colonel of the Continental regiment of artillery but two months later was superseded by Henry Knox (
Mass. Soldiers and Sailors
; Heitman, Register Continental Army
;
JCC
, 2:256; 3:358–359).
1775-06-22
I received yours
1775-06-23
I have this Morning been out of Town to accompany our Generals Washington, Lee, and Schuyler, a little Way, on their Journey to the American Camp before Boston.
The Three Generals were all mounted, on Horse back, accompanied by Major Mifflin who is gone in the Character of Aid de Camp. All the Delegates from the Massachusetts with their Servants, and Carriages attended. Many others of the Delegates, from the Congress—a large Troop of Light Horse, in their Uniforms. Many Officers of Militia besides in theirs. Musick playing &c. &c. Such is the Pride and Pomp of War. I, poor Creature, worn out with scribbling, for my Bread and my Liberty, low in Spirits and weak in Health, must leave others to wear the Lawrells which I have sown; others, to eat the Bread which I have earned.—A Common Case.
We had Yesterday, by the Way of N. York and N. London, a Report, which distresses us, almost as much as that We had last fall, of the Cannonade of Boston. A Battle at Bunkers Hill and Dorchester Point—three Colonels wounded, Gardiner mortally.1 We wait to hear 227more particulars. Our Hopes and our Fears are alternately very strong. If there is any Truth in this Account, you must be in great Confusion. God Almightys Providence preserve, sustain, and comfort you.
This Moment received two Letters from you. Courage, my dear! We shall be supported in Life, or comforted in Death. I rejoice that my Countrymen behaved so bravely, tho not so skillfully conducted as I could wish. I hope this defect will be remedied by the new modelling of the Army.
Thomas Gardner of Cambridge was elected colonel of the 1st Middlesex regiment after Gen. William Brattle fled to Boston in Sept. 1774; he died in July 1775 of wounds sustained at Bunker Hill (Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, Boston and N.Y., 1877, p. 418–420).
1775-06-24
Long before this will reach you, you will have an Account of the Action, att Charlestown, in which though the regulars have gaind an Advantageous Cituation have paid for itt very dearly, which loss in Millitary Accheivements is lookt upon as trivial. The distruction of Charlestown is a most Melancholy seen, as Three quarters of the Inhabitants have lost there, all. Brother Kent house, W. house, as likewise sister Austin houses are all destroyed,1 and Although the Cheif of the people had removed and there Effects yet there were Considerable of Value in the Town, and likewise a great many things, belonging to Boston people, which had been left in homes to be transported into the Country not expecting any such a devastation would take place so suddenly and not being Able to get Carts have lost them, all, Among which was Doct. Mathers,2 who's daughters came Out the day before.
You will be informed of the state of Our Affairs, by those who have the Management of them, but as we have had several times since the Engagement people who have liberty to go up, by which, some people get a chance down—One three days past and One Yesterday, a Capt. of a ship being up there to see his Owner Mr. B——, was a spectator from the begining a saturday Morning and while there being connected with many of the friends of Govermt. falsly so-called, by which his Account beleive to be as good as any One's. He says he was on Cops 228hill when the orders came for the burning the Town which was about the same time the Troops landed—and was att the seeing the Wounded brought back (the dead ther's, as well as Ours were buried, on Charlestown side). The talk was that they had lost and wounded about a Thousand about 300 of which was killed. Amongst which Numbers of a Thousand, about 80 Officers were killed and wounded, 30 of which Number were dead and many more
since Amongst which was besides Majo. Pitcarn and Williams, Colo. Abbercrombie, (the latter Yesterday, Intelligence brings) haveing dyed after geting to Boston. Itt was said Majo. Sh
Diary and Autobiography
,
2:174), and since no external evidence is yet known to the editors of Gordon's using JA's files—indeed JA replied evasively when Gordon asked for assistance on his History (Gordon to JA, 27 March 1777, Adams Papers, MHS, Procs.
, 63 [1929–1930]:338; JA to Gordon, 8 April 1777, LbC, Adams Papers, JA, Works
, 9:461–462)—it is very surprising to find traces of his hand in the Adams Papers. The identification of persons by their handwriting being a treacherous business, the editors' conclusion that Gordon consulted and docketed some of JA's early Revolutionary correspondence is put forth tentatively and in the expectation, or at least the hope, that it
will be confirmed or disproved by evidence still to be found. But Gordon's spidery hand is highly individualistic and not easily mistaken for anyone else's. He was also a very pertinacious man and investigator, as shown by his letters gathered and edited by Worthington C. Ford (MHS, Procs.
, 63 [1929–1930]: 303–613) and by the references to privately owned materials in the preface, text, and notes in his 4-volume History, eventually published in London in 1788. He had, moreover, something of a habit of marking up the papers he examined when preparing his book. (For an example in the Washington Papers, which he inspected at Mount Vernon in 1784, see Benjamin Rush, Letters
, 1:185.) And it may be pointed out, finally, that references in his correspondence show that Gordon and his wife visited AA in Braintree on a rather familiar footing at times when JA
was absent. Light on this and on more important matters would doubtless be obtainable if Gordon's own papers survive and could be found. He spent his last years, died, and was buried at Ipswich in England. With 230the exception of a single letter (Jefferson to Gordon, 2 July 1787, in Jefferson's Papers, ed. Boyd, 11:525), the present editors, though they have made extensive inquiries, have found no traces of what must once have been a formidable mass of correspondence and other MSS in Gordon's possession. Apparently they were not dispersed. But if not, were they entirely destroyed, or do they lurk somewhere more or less intact?
Thus in MS. “Brother Kent” was Ebenezer Kent, who had married the writer's sister Anna. “Sister Austin” was Mary Smith, wife of Ebenezer Austin. See Adams Genealogy. “W. house” very likely means warehouse, Kent being a merchant.
Rev. Samuel Mather, Harvard 1723, “last and least of a great dynasty,” minister of the Tenth Congregational Society in Boston, where, though not a loyalist, he remained throughout the siege (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 7:216–238).
Illegible. Probably Maj. William Sheriff is meant.
Thomas Boylston.
Thus in MS. Word or words omitted?
1775-06-25
My Father has been more affected with the distruction of Charlstown, than with any thing which has heretofore taken place. Why should not his countanance be sad when the city, the place of his Fathers Sepulchers lieth waste, and the gates thereof are consumed with fire, scarcly one stone remaineth upon an other. But in the midst of sorrow we have abundant cause of thankfulness that so few of our Breathren are numberd with the slain, whilst our enimies were cut down like the Grass before the Sythe. But one officer of all the Welch fuzelers remains to tell his story. Many poor wretches dye for want of proper assistance and care of their wounds.
Every account agrees in 14 and 15 hundred slain and wounded upon their side nor can I learn that they dissemble the number themselves. We had some Heroes that day who fought with amazing intrepidity, and courage—
I hear that General Shakespear.
How should say the Battle upon the plains of Abram was but a Bauble to this. When we consider all the circum-231stances attending this action we stand astonished that our people were not all cut of. They had but one hundred foot intrenched, the number who were engaged, did not exceed 800, and they
We live in continual Expectation of Hostilities. Scarcely a day that does not produce some, but like Good Nehemiah having made our prayer with God, and set the people with their Swords, their Spears and their bows we will say unto them, Be not affraid of them. Remember the Lord who is great and terible, and fight for your Breathren, your sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses.
I have just received yours of the 17 of june in 7 days only.1 Every line from that far Country is precious. You do not tell me how you do, but I will hope better. Alass you little thought what distress we were in the day you wrote. They delight in molesting us upon the Sabbeth. Two Sabbeths we have been in such Alarms that we have had no meeting. This day we have set under our own vine in quietness, have heard Mr. Taft, from psalms.2 The Lord is good to all and his tender mercies are over all his works. The good man was earnest and pathetick. I could forgive his weakness for the sake of his sincerity—but I long for a Cooper and an Elliot. I want a person who has feeling and sensibility who can take one up with him
Mr. Rice joins General Heaths regiment to morrow as adjutant. Your Brother is very desirous of being in the army, but your good Mother is really voilent against it. I cannot persuaid nor reason her into a consent. Neither he nor I dare let her know that he is trying for a place. My Brother has a Captains commission, and is stationd at Cambridge. I thought you had the best of inteligence or I should have taken pains to have been more perticuliar. As to Boston, there are many persons yet there who would be glad to get out if they could. Mr. Boylstone and Mr. Gill the printer with his family are held upon the 232black list tis said. Tis certain they watch them so narrowly that they cannot escape, nor your Brother Swift3 and family. Mr. Mather got out a day or two before Charlstown was distroyed, and had lodged his papers and what else he got out at Mr. Carys, but they were all consumed. So were many other peoples, who thought they might trust their little there; till teams could be procured to remove them. The people from the Alms house and work house were sent to the lines last week, to make room for their wounded they say. Medford people are all removed. Every sea port seems in motion.—O North! may the Groans and cryes of the injured and oppressed Harrow up thy Soul. We have a prodigious Army, but we lack many accomadations which we need. I hope the apointment of these new Generals will give satisfaction. They must be proof against calumny. In a contest like this continual reports are circulated by our Enimies, and they catch with the unwary and the gaping croud who are ready to listen to the marvellous, without considering of consequences even tho there best Friends are injured.—I have not venturd to inquire one word of you about your return. I do not know whether I ought to wish for it—it seems as if your sitting together was absolutely necessary whilst every day is big with Events.
Mr. Bowdoin called a fryday and took his leave of me desiring I would present his affectionate regards to you. I have hopes that he will recover—he has mended a good deal. He wished he could have staid in Braintree, but his Lady was fearful.
I have often heard that fear makes people loving. I never was so much noticed by some people as I have been since you went out of Town, or rather since the 19 of April. Mr. Wpar. You would laugh to see them all run upon the sight of a Letter—like chickens for a crum, when the Hen clucks. Charls says mar What is it any good news? and who is for us and who against us, is the continual inquiry.5—Brother and Sister Cranch send their Love. He has been very well since he removed, for him, and has full employ in his Buisness. Unkel Quincy calls to hear most every day, and as for the Parson, he determines I shall not make the same complaint I did last time, for he comes every other day.
Tis exceeding dry weather. We have not had any rain for a long time. Bracket has mowed the medow and over the way, but it will not be a last years crop.—Pray let me hear from you by every opportunity till I have the joy of once more meeting you. Yours ever more,
P.S. Tell Bass his father and family are well.
AA unquestionably means JA's letter of 18 June, above.
Rev. Moses Taft, Harvard 1751, a neighboring minister in what is now Randolph, Mass. (Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.
).
Samuel Swift, Harvard 1735, not a relative but a brother lawyer and close friend of JA; see JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 1:293 and passim.
Perhaps “Allen,” but not now identifiable.
This homely passage, along with much else in the present letter, was omitted by CFA in his several editions of AA's letters.
1775-06-28
One of the many brave and gallant Actions that have graced our Arms, I take the Liberty of writing you an Account of. The most important Transactions, since your Abscence, you are undoubtedly already informed of; but as this, I am about to relate, is just come to hand, I embrace the Opportunity of sending you an Account of it by the Express.
Not long before the Date of this, General Gage dispatched two Sloops with Provision to Machias, under the Convoy of a Tender—this Provision was to be exchanged for Lumber and other Articles. Stephen and Ichabod Jones the Contractors had made Application to the Town to supply the Army and Navy with Lumber—one of the Traitors was taken Prisoner, the other fled to the
A few Days agone arrived at Nantucket, after seven Weeks Passage, a Vessel from England. One of the Passengers, Viz. Mr. William Palfray brought Letters from some of our Enemies in England for our Refugees—he carried them to Watertown and they were read in Congress.3 There was one from that infamous Parricide H
Mr. Blowers and Bliss write to Leonard, Taylor, the Amorys and others. They lash us with Infatuation, Delusion and Cowardice. They prophecy no Resistance at all
We hear General Washington is expected very soon. Almost every Tongue is applauding the Wisdom of the Appointment, and almost every Arm is expanded to recieve him. From present Appearances, We have Reason to believe there will be such a Reception, as will give a most weighty Confirmation to the Appointment.—Master C
I am sorry to inform you that our Company does not continue their Exercise. Not once have they met since your Abscence. We want you, Sir, to animate us.
My Father and Mother send their Respects to you and wish you better Health.
Please to accept this and my Wishes for a Restoration of your Health, 235and the following Toast lately given by Coll. Orne, “may the Justice of Britain disarm every American.”
Here and below, MS is torn by seal.
The action of 11–12 June resulting in the capture of the British vessel Margaretta by the mariners of Machias was the first sea fight of the Revolution, and much has accordingly been written about it. See French, First Year
, p. 360–361.
Palfrey presented these letters to the Provincial Congress on 29 June (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.
, p. 419, 420).
On Ensign Robert Campbell's unhappy adventures (he was only 17), see same, p. 405, 407, 410, 419, 420.
Joseph Cleverly, Harvard 1733, JA's old schoolmaster; he was a devout Anglican and was strongly loyalist in his politics, but despite some threats against him he was not forced to leave Braintree during the Revolution (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, passim; Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 9:285–288).
1775-07-03
You have no Doubt long before this heard of the unhappy Fate of Charlestown, its Destruction by Fire, the forcing of our Entrenchments there by the ministerial Troops and the Loss of our valuable Friend Doct. Warren who was shot through the Breast and soon expir'd. The Entrenchments were unfinishd the work of but one Night. However, they were gallantly defended and by all Accounts, there was an amazing Destruction amongst the british Troops; a Victory bought at the dearest Rate—and if all their Victories are thus bought, they will exactly resemble the Soldier who conquers but in the Contest recieves a Wound of which he afterwards dies. The lowest Accountt of their Loss amounts to 1000 Killd and Wounded and the greater part of those who have come out of Boston since the Engagement report from 13 to 1400 and some have gone as far as 1800. On our Side about 50 were killd, from 25 to 30 Prisoners mostly wounded, 100 and upwards wounded who returnd from the Battle. Of the Killd, Wounded and those that were made Prisoners I believe they dont exceed 200—which considering the amazing Disadvantages they were under surrounded almost on every side, exposed to the Fire of the Army, Ships and Floating Batteries, blinded and choaked with the Smoak of the Town that it seems almost miraculous so few were killd and wounded. Not above 800 or 900 of our Men were engag'd in this 236Battle and the British Troops were from 3 to 5000 according to the best Accounts We Can get. Could You my Friend send us a Recipe for the Destruction of those Vermin that float on the Watre and spit out their Venom, Fire and Rage at us, it is probable we should maintain our Ground, and make a pretty good Figure amongst the Warriors and Heroes of this Age. But they sadly worry us. All our Harbours are seald. No Provision Vessell enters. Quere How are Ordnance Stores to get in.—Since the Engagement Our Forces have been very industrious in entrenching and fortifying at Roxbury, Cambridge and in the Environs of Charlestown.
This Morning We hear from McNeal a Rope maker who got out of Boston Yesterday—That in the late Battle 90 Commissiond and 180 or 190 non commission'd officers of the British Troops were wounded and slain. What must then be the Number of Privates! Col. Bruce, Majr. Pitcairn, Majr. Small, Majr. Sheriff are said to be amongst the Dead. These are mentiond by those that come from Town. But all Accounts from that Quarter are to be receiv'd cum Grano Salis. For the Inhabitants of the Town (at present) are in the most abject State imaginable, under military Law, insulted, afraid to stir, move or ask Questions.—However what I have mentiond in the former part of this Letter relative to the Destruction of the British Troops is perhaps well grounded as it is supported by Accounts from J. Bradford, King, Cockran (Bartlet and John Thomas of Plimouth), McNeal and sundry others who have come out at different Times since the Engagement and by Hartly from Hospital Island who was sent here last Week by the Selectmen of Boston (at the Desire (as they say) of 25 Prisoners from the Country and many of them dangerously wounded) for fresh Provision. By the advice of Congress some Fresh Provision was sent. This same Hartley (alias his Wife) has been at Weymouth twice since the Engagement and confirm the above Accounts.
Having told You what there seems to be pretty good Authority for, I will mention some Things that I cannot vouch for but are commonly talkd off—Viz. that Genl. Burgoine has not been seen since the Battle—some say that He was slain, others that He immediately embarked for England.—That 250 Soldiers Widows were sent to England or Ireland in a Transport Ship, Gen. Gage not being able to support them in Boston. If true, methinks these will be weighty Preachers.—That 40 or 50 Ton of Powder has got into New York.—That the Rhode Islanders are fitting out Privateers—&c. &c. We were not long since told that in that Vessel, which was brought in to Philadelphia with 237Col. Skeene, were 70 Chests of Arms. Pray let me know whether it was a Fact.
You complain in a Letter to your Bosom Friend that your former Correspondents have forgot You. You see by this, that one (at least) bears You in Remembrance, and if You will accept this as it is without being transcribed, and with its Length, I'll promise you a shorter one if Life and Health permits, by future Conveyance. My Health has been declining. The Alarms we have had Here and the multiplicity of Care and Business That devolvd on me in Consequence of them, with the Infirmities of Body have almost destroyd me. This Fortnight past I have recruited much. A General Time of Health. No reigning Disorder Except the Rash which is in almost every Town. The Season has been very dry—from Boston to Scituate on the Sea Shore extending about 10 Miles back—in Weymouth not more than half the Hay on Upland that was produc'd last Year. Your Land produces Hay in plenty, dry or wet, That I trust You will have enough for Yourself and some for your Neighbours. Your's, your Father Smith's and my Family are well. It would be agreeable to hear from You, and to be inform'd what is in Agitation in your grand assembly &c. That Heaven may inspire You all with Wisdom and make You happily instrumental of the Salvation of America is the Ardent Wish and Prayer of Dear Sr.
I am this moment informd that your Congress, in Settlement of the Generals have made Col. H
Of the eight Continental brigadier generals appointed by Congress on 22 June, three were Massachusetts men: Seth Pomeroy (ranking first), William 238Heath (ranking fourth), and John Thomas (ranking sixth) (
JCC
, 2:103). This meant that Heath had been jumped over Thomas, his senior in the Massachusetts service. Happily Pomeroy, a tired old veteran, never took up his Continental command. On the recommendation of Washington and by motion of JA, Congress on 19 July promoted Thomas to Pomeroy's place as first brigadier general (same, p. 191; JA to James Warren, 23 July,
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:85–86). See also French, First Year
, p. 295, 304–306, 753–754.
1775-07-04
This Letter is to go by my worthy Friend Mr. Stephen Collins of this City. This Gentleman is of Figure and Eminence as well as Fortune in this Place. He is of the Perswasion of the Friends, but not stiff nor rigid. He is a Native of Lynn in New England, a Brother of Ezra Collins in Boston, a Nephew of Friend Collins the Apothecary in Boston. I have been treated by him in this City, both in the former Congress and the present, with unbounded Civility, and Friendship. His House is open to every New Englandman. I never knew a more agreable Instance of Hospitality.1
I beg, my dear, that he may be treated with every Expression of Gratitude, Affection and Esteem. Perswade him to go to Weymouth to see your Father and Dr. Tufts, if you can, and your Unkle Quincy.
A certain Mr. John Kaighn, (they pronounce his Name Cain) another Quaker of liberal sentiments is in Company with Mr. Collins. This Mr. Kaighn has been a principal Cause of the Prevalence of the Principles of Liberty among the Quakers, and of forming a Company of Light Infantry, composed entirely of Gentlemen of that Perswasion, who appear constantly in neat uniforms and perform very well.
I have lost all my Friends in the Massachusetts Bay, excepting my Wife, Coll. Warren and Coll. Palmer. From each of these I have received two or three Letters and no more. Not a scratch of a Pen have I been able to obtain from any Body else. We are constantly obliged to go to the Delegates from Connecticutt and Rhode Island for Intelligence of what is passing at Boston, Charlestown, Cambridge, Roxbury and Watertown. I am, my dear ever yours,
Collins made a similarly favorable impression on other New Englanders. William Whipple, for example, speaks of breakfasting “with that Generous Whig Quaker Stephen Collins who lives about 3 Miles from Philadelphia” when returning to New Hampshire from Congress in 1777 (
PMHB
, 10 [1886]:366). See also AA to JA, 16 July, below.
1775-07-05
I have received a good deal of paper from you; I wish it had been more coverd; the writing is very scant but I must not grumble. I know your time is not yours, nor mine. Your Labours must be great, and your mouth closed, but all you may communicate I beg you would. There is a pleasure I know not whence it arises nor can I stop now to find it out, but I say there is a degree of pleasure in being able to tell new's—especially any which so nearly concerns us as all your proceedings do.
I should have been more particuliar but I thought you knew every thing that pass'd here. The present state of the inhabitants of Boston is that of the most abject slaves under the most cruel and despotick of Tyrants. Among many instances I could mention let me relate one. Upon the 17 of june printed hand Bills were pasted up at the corner of streets and upon houses forbideing any inhabitant to go upon their houses or upon any eminence upon pain of death.1 The inhabitants dared not to look out of their houses nor bee heard or seen to ask a Question. Our prisoners were brought over to the long wharff and there laid all night without any care of their wounds or any resting place but the pavements till the next day, when they exchanged it for the jail, since which we hear they are civily treated. Their living cannot be good, as they can have no fresh provisions. Their Beaf we hear is all gone, and their own wounded men die very fast, so that they
have raisd a report that the Bullets were poisond. Fish they cannot have—they have renderd it so difficult to procure it, and the Admiral is such a villan as to oblige every fishing schooner to pay a Dollor every time they go out. The money that has been paid for passes is incredible. Some have given ten twenty 30 and forty Dollors, to get out with a small proportion of their things. Tis reported and believed that they have taken up a number of persons and committed them to jail—we know not for what in perticuliar. Master Lovel is confined to the Dungeon, a Son of Mr. Edes is in jail. One Mr. Wendle
I would not have you be distressd about me. Danger they say makes people valient. Heitherto I have been distress'd, but not dismayed. I have felt for my Country and her Sons, I have bled with them, and for them. Not all the havock and devastation they have made, has 240wounded me like the death of Warren. We wanted him in the Senate, we want him in his profession, we want him in the field. We mourn for the citizen, the senator, the physician and the Warriour. May we have others raised up in his room.
I have had a very kind and friendly visit from our dear Friends Col. Warren, Lady and Son. Mrs. Warren spent a week almost with me, and he came and met her here and kept Sabbeth with me. Suppose she will write to you, tho she says you are in her debt.2
You scarcely make mention of Dr. Franklin. Surely he must be a valuable member. Pray what is become of your Judas. I see he is not with you upon the list of Delegates?3 I wish I could come and see you. I never suffer myself to think you are about returning soon. Can it, will it bee? May I ask? May I wish for it? When once I expect you the time will crawl till I see you—but hush—do you know tis eleven o clock at Night?
We have had some very fine rains, since I wrote you last. I hope we shall not now have famine added to war. Grain Grain is what we want here—meat we may have enough and to spair. Pray dont let Bass forget my pins. Hardwick has applied to me for Mr. Bass to get him a 100 of needles no. 6 to carry on his stocking weaving.4 He says they in Phyladelphia will know the proper needle. We shall very soon have no coffee nor sugar nor pepper here—but huckle berrys and milk we are not obliged to commerce for.
All the good folks here send their regards. Unkle Quincy is just gone from here, sends his love. You dont say in the two last Letters I received how you do. I hope I have not felt unwell by sympathy, but I have been very unwell for this week tho better now. I saw a Letter of your
No such handbill has been found.
Mercy Warren wrote JA this day from Watertown; her letter is in the Adams Papers and is printed, incompletely, in
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:71–73.
Very likely Joseph Galloway is meant. He had served as a Pennsylvania delegate in the Continental Congress of 1774 and been reelected in Dec. 1774, but he disapproved of the measures adopted by the first Congress, published pamphlets against them in the early months of 1775, and in May declined to serve in the second Congress. He ultimately went over to the British side. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:lix; Julian P. Boyd, Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway's Plans to Preserve the British Empire, 1774–1788, Phila., 1941, p. 44–50.
The Hardwicks (Hardwigs, Hartwicks, Hartwigs) were one of the families of artisans in the industrial colony
[fol. 240]
[fol. 240]
[fol. 240]
[fol. 240]
241established at Germantown in the 1750's; their name was early Anglicized, and they became substantial citizens of Braintree and Quincy. See Pattee, Old Braintree and Quincy
, p. 480 and passim.
Dated 20 June 1775 (PHC; facsimile in William Brotherhead, The Centennial Book of the Signers, Phila., 1872 [i.e. 1875], p. 175–176).
1775-07-07
I have received your very agreable Favours of June 22d. and 25th. They contain more particulars than any Letters I had before received from any Body.
It is not at all surprizing to me that the wanton, cruel, and infamous Conflagration of Charlestown, the Place of your Fathers Nativity, should afflict him. Let him know that I sincerely condole with him, on that melancholly Event. It is a Method of conducting War long since become disreputable among civilized Nations: But every Year brings us fresh Evidence, that We have nothing to hope for from our loving Mother Country, but Cruelties more abominable than those which are practiced by the Savage Indians.
The account you give me of the Numbers slain on the side of our Enemies, is affecting to Humanity, altho it is a glorious Proof of the Bravery of our Worthy Countrymen. Considering all the Disadvantages under which they fought, they really exhibited Prodigies of Valour.
Your Description of the Distresses of the worthy Inhabitants of Boston, and the other Sea Port Towns, is enough to melt an Heart of stone. Our Consolation must be this, my dear, that Cities may be rebuilt, and a People reduced to Poverty, may acquire fresh Property: But a Constitution of Government once changed from Freedom, can never be restored. Liberty once lost is lost forever. When the People once surrender their share in the Legislature, and their Right of defending the Limitations upon the Government, and of resisting every Encroachment upon them, they can never regain it.
The Loss of Mr. Mathers Library, which was a Collection, of Books and Manuscripts made by himself, his Father, his Grandfather, and Greatgrandfather, and was really very curious and valuable, is irreparable.2
The Family picture you draw is charming indeed. My dear Nabby, Johnny, Charly and Tommy, I long to see you, and to share with your Mamma the Pleasures of your Conversation.
I feel myself much obliged to Mr. Bowdoin, Mr. Wibirt, and the two Families you mention, for their Civilities to you. My Compli-242ments to them. Does Mr. Wibirt preach against Oppression, and the other Cardinal Vices of the Times? Tell him the Clergy here, of every Denomination, not excepting the Episcopalian, thunder and lighten every sabbath. They pray for Boston and the Massachusetts—they thank God most explicitly and fervently for our remarkable Successes—they pray for the American Army. They seem to feel as if they were among you.
You ask if every Member feels for Us? Every Member says he does—and most of them really do. But most of them feel more for themselves. In every Society of Men, in every Clubb, I ever yet saw, you find some who are timid, their Fears hurry them away upon every Alarm—some who are selfish and avaricious, on whose callous Hearts nothing but Interest and Money can make Impression. There are some Persons in New York and Philadelphia, to whom a ship is dearer than a City, and a few Barrells of flower, than a thousand Lives—other Mens Lives I mean.
You ask, can they reallize what We suffer? I answer No. They cant, they dont—and to excuse them as well as I can, I must confess I should not be able to do it, myself, if I was not more acquainted with it by Experience than they are.
I am grieved for Dr. Tufts's ill Health: but rejoiced exceedingly at his virtuous Exertions in the Cause of his Country.
I am happy to hear that my Brothers were at Grape Island and behaved well. My Love to them, and Duty to my Mother.
It gives me more Pleasure than I can express to learn that you sustain with so much Fortitude, the Shocks and Terrors of the Times. You are really brave, my dear, you are an Heroine. And you have Reason to be. For the worst that can happen, can do you no Harm. A soul, as pure, as benevolent, as virtuous and pious as yours has nothing to fear, but every Thing to hope and expect from the last of human Evils.
Am glad you have secured an Assylum, tho I hope you will not have occasion for it.
Love to Brother Cranch and sister and the Children.
There is an amiable, ingenious Hussy, named Betcy Smith, for whom I have a very great Regard. Be pleased to make my Love acceptable to her, and let her know, that her elegant Pen cannot be more usefully employed than in Writing Letters to her Brother at Phyladelphia, tho it may more agreably in writing Billet doux to young Gentlemen.
The other Day, after I had received a Letter of yours, with one or two others, Mr. William Barrell desired to read them. I put them into 243his Hand, and the next Morning had them returned in a large Bundle packed up with two great Heaps of Pins, with a very polite Card requesting Portias Acceptance of them.3 I shall bring them with me
I have really had a very disagreable Time of it. My Health and especialy my Eyes have been so very bad, that I have not been so fit for Business as I ought, and if I had been in perfect Health, I should have had in the present Condition of my Country and my Friends, no Taste for Pleasure. But Dr. Young has made a kind of Cure of my Health and Dr. Church of my Eyes.
Have received two kind Letters from your Unkle Smith5—do thank him for them—I shall forever love him for them. I love every Body that writes to me.
Corrected from “June” by overwriting.
The Mather family books and MSS largely survived and now form “the greatest treasure of the American Antiquarian Society” (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 7:236). JA's knowledge of this famous collection derived from direct use of it; see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:302.
See AA's request in her letter to JA of 16? June, above. Barrell's “Card” has not been found, Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:95). A collection of Barrell's papers is in MHi, including a long and important series of letters written to him by his brother-in-law John Andrews, 1772–1776, printed in MHS, Procs.
, 1st ser., 8 (1864–1865): 316–412.
MS torn by seal.
Only one has been found, that of 24 June–1 July, above.
1775-07-12
I have met with some abuse and very Ill treatment. I want you for my protector and justifier.
In this Day of distress for our Boston Friends when every one does what in them lyes to serve them, your Friend Gorge Trott and family moved up to Braintree, went in with her two Brothers and families with her Father, but they not thinking themselves so secure as further in the Country moved away.1 After they were gone Mr. Church took the house and took a number of borders. Mr. Trott had engaged a house near his Friends but being prevented going quite so soon as he 244designd, and the great distress people were in for houses, the owner had taken in a family and dissapointed Mr. Trott, nor could he procure a house any where, for the more remote from the sea coast you go the thicker you find the Boston people. After this dissapointment, he had his Goods without unloading brought back to Braintree, and he with all his family were obliged to shelter themselves in your Brothers house till he could seek further.2 You know, from the situation of my Brothers family it was impossible for them to tarry there, Mrs. Trots circumstances requiring more rooms than one. In this extremity he applied to me to see if I would not accommodate him with the next house, every other spot in Town being full. I sent for Mr. Hayden and handsomely asked him, he said he would try, but he took no pains to procure himself a place.3 There were several in the other parish which were to be let, but my Gentleman did not chuse to go there. Mr. Trot upon account of his Buisness which is in considerable demand wanted to be here. Mr. Trott, finding there was no hopes of his going out said he would go in with him, provided I would let him have the chamber I improved for a Dairy room and the lower room and chamber over it which Hayden has. I then sent and asked Mr. Hayden to be so kind as to remove his things into the other part of the house and told him he might
improve the kitchen and back chamber, the bed room and the Dairy room in which he already had a bed. He would not tell me whether he would or not, but said I was turning him out of Door to oblige Boston folks, and he could not be stired up, and if you was at home you would not once ask him to go out, but was more of a Gentleman. (You must know that both his Sons are in the army, not but one Days Work has been done by any of them this Spring.) I as mildly as I could represented the distress of Mr. Trot and the difficulties to which he had been put—that I looked upon it my Duty to do all in my power to Oblige him—and that he Hayden would be much better accommodated than hundreds who were turnd out of Town—and I finally said that Mr. Trott should go in. In this State, Sister Adams got to bed and then there was not a Spot in Brothers house for them to lie down in.4 I removed my dairy things, and once more requested the old Man to move into the other
part of the house, but he positively tells me he will not and all the art of Man shall not stir him, even dares me to put any article out of one room into an other. Says Mr. Trot shall not come in—he has got possession and he will keep it. What not have a place to entertain his children in when they come to see him. I now write you an account of the matter, and desire you to write to him and give me orders what course I shall take. I must take Mr. Trott in with 245me and all his family for the present, till he can look out further or have that house. It would make your heart ake to see what difficulties and distresses the poor Boston people are driven to. Belcher has two families with him. There are 3 in Veses
It would be needless to enumerate all his impudence. Let it suffice to say it moved me so much that I had hard Work to suppress my temper. I want to know whether his things may be removed into the other part of the house, whether he consents or not? Mr. Trott would rejoice to take the whole, but would put up with any thing rather than be a burden to his Friends. I told the old Man I believed I was doing nothing but what I should be justified in. He says well tis a time of war get him out if I can, but cannon Ball shall not move him. If you think you are able to find 3 houses, for 3 such tenents as you have they must abide where they are,5 tho I own I shall be much mortified if you do not support me.6
I feel too angry to make this any thing further than a Letter of Buisness. I am most sincerely yours,
George Trott, a Boston jeweler who lived in the South End and was an active Son of Liberty, had in 1776 married Ann Boylston Cunningham, daughter of JA's uncle James Cunningham (JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:294; Adams Genealogy).
This brother was evidently Peter Boylston Adams; see note 4.
Braintree literally teemed with Haydens, old and young, and the particular Hayden or Haydens who were at this time apparently tenants in the John Adams Birthplace cannot be identified. (This entire letter and all other allusions to the dispute with old Mr. Hayden were omitted by CFA in editing the correspondence of AA and JA.)
AA reported the recent birth of a niece in her letter to Mercy Warren, 24 July, below; and a daughter of Peter Boylston and Mary (Crosby) Adams was baptized Susannah on 16 July (Quincy, First Church, MS Records). She died in April 1776. See Adams Genealogy.
Thus in MS.
Three years later AA felt that she had “wrought almost a miracle” when she finally succeeded in getting Hayden “out of the house, or rather hired him to remove” (to John Thaxter, 9 April 1778, Adams Papers).
1775-07-16
I have this afternoon had the pleasure of receiving your Letter by your Friends Mr. Collins and Kaighn and an English Gentle man his 246Name I do not remember. It was next to seeing my dearest Friend. Mr. Collins could tell me more perticuliarly about you and your Health than I have been able to hear since you left me. I rejoice in his account of your better Health, and of your spirits, tho he says I must not expect to see you till next spring. I hope he does not speak the truth. I know (I think I do, for am not I your Bosome Friend?) your feelings, your anxieties, your exertions, &c. more than those before whom you are obliged to wear the face of chearfulness.1
I have seen your Letters to Col. Palmer and Warren. I pity your Embaresments. How difficult the task to quench out the fire and the pride of private ambition, and to sacrifice ourselfs and all our hopes and expectations to the publick weal. How few have souls capable of so noble an undertaking—how often are the lawrels worn by those who have had no share in earning them, but there is a future recompence of reward to which the upright man looks, and which he will most assuredly obtain provided he perseveres unto the end.—The appointment of the Generals Washington and Lee, gives universal satisfaction. The people have the highest opinion of Lees abilities, but you know the continuation of the popular Breath, depends much upon favorable events.
I had the pleasure of seeing both the Generals and their Aid de camps soon after their arrival and of being personally made known to them. They very politely express their regard for you. Major Miflin said he had orders from you to visit me at Braintree. I told him I should be very happy to see him there, and accordingly sent Mr. Thaxter to Cambridge with a card to him and Mr. Read
I was struck with General Washington. You had prepaired me to entertain a favorable opinion of him, but I thought the one half was not told me. Dignity with ease, and complacency, the Gentleman and Soldier look agreably blended in him. Modesty marks every line and feture of his face. Those lines of Dryden instantly occurd to me
General Lee looks like a careless hardy Veteran and from his appear-247ence brought to my mind his namesake Charls the 12, king of Sweeden. The Elegance of his pen far exceeds that of his person. I was much pleased with your Friend Collins. I persuaded them to stay coffe with me, and he was as unreserved and social as if we had been old acquaintances, and said he was very loth to leave the house. I would have detaind them till morning, but they were very desirous of reaching Cambridge.
You have made often and frequent complaints that your Friends do not write to you. I have stired up some of them. Dr. Tufts, Col. Quincy, Mr. Tudor, Mr. Thaxter all have wrote you now, and a Lady whom I am willing you should value preferable to all others save one.2 May not I in my turn make complaints? All the Letters I receive from you seem to be wrote in so much haste, that they scarcely leave room for a social feeling. They let me know that you exist, but some of them contain scarcely six lines. I want some sentimental Effusions of the Heart. I am sure you are not destitute of them or are they all absorbed in the great publick. Much is due to that I know, but being part of the whole I lay claim to a Larger Share than I have had. You used to be more communicative a Sundays. I always loved a Sabeth days letter, for then you had a greater command of your time—but hush to all complaints.
I am much surprized that you have not been more accurately informd of what passes in the camps. As to intelegance from Boston, tis but very seldom we are able to collect any thing that may be relied upon, and to report the vague flying rumours would be endless. I heard yesterday by one Mr. Rolestone
This Town have chosen their Representative. Col. Palmer is the Man. There was a considerable musture upon Thayers side, and Vin-249tons company marched up in order to assist, but got sadly dissapointed. Newcomb insisted upon it that no man should vote who was in the army—he had no notion of being under the Military power—said we might be so situated as to have the greater part of the people engaged in the Military, and then all power would be wrested out of the hands of the civil Majestrate. He insisted upon its being put to vote, and carried his point immediately. It brought Thayer to his Speach who said all he could against it.6—As to the Situation of the camps, our Men are in general Healthy, much more so at Roxbury than Cambridge, and the Camp in vastly better order. General Thomas has the character of an Excelent officer. His Merit has certainly been overlook'd, as modest merrit generally is. I hear General Washington is much pleased with his conduct.
Every article here in the West india way is very scarce and dear. In six week
We have not yet been much distressed for grain. Every thing at 250present looks blooming. O that peace would once more extend her olive Branch.
Our little ones send Duty to pappa. You would smile to see them all gather round mamma upon the reception of a letter to hear from pappa, and Charls with open mouth, What does par say—did not he write no more. And little Tom says I wish I could see par. Upon Mr. Rice's going into the army he asked Charls if he should get him a place, he catchd at it with great eagerness and insisted upon going. We could not put him of, he cryed and beged, no obstical we could raise was sufficent to satisfy him, till I told him he must first obtain your consent. Then he insisted that I must write about it, and has been every day these 3 weeks insisting upon my asking your consent. At last I have promised to write to you, and am obliged to be as good as my word.8—I have now wrote you all I can collect from every quarter. Tis fit for no eye but yours, because you can make all necessary allowances. I cannot coppy.
There are yet in Town 4 of the Selectmen and some thousands of inhabitants tis said.—I hope to hear from you soon. Do let me know if there is any prospect of seeing you? Next Wedensday is 13 weeks since you went away.
I must bid you adieu. You have many Friends tho they have not noticed you by writing. I am sorry they have been so neglegent. I hope no share of that blame lays upon your most affectionate
Mr. Cranch has in his possession a Barrel of Mrs. Wilkings Beer which belonged to the late Dr. Warren. He does not know what to do with it. Suppose you should take it and give credit for it, as there will be neither wine, lemmons or any thing else to be had but what we make ourselves. Write me your pleasure about it.
Parentheses in this sentence have been supplied for clarity.
Mercy Warren. All the letters mentioned are in Adams Papers
The name of a character in Mercy Warren's satire The Group standing for Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 273–275; Marshfield... The Autobiography of a Pilgrim Town, Marshfield, 1940, p. 115–120, 138–143.
These actions occurred on 11–12 July. Long Island lies in Boston Harbor about halfway between Quincy and Boston; “the Moon” is Moon Island, just off Squantum peninsula toward Long Island. For further details see Richard Cranch to JA, 24 July, below.
Great Hill is at the extremity of Hough's Neck in present Quincy, and Pig Rock is half a mile offshore from Great Hill.
This election was held on 10 July. The new House of Representatives convened at Watertown on the 19th, and two days later Joseph Palmer was elected to the Council. On 14 Aug., therefore, a new election was held at Braintree, and Col. Ebenezer Thayer was returned to the House. See
Braintree Town Records
, p. 463; Mass., House Jour.
, 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 6.
The Hayden family; see preceding letter.
This entire paragraph, to this point, was silently omitted by CFA when editing the present letter.
1775-07-17
About five O Clock this Morning, I went with young Dr. Bond at his Invitation and in his Carriage, to his Fathers Seat in the Country. His Mother, with three of her Grand Children, little Girls, resides here. The old Lady has lately lost two of her Children grown up, and as she cannot forget them, retires to this little Box, to indulge or aswage her Grief.1 The House is only one small room, with one Chamber over it. But the Farm is large, the Gardens very spacious, the orchards noble, and the Fruit Trees, very numerous and of great Variety. Noble Rowes of poplar Trees, in Europe they are called Tulip Trees, a more noble and beautifull Tree, than our Lime Trees. The House stands upon the highest Land, that is any where to be found in the Neighbourhood of this City. The Prospect round it is rural, very spacious and very agreable. The Air is very pure.
We breakfasted, upon balm Tea and Bread and Butter. A most amuzing and refreshing Excursion We had, and such Excursions are very necessary to preserve our Health, amidst the suffocating Heats of the City, and the wasting, exhausting Debates of the Congress.
252This young Dr. Bond is above thirty, perhaps near forty. He has lost his Wife, and has two pretty little Girls—one about Ten Years old who sings most sweetly and dances, delightfully. He is the Tom Brattle of Philadelphia2—fat and jolly, a Lover of Pleasure, educated at the Colledge here, has been in Trade, and sunk his father five or six thousand Pounds sterling, and then returned to the Study and practice of Physic. Wine and Women he uses very freely. There is a pretty Girl, in a Chamber opposite to his Lodgings in the City, with whom he is supposed to have Connections.—Epicurism and Debauchery, are more common in this Place than in Boston.
I never observe in the World, an Example, of any Person brought to Poverty from Affluence, from Health to Distemper, from Fame to Disgrace by the Vices and Follies of the age, but it throws me into a deep Rumination upon Education. My poor Children, I fear will loose some Advantages in Point of Education, from my continual Absence from them. Truth, Sobriety, Industry should be pe
Pray my dear, let them be taught Geography and the Art of copying as well as drawing Plans of Cities, Provinces, Kingdoms, and Countries—especially of America. I have found great Inconvenience for Want of this Art, since I have had to contemplate America so much, and since I had to study the Processes and Operations of War.
But their Honour, Truth, in one Word their Morals, are of most importance. I hope these will be kept pure.
DAB
). Their son Letters
, 1:154 and passim; Louis C. Duncan, Medical Men in the American Revolution, Carlisle, 1931, p. 184 and passim).
Colls.
, 1st ser., 8 (1802):82–85.
1775-07-23
You have more than once in your Letters mentioned Dr. Franklin, and in one intimated a Desire that I should write you something concerning him.
253Dr. Franklin has been very constant in his Attendance on Congress from the Beginning. His Conduct has been composed and grave and in the Opinion of many Gentlemen very reserved. He has not assumed any Thing, nor affected to take the lead; but has seemed to choose that the Congress should pursue their own Principles and sentiments and adopt their own Plans: Yet he has not been backward: has been very usefull, on many occasions, and discovered a Disposition entirely American. He does not hesitate at our boldest Measures, but rather seems to think us, too irresolute, and backward. He thinks us at present in an odd State, neither in Peace nor War, neither dependent nor independent. But he thinks that We shall soon assume a Character more decisive.
He thinks, that We have the Power of preserving ourselves, and that even if We should be driven to the disagreable Necessity of assuming a total Independency, and set up a separate state, We could maintain it. The People of England, have thought that the Opposition in America, was wholly owing to Dr. Franklin: and I suppose their scribblers will attribute the Temper, and Proceedings of this Congress to him: but there cannot be a greater Mistake. He has had but little share farther than to co operate and assist. He is however a great and good Man. I wish his Colleagues from this City were All like him, particularly one,1 whose Abilities and Virtues, formerly trumpeted so much in America, have been found wanting.
There is a young Gentleman from Pensylvania whose Name is Wilson, whose Fortitude, Rectitude, and Abilities too, greatly outshine his Masters. Mr. Biddle, the Speaker, has been taken off, by Sickness. Mr. Mifflin is gone to the Camp, Mr. Morton is ill too, so that this Province has suffered by the Timidity of two overgrown Fortunes. The Dread of Confiscation, or Caprice, I know not what has influenced them too much: Yet they were for taking Arms and pretended to be very valiant.2—This Letter must be secret my dear—at least communicated with great Discretion. Yours,
John Dickinson.
On 6 May 1775 the Pennsylvania Assembly had added three men to its delegation in the second Continental Congress: Benjamin Franklin, who had just arrived from England; Thomas Willing, a rich and conservative merchant in Philadelphia; and James Wilson, a lawyer in Carlisle (
Penna. Archives
, 8th ser., 8:7231). Of the six who had been elected earlier, JA mentions here that Edward Biddle and John Morton were ill too much of the time to be of much service, and that Thomas Mifflin had gone into the army. Though JA does not mention them specifically, the other two (besides Dickinson)—Charles Humphreys, a Quaker, and George Ross, of 254Lancaster—were relatively inactive members. The “two overgrown Fortunes” who dominated the Pennsylvania delegation were, therefore, Dickinson and Willing.
1775-07-23
Have only Time to send by this Opportunity a Token of Remembrance. The Fast1 was observed here with a Decorum and solemnity, never before seen ever on a Sabbath. The Clergy of all Denominations, here preach
I hope to see you eer long. You have stirred up my Friends to write to me. Austin, Tudor, Rice have wrote.3 Dr. Tufts wrote me an excellent Letter and very particular Intelligence.4 I am yours &c.
Called for by the Continental Congress and observed on 20 July; see
JCC
, 2:87–88, 192; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:353.
Two words obscured by a heavy ink blot.
All three letters are in Adams Papers
Papers of John Adams under authorship of Austin, Rice, and Tudor, on 7, 14, and 19 July 1775 respectively.
Dated 3 July and printed above.
1775-07-24
I have been hoping every day since I received your obliging favour to get time to thank you for it,2 but many avocations some from company some from family affairs have prevented. I have not wrote only to my counterpart since; from whom I have received two Letters since you left me. The last was 7 of july, and wrote in better spirits than any I have received since his absence, and gave me better spirits for two reasons, the first because he appeard easier and the second because he tells me he hopes it will not be more than a Month before he shall return.
I know my pleasure will communicate some degree to my friend from the benevolent sympathy of her Heart. I was much
You apprehend more than their really was in a Letter which I could not consistant with my regard to my dearest Friend communicate. I only wish I had been near enough to have shared a solitary hour with him.
You will be sensible no doubt from a communication of the last paquet which your Friend received, that they have to combat not only other provinces but their own—a doubly difficult task when those who ought to aid, become stumbling blocks—but how hard is it to devest the Humane mind of all private ambition, and to sacrifice ourselves and all we possess to the publick Emolement.
Month omitted by AA; supplied at a much later period by JQA.
Dated at Plymouth, 17 July (Adams Papers). It reports Mrs. Warren's return home after a few days' stay with AA, thanks her, inquires about her health, &c.
Word omitted in MS.
1775-07-24
Philadelphia
July24
th, 1775.1
yD
ear,
IT is now almost three Months since I left you, in every Part of which my Anxiety about you and the Children, as well as our Country, has been extreme.
The Business I have had upon my Mind has been as great and important as can be intrusted to
I must see you e'er long.——Rice, has wrote me a very good Letter, and so has Thaxter,4 for which I thank them both.——Love to the Children.
I wish I had given you a compleat History from the Beginning to the End of the Journey, of the Behaviour of my Compatriots.——No Mortal Tale could equal it.——I will tell you in Future, but you shall keep it secret.——The Fidgets, the Whims, the Caprice, the Vanity, the Superstition, the Irritability of some of us, is enough to——
Addressed To Mrs Abigail Adams Braintrie,5 to the Care of Col. Warren, favor d by Mr. Hichborne.
Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter), 17 Aug. 1775, p. 2, col. 1. Since, as explained in note 1 below, the newspaper text appears to be perhaps the best now available, the letter is given here precisely as first printed. Concerning extant MS texts see note 1 also.
This is one of the two letters JA wrote from Philadelphia this day that fell into British hands when the bearer, Benjamin Hichborn of Boston, was captured at Conanicut Ferry near Newport, R.I., and foolishly failed to throw away a number of letters he was carrying. The other intercepted JA letter was addressed to James Warren; it alluded at its outset to John Dickinson (though it did not name him) as “A certain great Fortune and piddling Genius” who had “given a silly Cast to our whole Doings”; and it led to the historic quarrel between JA and Dickinson. (Texts of the letter to Warren are in JA, Works
, 1:179–180, and
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:88–89.) Brought to Boston on 6 Aug., JA's letters were published in Margaret Draper's Massachusetts Gazette; MS copies were sent to London by Gage, Graves, and others; British papers
printed and reprinted them; and for some months—until events caught up with his sentiments—JA was notorious on both sides of the Atlantic as the arch-advocate of American military resistance and independence from Great Britain.
An editorial note summarizing this incident and its effects, with references to sources and discussions, is in JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 2:174–175. JA's later recollections of the affair are in same, 3:318–319. A fuller account must be deferred until the letter to Warren, which was the more controversial of the two, is printed in Series III of the present edition. By that time, one may at least hope, the missing originals may have come to light.
In the meantime it should be pointed out that although about two dozen MS texts of the intercepted letters are present (mostly as photoduplicates) or recorded in the Adams Papers Editorial Files, the best of these are no better than contemporary copies, all with demonstrable textual defects. So far as is known, the original letters remained in Vice-Admiral Samuel Graves' hands (he transmitted only copies to Gage and to the Admiralty), though it is possible that the originals were sent to the printer, and 18th-century printing offices were graveyards for MSS no matter how important. The editors attach little weight to the fact that in the American Clipper (a serial sale catalogue of the now defunct American Autograph Shop, Merion Station, Penna.) for Oct. 1938, item 7 purports to be the “A.L.S.” of the present letter, offered for sale at $127.50. The text as there printed strongly suggests that
this item is simply another early MS copy.
The most authoritative of the con-257temporary MS copies of the letter to AA known to the editors are the following: (1) P.R.O.: C.O.5, vol. 122:15i, originally enclosure No. 8, according to its endorsement, in Graves to Philip Stephens, secretary to the Lords of the Admiralty, 17 Aug. 1775. (2) P.R.O.: C.O.5, vol. 92:248, enclosure No. 1 in Gage to Dartmouth, 20 Aug. 1775 (covering letter printed in Gage, Corr.
, 1:412–413). (3) MiU-C: Gage Papers, English Series, FC of an enclosure in Gage to Dartmouth, 20 Aug. 1775; endorsement on FC of covering letter states that this packet was “Sent by Mrs. Gage” and a “Duplicate by Lt.
The only text in the Adams Papers claiming any textual authority is a curious one. It is a 19th-century Tr, apparently made for JQA when he was working on his father's papers in 1829–1830, which was originally an abbreviated and otherwise defective text but which was then carefully corrected in the same or another unidentified hand, so that it is virtually identical with the text in Massachusetts Gazette. Attached to Tr is a single leaf from an earlier (i.e. contemporary) copy containing on one side the postscript and address of JA's letter to AA, and on the other side the following undated and unsigned message which looks altogether like an original note of transmittal:
“Hon. sir, If Col. Hatch is with you please to let him see this which has been corrected by one in the hands of Judge
Peter Oliver.“Mrs. Adams is daughter of a clergyman at Weymouth, and Thaxter is a clerk to her husband.”
The writer and recipient of this message are unknown but they were certainly loyalists. So was Harvard Graduates
, 11:150–152; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:311; 2:1, 94). This MS is, then, a fragment of one of the numerous contemporary copies of JA's letter to AA that circulated among the Massachusetts loyalists.
The contemporary copies listed above do not vary markedly from one another except in scribal details, and a comparison of all of them with the text printed in Massachusetts Gazette leads to the tentative conclusion that on the whole the newspaper text is at least as faithful to the original as any MS now known, if not more so. It looks, in fact, as if the printer had used either the original or a more accurate copy than any now available, and that he simulated in type JA's writing in small matters of form with unusual care. The editors have so concluded in spite of the fact that still another letter captured on Hichborn's person is known to have been doctored when printed in the same issue of the Massachusetts Gazette (see Allen French, “The First George Washington Scandal,” MHS, Procs.
, 65 [1932–1936]:460–474), and also despite JA's own later
allegation that his letter to Warren had been “made... worse Diary and Autobiography
, 3:319).
This word is not in the newspaper text but is found in all five of the contemporary MS copies listed above except that which was forwarded by Graves to the Admiralty (No. 1). The editors think it probable that the word was in JA's original; if so, this is the only significant textual error in the newspaper printing.
It was this sentence of course, with its references to forming a “Constitution” and establishing a “Naval Power,” that particularly shocked loyalist and British readers of JA's letter. See, for example, Gage to Dartmouth, 20 Aug. (Gage, Corr.
, 1:412–413); Burgoyne to Germain, 20 Aug. (E. B. de Fonblanque, Political and Military Episodes ... from the Life and Correspondence of ... John Burgoyne, London, 1876, p. 194–195); Nicholas Cresswell, Journal, 1774–1777, N.Y., 1928, p. 147–148; Isaac Smith Jr.'s letter to his father from London cited in note 5 under AA's letter to JA of 2–10 March 1776, below; 258and the extremely interesting discussion by Ezra Stiles in his Literary Diary, 1:650–652.
All of the contemporary copies listed above except No. 1, that enclosed by Graves to the Admiralty, spell this name “Thaiter.” The copy in the Haldimand Papers, No. 4, has a marginal note keyed to the names Rice and “Thaiter” which reads: “two of his Apprentices.”
Evidently a plain typographical error by the printer; all the contemporary MS copies listed above spell the word as JA spelled it: “Braintree.”
1775-07-24
Sister Adams informs me that you complain that your Friends this way neglect writing to you. I believe a share of the Blame belongs to me, and shall now endeavour to make some amends.
We have lately had several little Expeditions from this quarter against the Enemy, a particular account of which, as near as I can collect it from those who were present, I shall give you.—On the 11th. Inst. in the evening, about 400 Men (partly from the Camp at Roxbury, and partly of the Guards on our Shore) went off from Germantown in 47 Whale Boats, in order to sweep Long Island then surrounded with Men of War. Landed on the Island at 10 o Clock at Night, parted into two grand Divisions and march'd to the House. Majr. Tuppham
Another Expedition has been from hence to Nantaskett and the Light House. Not many Days ago a small Man of War drew up close to the Houses at Nantaskett within the Gutt, and afterwards paraded it by coming up as far as Pig Rocks by Hoffs Neck, and then lying off Hingham Cove
PS Please to give my best Regards to Mr. S: Adams and tell him that I saw his Wife and Daughter at Dedham last Thursday, and heard from his Son, they are all well. Your Family and all the Circle of our Friends are as well as usual.
I have heard lately from Mr. Paine's Family who were then well; please to give my kind Regards to him.
A few Days ago Mr. Jno. Roulstone Watch Maker and his Family procur'd a Pass to come out of Boston, who is the only one that I have heard of that has had a Pass since the Battle of Charlestown. He landed at Ruggles's (now Bent's) and came to see me, he says it is Sickly among the Inhabitants, and more so among the Troops: That the Inhabitants are treated with great Rigour, 3 Men were committed to Jail for only going up into a Steeple to look out; That he was threaten'd for daring too look out from the top of his own House. That a Provost Major terrifies like the Holy Office, no one knowing who is the Victim 'till too late to escape if that was Possible. Poor Mr. Jas. Lovell, Mr. Leech, and Mr. Hunt the Publisher are in Jail. Jno. Cotton Dep: Secy: is Dead.
The raid on Nantasket occurred on the 18th; that on the Brewsters on the 20th. The Boston lighthouse was (and still is) located on Little Brewster, formerly often called Beacon Island. The British took prompt steps to repair the light, and on 31 July another raiding party under Capt. Benjamin Tupper wrecked it again and captured a detachment of marines. See AA to JA, 31 July–2 Aug., below; also William Tudor to JA, 31 July, and James Warren to JA, 31 July–2 Aug., both in Adams Papers, the latter printed in
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:95–99.
1775-07-25
I received yours of July 7 for which I heartily thank you, it was the longest and best Letter I have had, the most Leasurely and therefore 261the most Sentimental. Previous to your last I had wrote you and made some complaints of you, but I will take them all back again—only continue your obliging favours whenever your time will allow you to devote one moment to your absent Portia.
This is the 25 of July. Gage has not made any attempts to march out, since the Battle at Charlstown. Our Army are restless and wish to be doing something to rid themselves and the land of the Virmin and Locusts which infest it. Since I wrote you last the Companys stationd upon the coasts both in this Town, Weymouth and Hingham were orderd to Nantasket to reap and bring of the Grain which they accomplished, all except a field or two which was not ripe, and having whale boats they undertook to go to the light House and set fire to it, which they effected in open day and in fair sight of several men of War. Upon their return came down upon them Eight Barges, one cutter, one Schooner, all in Battle array, and pourd whole broad sides upon them, but our Men all reached the shore and not one life lost, two only slightly wounded in their legs. They marchd up a Hill and drew into order in hopes the marines would land, but they chose rather to return without a land engagement, tho tis Thought they will burn the Town down as soon as our forces leave it. I had this account from Capt. Vinton who with his company were there. These little Skirmishes seem trifling, but they serve to innure our Men and harden them to Danger. I hear the Rebels are very Wroth at the distruction of the light House.
There has been an offer from Gage to send the poor of Boston to Salem by Water, but not complied with on our part. They returnd for answer they would receive them upon the lines. Dr. Tufts saw a Letter from Deacon Newall1 in which he mentions the Death of John Cotton, says tis very sickly in Town. Every Fishing vessel is now obliged to enter and clear out as tho she was going a foreign Voyage, no inhabitant is sufferd to partake, but obliged to wait till the Army are supplied, and then if one remains they are allowed to purchase it. An order has been given out in Town that no person shall be seen to wipe their faces with a white hankerchief. The reason I hear is, that tis a Signal of Mutiny. General Burgoine lives in Mr. Samll. Quincys House. A Lady who lived opposite says she saw raw meat cut and hacked upon her Mahogona Tables, and her superb damask curtain and cushings exposed to the rain as if they were of no value. How much better do the Tories fare than the Whigs? Suppose this worthy good Man was put in with all confidence that nothing should be hurt. I was very much pleased with Generals Lees Letter, and really entertaind a more favorable opinion of Burgoyne than I before had im-262bibed from his Speach,2 but a Late letter from London wrote to Mr. Josiah Quincy and in case of his absence to be opened either by you or Mr. Samll. Adams or either of the Warrens has left me no room to think that he is possessd either of Generosity, Virtue or Humanity. His character runs thus—As to Burgoyne I am not Master of Language sufficient to give you a true Idea of the Horrible wickedness of the Man. His designs are dark, His Dissimulation of the deepest die, for not content with deceiving Mankind he practices deceit on God himself, by Assuming the Appearance (like Hutchinson) of great attention to Religious Worship when every action of his life is totally abhorant to all Ideas of true Religion, Virtue or common Honesty. An Abandoned Infamous Gambler of Broken fortune and the Worst Most detestable of the Bedford Gang who are wholly bent on Blood, tyrany and Spoil, and therefore the darling Favorite of our unrivalled Ruler Lord Bute.—The character of How is not drawn much more favourably, But Clintons General character very good and tis said he does not relish the Service he is sent upon.3
I am ready to believe this of Clinton as I have never heard of any Speaches of his since his arrival, nor scarcely any mention of him. That such characters as Burgoynes and Hows should engage in such a cause is not to be wonderd at, but really to be lamented when a Man possessd of one spark of virtue should be drawn aside, and disgrace himself and posterity by adding one more to the already infamous List.—Suppose you have heard of Darbys arrival, and the intelligance he brings. I could not refrain wishing them everlasting fetters. “The News received with some symptoms of pleasure” and “our Friends increased” and a few more such sugar plumbs.4 Were they suffering as we are, could Americans sit thus coldly whilst Brittons were a Bleading? How is it posible that the love of Gain and the Lust of domination should render the Humane mind so callous to every principal of honour, Generosity and Benevolence.
May that day be far distant from America when trade's unfeeling train shall usurp this land and dispossess the Swain.
Your address5 meets with general approbation here, your petition-263ing the King6 again pleases (forgive me if I say the timid and the weak) those persons who were esteemed the Luke Warm, and who think that no Works of Supereragation can be performed to Great Brittain—whilst others say you heap coals of fire upon the Heads of your Enimies. You know you are considerd here as the most perfect body—if one Member is by any means renderd incapable of acting tis supposed the difficency will be made up. The Query is why your president left the Congress so long as to make it necessary to chuse an other Member, whether he declined returning to you again?7
Suppose you have a list of our Counsel.8 It was generally thought that Gage would make an attempt to come out either Election Day or upon the Fast, but I could not believe we should be disturbed upon that Day, even the Devils believe and tremble, and I really believe they are more affraid of the Americans prayers than their Swords. I could not bear to hear our inanimate old Batchelor.9 Mrs. Cranch and I took our chaise and went to hear Mr. Haven of Deadam,10 and We had no occasion to repent Eleven miles ride. Especially as I had the pleasure of spending the day with my name sake and Sister Delegate.11 Why should we not assume your titles when we give you up our names. I found her comfortably situated, in a little Country cottage with patience, perseverance and fortitude for her companions, and in better Health than she has enjoyed for many months past.
I fear General Thomas being overlooked and Heath placed over him will create much uneasiness. I know not who was to blame, but it is like to make a great and fatal Gap in the Army. If Thomas resigns all his officers resign; and Mr. Thomas cannot with honour hold under Heath. The Camp will evince to every Eye how good an officer he has been—but this is out of my Sphere. I only say what others say and what the general disposition of the people is.
I believe you will not complain that I do not write often enough and lengthy enough. When you are tired tell me. Pray make my complements to Mr. Barrel for his great civility to Portia. I really feel very anxious to be exposed to any Eyes but yours whose partiality I have so often Experienced to cover a multitude of faults that I rely upon it with the utmost Security.—You will not faill letting me hear from you by every opportunity. All our little folks send duty to pappa. Johnny says do you think Mamma pappa will write to me—has not he so many things to do that he will forget me. Brother and Sister Cranch send their Love. My Mother says I must always remember to add hers to you when I write. I need not say how much I want to see you, but no one will credit my story of your returning in a month. I hope to have 264the best of proofs to convince them—it cannot need any to convince you how sincerely I am your most affectionate
Timothy Newell was a deacon of Brattle Street Church and a Boston selectman. His diary during the siege of Boston, April 1775–March 1776, is printed in MHS, Colls.
, 4th ser., I (1852):261–276.
For Burgoyne's “Speach” see The Speech of a General Officer in the House of Commons, February 20th, 1775 [London?, 1775]. This was probably reprinted in Boston after Burgoyne's arrival there late in May; see T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 155a–b. For Charles Lee's exchange with Burgoyne, see same, No. 179a–c, and French, First Year
, p. 306–307, with references there.
All of this appears to be taken from a passage in a letter to AA from Mercy Warren, 17 July (Adams Papers), which states that these “characters” are in a letter dated at London, 2 May.
Quotation marks editorially supplied in this sentence. Capt. John Derby of Salem had carried the first news of the engagement of 19 April to England and had returned to Salem on 18 July (Mass. Spy, 26 July 1775).
An Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain, adopted by the Continental Congress on 8 July and ordered to be published (
JCC
, 2:162–170).
The second or “Olive Branch” Petition to the King, instigated and written by John Dickinson, also adopted by Congress, to JA's chagrin, on 8 July (same, p. 158–162). AA could not have seen the text because it was not printed; see Isaac Smith Sr. to JA, 26 July, below.
Peyton Randolph, the president, had left Congress late in May to assume his duties as speaker of the Virginia House of Burgesses; on 24 May John Hancock was elected to succeed him (
JCC
, 2:58–59).
Among those elected to the Council on 21 July was JA (Mass., House Jour.
, 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 6).
Rev. Anthony Wibird.
Rev. Jason Haven, Harvard 1754, minister at Dedham since 1756 (Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.
).
Mrs. Samuel Adams, the former Elizabeth Welles.
1775-07-25
Since my last to you, nothing very important has occurd. The Skirmish near Long Island, You have already received an Accountt off by Mrs. Adams. A Party of Soldiers were employd last Week in removing Grain from Nantasket and having got off what was ripe, on Thursday they went in Whaleboats to the Light House, set Fire to it having first taken off the Lamps, 3 or 4 bbs. of oil and 1/2 bb. Powder. They returnd to Nantasket and soon after were visited by several Cutters and Barges who fird on our Men with their Cannon and wounded Two of them slightly. No further Damage ensued. On the same Day they burnt a Barn and Hay at the Great Brewster, and those of the Party who came from Roxbury on their Return to the Camp, in the Evening set Fire to a House and Barn on Spectin Island.1
Since the Battle at Charlestown Our Army has been very industrious 265in securing every important Pass from Charlestown to Dorchester. General Sullivan's Station is at Winter Hill, had the Pleasure of dining with him last Friday at Bro
We have had a perfect Calm for some Days not a Gun has been dischargd from the Enemy since last Thursday upon any of our People. I saw Mrs. Drapers Paper of the 6th. Instt.3 One Article of Intelligence is that 1000 of the Rebel Army hath deserted since the Battle of Charlestown. The Paper contains a Sneer on the Continental Fast and very sagaciously is introduced the Fable of The Countryman with his Cart Wheels plungd in the Mire applying to Jupiter for Assistance who calls him a Fool and orders him to put his Shoulders to the Wheels &c. John Cotton Dep. Secy. died at Boston last Week. This Day saw Your Family, Mr. Cranchs and Bror. Quincy. All are well. Your Friends at Weymouth also. Pray write me whatever passes amongst You that may be communicated, and believe me to be Yr. Friend & Very H Servt.,
Since I clos'd my Letter Mr. Smith informed me that He saw Mrs. Blake this Afternoon, who came out of Boston last Friday. She Confirms the Accountt of the Loss of the best of the British Troops in the Battle at Charlestown—that the Number of the Slain amounted to 14 or 1500. That almost all the wounded have since died. That a Flux carries of
Thus in MS. Tufts must have meant Spectacle Island, just west of Long Island.
It had already been recalled. See note on Tufts' letter to JA, 3 July, above.
Margaret Draper's Massachusetts Gazette and Boston Weekly News-Letter.
Presumably the same day on which the first part of the letter was written, since the 25th was a Tuesday.
1775-07-26
I forgot in my last epistle, to desire you to speak to the Phila. printer's of the News paper's generally sent this way for to send me One, weekly which as the posts are now regulated, comes here a Thursday Afternoon, the Hartford post arriving att Cambridge a Wednesday Night.
Your two Peices Issue'd by your Congress1 meets with general Applause—but we want to see that to the King and as itt is supposed, itt is on the passuage there, and will be there soon, itt would be as well to have itt publishd to the world as to defer itt, till you may here of itts Arrival, which now may not be till sometime after the former Usual time—but as itt is probable there are some resolutions on that matter, would not dictate, but iff you could hand a body a Coppy which many friends are Anxious to see and have spoke to me about I would not make any publick Use off itt, which you may inclose by post, what postage of my letters you may make a Minute and will pay you.
I Observe the Advertisement of Mr. Loyds which Agrees with what I was told by a person from Boston, who told me there was a brig carried in with a large quality of pork, Stock &c. said to have loaded att Norfolk, and pretended to be bound to the West Indies, but before she got Out of the Capes a Mr. Wood took possession of her—which when I was told the story I mistrusted, that itt was a scheem, simelar to What was proposd by Mr. Loyd, who in the station he was in Acted, no Otherwise than Others must have done.
I find by Capt. Darbey the Manifactore's by some means or Other ar kept imployed and that many sort of goods are rise in prise, being in such demand, however cant think that can be the case any length 267of time.—I hope you will contrive some Office for bro. Cushing,2 & are Yr. H S,
The Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms, adopted by the Continental Congress on 6 July, and the Address to the Inhabitants of Great Britain, adopted two days afterward (
JCC
, 2:127–157, 162–170).
The first overt sign that Thomas Cushing was lagging behind popular sentiment was his omission from the Boston delegation in the new House of Representatives. As Samuel Adams put it, Cushing was “kickd up Stairs” to the Council (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:94).
1775-07-28
Your two last Letters had very different Effects. The long one gave me vast Satisfaction. It was full of usefull Information, and of excellent Sentiments. The other relating to the ill Usage you have received from Hayden gave me great Pain and the utmost Indignation.
Your generous Solicitude for our unfortunate Friends from Boston, is very amiable and commendable, and you may depend upon my Justification of all that you have done or said to Hayden. His sawcy, insolent Tongue is well known to me, but I had rather he should indulge it to me than to you. I will not endure the least disrespectfull Expression to you. In my Absence and in your Situation, it is brutal. I send you a Warning to him to go out of the House immediately. You may send it to him, if you see fit. If you do, let two or three Witnesses see it, before you send it, and let it be sent by a good Hand.
This Letter will go by four young Gentlemen from Maryland. Mr. Cary, Son of Mr. Sam. Cary, of Charlestown, Mr. Lux, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Smith, young Soldiers and Voluntiers to the Camp.—I am yours,
Love to the Children. Thank Nabby for her Letter.1 I will answer it.
Not found.
1775-07-30
This Letter is intended to go by my Friend Mr. William Barrell, whom I believe you have seen in Boston. If he calls at our House you will please to receive him complaisantly and thank him for your Present of Pins. I have been treated by him with great Civility, both at this and the former Congress.
This Day, I have heard my Parish Priest, Mr. Duffill from 2. Chron. 15. 1. 2. This Gentleman never fails to adapt his Discourse to the Times. He pressed upon his Audience the Necessity of Piety and Virtue, in the present Times of Adversity, and held up to their View the Army before Boston as an Example. He understood, he said, that the Voice of the Swearer was scarcly heard, that the Sabbath was well observed and all Immoralities discountenanced. No doubt there were vicious Individuals, but the general Character was good.—I hope this good Mans Information is true, and that this will become more and more the true Character of that Camp. You may well suppose that this Language was exceedingly pleasing to me.
We have nothing new, but the Arrival of some Powder. Three little Vessells have certainly arrived, making about Ten Tons in the whole, and four or five Tons have arrived from S. Carolina. A Supply, I think now We shall certainly obtain. Congress have taken Measures for this End, which I hope to have the Pleasure of explaining to you in Person, within a few Days, as Congress has determined to adjourn to sometime in September. I could not vote for this myself because I thought it might be necessary to keep together, but I could not blame those who did, for really We have been all so assiduous in Business, in this exhausting debilitating Climate, that our Lives are more exposed than they would be in Camp.1
On Saturday, 29 July, it was “Resolved, That this Congress will, as soon as the public business permits, adjourn to the 5th. of Septr. next” (
JCC
, 2:224). Samuel Adams gave the following explanation to his wife next day: “The arduous Business that has been before the Congress and the close Application of the Members, added to the Necessity and Importance of their visiting their several Colonies and attending their respective Conventions, have inducd them to make a Recess during the sultry Month of August” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:184). According to the Journal, Congress adjourned on 1 Aug. (
JCC
, 2:239), but it is clear from letters and diaries of certain members that 269some business was transacted the following morning; see R. T. Paine, MS
Diary (MHi), under 2 Aug.; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:185, 187. JA probably set off from Philadelphia later the same day, though possibly not until the 3d. There is no record of his return trip, but he traveled very fast, for he arrived in Watertown on the morning of the 10th and plunged at once, as a member of the Council, into the work of the General Court; see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:165–166, and Mass., House Jour.
, 1775–1776, 1st sess., p. 60. AA did not learn until the 11th that he was back in Massachusetts (AA to JA, 10–11 Aug., below; see note 2 there).
1775-07-31
I do not feel easy more than two days together without writing to you. If you abound you must lay some of the fault upon yourself, who have made such sad complaints for Letters, but I really believe I have wrote more than all my Sister Delegates. Their is nothing new transpired since I wrote you last, but the sailing of some transports, and 5 deserters having come into our camp. One of them is gone I hear to Phyladelphia. I think I should be cautious of him—no one can tell the secret designs of such fellows whom no oath binds—he may be sent with assassinating designs. I can credit any viliny that a Ceasar Borgea would have been guilty of—or Satan himself would rejoice in. Those who do not scruple to bring poverty, Misiry, Slavery and Death upon thousands will not hesitate at the most diabolical crimes—and this is Brittain. Blush o! Americans that ever thou derivest thy origin from such a race.
We learn from one of these Deserters that our ever valued Friend Warren, dear to us even in Death; was
“How much does pagan tenderness put christian Benevolence to shame.” What Humanity could not obtain, the rights and ceremonies of a Mason demanded. An officer who it seems was one of the Brotherwhood requested that as a Mason he might have the body unmangled, and find a decent interment for it. He obtaind his request, but upon returning to secure it, he found it already thrown into the Earth, only 270with the ceremony of being first placed there, with many bodies over him2—
Thus far I wrote and broke of
I had a design to have wrote you something about a talk'd of appointment of a Friend of Mine to a Judicial Department, but hope soon to see that Friend, before his acceptance may be necessary.3 I enclose a complement coppied by a Gentleman from a peice in the Worcester paper signed Lycurgus.4
I can add no more as the good Col. Palmer Waits only my compliments to Mrs. Miflin, and tell her I do not know whether her Husband is safe here. Belona and Cupid have a contest about
Here and below, MS is torn by seal.
AA is reporting only a part of the rumors that circulated then and later about British indignities to Joseph Warren after his death in Bunker Hill battle, where he fought as a volunteer and not as an officer. Their precise extent is now known from a letter, only recently published, written a few days after the battle by the British officer who commanded the burial detachment. This was Capt. Walter Sloane Laurie, who wrote from “Camp on Charles Town Heights” to an unidentified correspondent, 23 June 1775: “Doctor Warren, President of the Provincial Congress, and Captain General, in the Absence of Hancock and [Samuel] Adams, and next to Adams, in abilities, I found among the Slain, and stuffed the Scoundrel with another Rebel, into one hole, and there he, and his seditious principles may remain” (quoted in Sigmund Diamond, “Bunker Hill, Tory Propaganda, and Adam Smith,”
NEQ
, 25:367 [Sept. 1952]). In April 1776, soon after the
British evacuation of Boston, Warren's body was identified, exhumed, and reburied from King's Chapel in the Old Granary with public and Masonic honors; see AA's account in her letter to JA of 7–11 April 1776, below.
This is a hint, well in advance of the fact, that JA was to be appointed to the Superior Court of Massachusetts. In the following October he was appointed chief justice by the Council (under the legal fiction that the Gov-272ernor was “absent”); see AA to JA, 25 Oct., below, and note 5 there.
Not now with the letter. The piece referred to, signed “Lycurgus” in Mass. Spy, 12 July, answered “Democritus,” who had argued that only “men of common understanding” were qualified to be representatives in the General Court. “Lycurgus” pointed out that the principal leaders of the patriot cause were college-educated, many of them being members of the learned professions, and praised highly the Massachusetts delegates to the Continental Congress, to whom “Democritus'” observations were “affrontive.”
That is, when the ladies return from visits to the American headquarters in Cambridge.
1775-08-10
Tis with a sad Heart I take my pen to write to you because I must be the bearer of what will greatly afflict and distress you. Yet I wish you to be prepaired for the Event. Your Brother Elihu lies very dangerously sick with a Dysentery. He has been very bad for more than a week, his life is despaired of. Er'e I close this Letter I fear I shall write you that he is no more.
We are all in great distress. Your Mother is with him in great anguish. I hear this morning that he is sensible of his Danger, and calmly resigned to the will of Heaven; which is a great Satisfaction to his mourning Friend's. I cannot write more at present than to assure you of the Health of your own family. Mr. Elisha Niles lies very bad with the same disorder.—Adieu.
I have this morning occasion to sing of Mercies and judgments. May I properly notice each—a mixture of joy and grief agitate my Bosom. The return of thee my dear partner after a four months absence is a pleasure I cannot express, but the joy is overclouded, and the Day is darkened by the mixture of Grief and the Sympathy I feel for the looss of your Brother, cut of in the pride of life and the bloom of Manhood! in the midst of his usefulness;1 Heaven san
May thy life be spaired and thy Health confirmed for the benefit of thy Country and the happiness of thy family is the constant supplication of thy Friend.2
JA's tribute to his brother Elihu, who “had commanded a Company of Militia all Summer at Cambridge,” is in his
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:326.
From this it appears that the speed 273of JA's return journey surprised everyone, including his wife, and that urgent business in the General Court caused him to pause in Watertown before proceeding to Braintree, where he had evidently hoped to turn up on his own doorstep unannounced after nearly four months' absence. The editors' inference in a note in JA's Diary and Autobiography
(2:166), that he first went home and then to Watertown to attend the Council, is therefore wrong. During the rest of August JA spent weekends at home and weekdays attending the Council until the General Court adjourned on the 24th. AA came with him to Watertown for the last three days of the session. After a final weekend at home he left early on Monday the 28th for Philadelphia, but stayed for two or three days' further attendance in Council before leaving Watertown, probably on 1 September. See his
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:167–168, and references there; JA to Mercy Warren, 26 Aug.,
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:104–105; AA to Mercy Warren, 27 Aug., printed below.
1775-08-18
A serious truth this, which daily observation teaches, and experience convinces us of; for at the very moment that our hopes are at their height, trouble comes upon us like an armed Man, our hearts sink within us and we tremble with fear. Again our hopes rise, we anticipate the happiness of that day, when we shall gain the Victory over our worse than Savage enemies, when we shall meet and rejoice together again in quiet habitations. Here again our hearts are damp'd at the thought that tho' we should be permitted to return, yet many of our friends may be laid in their graves, and here I cannot but recall to my mind our brave General, and your particular friend; who nobly lost his life in the cause of Liberty; regretted by all, except those who are dead to every feeling of humanity. Others being overborne with trouble, and lacking the necessaries of life, fall victims to the stroke of Death. Thus we go on balancing between Hope, and fear; hopeing for good but sure of —— I was a going to say evil, but I will not, why should I call that evil, which God hath appointed? and I doubt not will make it all turn for good; but still my friend, the human heart recoils at what has, and what still may happen.
I am glad for your sake to hear Mr. Adams is safe return'd tho' I am sorry upon other accounts that there should be a separation of that noble body upon whom our welfare so much depends and to whom we are so much obliged. Our regards to him and thanks for the share he has had in the good work. May he go on and prosper, and nations yet unborn, arise and speak his praise.
274I was concern'd when I heard of the engagement on Grape Island on account of your Fathers family. I imagine it must have put them in a great fright, I hope they are all well. Let me know particularly how they do, &c.
We are now at the distance of an Hundred Miles from our own habitation without any thing that we can call our own except a little matter for present use having left House and Shop with every thing belonging thereto, flying as it were for our Lives and at the same time not knowing our real danger, so as to have secur'd our Substance in case we should not return.—What is your opinion? Do you think there is any likelihood, of the towns being preserv'd and the treasures of it kept from being a prey in the hand of the enemy? Or do you give it over for lost? I shall take it kindly if you will write me as particularly as you can, as I know it is in your power to give me a rational account of the matter and which will be laying a great obligation upon Your Old Friend,
P.S. My kind remembrance to every enquiring friend. Should be glad to know about Mr. Abra. Hunt and his Wife, as they went to Braintree, whether they are well and whether he remains there or gone to the Army.
I should have wrote to you before if I'd had paper but I could not buy any here and had not Sister Green sent me some to write to her I could not have improved this opportunity.
Mr. Green has been looking over the above and says that he would not have had it gone upon any account without his best regards to you and yours, in which you may be sure I join him.
1775-08-26
I know my dear friend Mrs. Adams will be Glad to hear Her friend is in Better Health than when she Left Her. Hope I shall be able to Look Homewards some time Next Week. I Long for my own Retirement, and for the opportunity of seeing and Entertaining my Friend, at my own Habitation. But I know who talks sometimes of Fate. I suppose he means that providence has Its fixed Decrees to which Mortals must submit. Mr. Warren was yesterday at Cambridge and 275there saw the Letters to Mrs. Abigail &c.2 I believe I shall not now have the pleasure of seeing them, so Cannot Give my judgment whether treasonable or not.
I Return a Sermon Mr. Adams favoured me with. Tell him (but strictly Confidential and secret) that before he sets out I believe he will yet hear the Musick of War and the Loud Blasts of Distruction that will probably make Miserable the fond Wife and the affectionate Mother. Tis my opinion He will have some important Inteligence to Carry to Philadelphia if He stays at Braintree forty eight hours Longer.3 But if I am mistaken tell Him not to Laugh at that or any other Follies of his Friend. I have Grounds for the Conjecture, and may Heaven Crown with success Every Enterprize of justice, and Grant that Harmony may again preside in our Land with the Ensigns of Fredom and Honour Blazond on her standard.
You will write me by Coll. Palmer And Let me know if your Friend and my Friend Gos off in Good spirits. You will permit me to unite with you in Every Wish for his Health, Happiness and safe Return.
Date established from AA's reply of the next day, which follows.
The intercepted letters from JA to AA and James Warren written at Philadelphia on 24 July.
On the night of the 27th–28th American forces took and fortified Ploughed Hill on the Mystic River, thus advancing their lines closer to Charlestown Neck and Bunker Hill (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 3:453, 462).
1775-08-27
It was with pleasure I received a line from my Friend to day informing me of her better Health. I was really anxious for her—more so on account of the great mortality which prevails around us. I arrived at my own habitation a fryday1 and found my family all well—a blessing which I hope will be continued to me.
The peaceful tranquility of my own habitation was enhanced to me by a few Days absence, amidst a more noisy and tumultuous scene than I love, tho I injoyed many hours of pleasure in the society of my Friends.
I have not heard any of the allarms you mention, only the artillery of the clouds which has been pretty heavey this afternoon but pro-276duced us many refreshing showers, in which I rejoice for many reasons. My Friend will leave me to morrow morning, and will have a much more agreable journey for the rain. I find I am obliged to summons all my patriotism to feel willing to part with him again. You will readily believe me when I say that I make no small sacrifice to the publick.
You write me that you have been to Head Quarters, and there seen the Letters. Pray what did you think of them? Money must be much plentier than provisions with Gage or he would not think of setting so high a value upon them.
I shall send this by Mr. Adams who will call upon you as he has alterd his mind with regard to going to Deadam. I shall be very glad to see my Friend next week. Any week or any time she may be assurd of a hearty welcome from her affectionate
PS My regards to the young Ladies where you are. I left a peice of black gauze upon the table. Please to inquire for it and take it with you. My best regards attend your worthy partner.
25 August. AA had been at Watertown with JA from the 22nd to the 24th.
1775-09-08
Since you left me I have passed thro great distress both of Body and mind; and whether greater is to be my portion Heaven only knows. You may remember Isaac was unwell when you went from home.1 His Disorder increasd till a voilent Dysentery was the consequence of his complaints, there was no resting place in the House for his terible Groans. He continued in this state near a week when his Disorder abated, and we have now hopes of his recovery. Two days after he was sick, I was seaz'd with the same disorder in a voilent manner. Had I known you was at Watertown I should have sent Bracket for you. I sufferd greatly betwen my inclination to have you return, and my fear of sending least you should be a partaker of the common calamity. After 3 day
And such is the distress of the neighbourhood that I can scarcly find a well person to assist me in looking after the sick. Mrs. Randle
So sickly and so Mortal a time the oldest Man does not remember. I am anxious for you. Pray let me hear from you soon. I thought you would have left me a Letter at Watertown as you staid so long there. I was disapointed that you did not.—As to politicks I know nothing about them. The distresses of my own family are so great that I have not thought about them. I have wrote as much as I am able to, being very week. I hope to add a more pleasing account er'er I close. Adieu.
Tis now two days since I wrote. As to my own Health I mend but very slowly—have been fearful of a return of my disorder to day but feel rather better now. Hope it is only oweing to my having been fatigued with looking after Tommy as he is unwilling any body but Mamma should do for him, and if he was I could not find any body that is worth having but what are taken up already with the sick. Tommy I hope is mending, his fever has abated, his Bowels are better, but was you to look in upon him you would not know him, from a hearty hale corn fed4 Boy, he is become pale lean and wan. Isaac is getting better, but very slowly. Patty is very bad. We cannot keep any thing down that she takes, her situation is very dangerous. Mr. Trot and one of his children are taken with the disorder.
I shall write every day if I am able. Pray let me hear from you often. Heaven preserve both your life and health and all my sufferings will be but small. By the first safe conveyance be kind eno to send me 1 oz. of turkey Rhubub, the root, and to procure me 1 quarter lb. of nutmegs for which here I used to give 2.8 Lawful, 1 oz. cloves, 2 of cinnamon. You may send me only a few of the nutmegs till Bass returns. I should be glad of 1 oz. of Indian root. So much sickness has occasiond a scarcity of Medicine.
Distroy this. Such a doleful tale it contains can give no pleasure to 278any one. Our other children are well and send Duty to pappa. Bracket has been complaining but has got better. The small pox in the natural way was never more mortal than this Distemper has proved in this and many neighbouring Towns. 18 have been buried since you left us in the other Mr. Welds parish. 4, 3 and 2 funerals in a day for many days. Heitherto our family has been greatly favourd. Heaven still preserve us. Tis a melancholy time with us. I hope you will not think me in the dismals, but publick and private judgments ought to be noticed by every one. I am most affectionately Yours,
Isaac Copeland, a hired or bound farm boy.
Susy and Patty, whose last names are unknown, were evidently young servants or bound girls. AA's subsequent letters report that Susy recovered and returned, but Patty, who was probably a relative of JA or AA and had lived four years in the Adams household, died after a protracted and grisly illness early in October.
The earliest use of this adjective recorded in
DAE
is by Joel Barlow in his Hasty Pudding, published 1793: “Brown, corn-fed nymphs and strong, hard-handed beaux.” The more recent
Dict. of Americanisms
records “corn-fed pork” in 1787.
1775-09-17
I set myself down to write with a Heart depressed with the Melancholy Scenes arround me. My Letter will be only a Bill of Mortality, tho thanks be to that Being who restraineth the pestilence, that it has not yet proved mortal to any of our family, tho we live in daily Expectation that Patty will not continue many hours. A general putrefaction seems to have taken place, and we can not bear the House only as we are constantly clensing it with hot vinegar. I had no Idea of the Distemper producing such a state as hers till now. Yet we take all posible care by shifting her bed every day. Two of the children John and Charlss I have sent out of the house, finding it difficult to keep them out of the chamber. Nabby continues well. Tommy is better, but intirely striped of the hardy robust countanance as well as of all the flesh he had, save what remains for to keep his bones together. Jonathan is the only one who remains in the family but what has had a turn of the disorder. Mrs. Randle has lost her daughter, Mrs. Bracket hers, Mr. Thomas Thayer his wife. 2 persons belonging to 279Boston have died this week in this parish. I know of eight this week who have been buried in this Town.
In Weymouth it is very sickly, but not Mortal. Dr. Tufts tell
I hear Mr. Tudor has been dangerously sick, but is now upon the recovery. Mr. Wibird is very low indeed, scarcly able to walk a step. We have been 4 Sabbeths without any meeting. Thus does pestilence travel in the rear of War to remind us of our intire dependance upon that Being who not only directeth the arrow by day, but has also at his command the pestilence which walketh in Darkness. So uncertain and so transotory are all the enjoyments of Life that were it not for the tender connections which bind us here, would it not be folly to wish for a continuance here? I think I shall never be wedded to the World, and were I to loose about a Dozen of my dearest Connections I should have no further realish for Life.
But perhaps I deceive my self, and know but little of my own Heart;
And unto him who mounts the Whirlwind and directs the Storm I will chearfully leave the ordering of my Lot, and whether adverse or prosperous Days should be my future portion I will trust in his right Hand to lead me safely thro, and after a short rotation of Events fix me in a state immutable and happy.
You will think me melancholy. Tis true I am much affected with the distress'd Scenes around me but I have some Anxietyes upon my mind which I do not think it prudent to mention at present to any one. Perhaps when I hear from you, I may in my next Letter tell you. In the mean time I wish you would tell me whether the intercepted Letters have reachd Phyladelphia and what affect they have there. There is a most infamous versification of them I hear sent out. I have not been able to get it.2 As to politicks there seems to be a dead calm upon all sides. Some of the Tories have been sending out their children. Col. Chandler has sent out his children, and Mr. Winslow has sent out his daughter. People appear to be gratified with the remon-280strance, address and petition,3 and most earnestly long for further intelegance.
God helps them that help themselves as King Richard said and if we can obtain the divine aid by our own virtue, fortitude and perseverance we may be sure of releaf.
Tomorrow will be 3 weeks since you left home in all which time I have not heard one word from you. Patience is a Lesson I have not to learn so can wait your own time, but hope it will not be long er'e my anxious heart is releaved. Adieu. I need not say how sincerely I am your affectionate
DAB
; Chamberlain, Beacon Hill
, p. 85 ff. and passim). From Mason's correspondence with both JA and AA surviving among the Adams Papers, there appears to have been a strong and reciprocal attachment between him and them.
Published as a handbill (see
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:88, note), but no copy has been found. In her letter to JA of 22 Oct., below, AA gave the title as “a pharaphrase upon the Second Epistle of John the round Head to James the prolocutor of the Rump parliment.”
An Address, Petition, and Remonstrance in favor of the Americans presented by the City of London to the King on 5 July, printed in Mass. Spy, 13 Sept. 1775.
1775-09-17
This is the first Time, that I have attempted to write, since I left you. I arrived here in good Health, after an agreable Journey, last Wednesday; There had not been Members enough to make a House, several Colonies being absent, so that I was just in Time. The next day, an adequate No. appeared, and Congress has sat ever since.1
Georgia is now fully represented, and united to the other Twelve.
Their Delegates are Dr. Zubly, a Clergyman of the independant Perswasion who has a Parish in that Colony and a good deal of Property. He is a Native of Switzerland, is a Man of Learning and Ingenuity. It is said he is Master of several Languages, Greek, Latin, French, Dutch and English. In the latter it is said, he writes tolerably. He is a Man of Zeal and Spirit, as We have already seen upon several occasions.
281However, as he is the first Gentleman of the Cloth who has appeared in Congress, I can not but wish he may be the last. Mixing the sacred Character, with that of the Statesman, as it is quite unnecessary at this Time of day, in these Colonies, is not attended with any good Effects. The Clergy are universally too little acquainted with the World, and the Modes of Business, to engage in civil affairs with any Advantage. Besides those of them, who are really Men of Learning, have conversed with Books so much more than Men, as to be too much loaded with Vanity, to be good Politicians.
Mr. Bullock is another of the Georgian Delegates, a sensible Man, a Planter I suppose. Mr. Houstoun is the third, a young Lawyer of Modesty as well as sense and Spirit which you will say is uncommon.
Mr. Jones and Dr. Hall are not yet arrived.
Mr. Henry is made a General in Virginia, and therefore could not come. Mr. Pendleton and Coll. Bland excused them selves on Account of Age and ill Health. Messrs. Nelson, Wythe, and Lee, are chosen and are here in the Stead of the other three. Wythe and Lee are inoculated. You shall hear more about them. Altho they come in the Room of very good Men, We have lost nothing by the Change I believe.2—Remember me in the tenderest Language, to all our little Folks.—I am yours.
JA and Samuel Adams traveled together from Watertown and arrived in Philadelphia on 12 Sept., a week after the day to which Congress had adjourned; for their itinerary see JA's Account with Massachusetts, printed in his
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:168–169. A quorum was obtained and Congress proceeded to business on 13 Sept. (
JCC
, 2:240 ff.).
In his Diary entry for 15 Sept.
JA had more to say about the new delegates: John Joachim Zubly, Archibald Bulloch, and John Houstoun of Georgia; and Thomas Nelson Jr., George Wythe, and Francis Lightfoot Lee of Virginia (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:172–173).
1775-09-21
As soon as the Letter1 of my Beloved friend reached my Hand, I immediately set down to Congratulate her on the Recovery of her Lovely Boy. May Returning Health Enliven the Countenance of Each one of your family, and Every Blessing Alight on your Habitation. I have been very solicitous about you since I left you. Hearing several times
The Letter you sent is not the one in question. There is still another somewhere. However am obliged and will Return them all, safe. As to the Copy of another I had much Rather you should dispose of It as you please than suspect any want of Confidence in your Friend.2
I have not seen the paraphrase you Mention nor is it Likely I shall unless you procure it for me, for I have not yet seen the Letters so much talked off. I was in hopes you would have sent me the Copies. Should be Glad you would send both when you have oppertunity.
You ask my opinion of the petition, the Remonstrance and the Irish Conduct &c. I think they discover that there are some people in England who have sense Enough to Discern that Impending Ruin Hangs over the Nation, and a few that may be Influenced by the Love of justice and Humanity And a Regard to their American Brethren but I believe there are many matters to be Adjusted before a setlement will be made. The silence of a Great personage may Indicate an obstinate perseverance in Error but perhaps it may be best. Negotiation under Certain Circumstance is but building on a Fabric so shatered by the Recent storm, that it is in Danger of falling under the Hands of the Workmen on the first Rude Blast which shall attack it.
I hear our Good Friend Mrs. Lincoln is Returned. I Wish she would make it Certain by a signal from her own Hand. With my affectionate Compliments to her and the Family do remind her of this Request.
I hope you will have your Drooping spirits Revived Ere Long by a Letter from a Gentleman, I Esteem (I belive I shall not be very wide from the truth) if I say Next to one I hope for the Happiness of seeing before this Reaches the Hand of the agreable Portia, from one who will Indulge so far in the Romantic stile as to subscribe once more by the Name of Your affectionate
Not found.
These allusions remain obscure.
1775-09-22
I suppose you have received a Letter from me1 which upon recol-283lection, I'm sensible, bears evident tokens of a disorderd mind, but I hope, the distraction of the times, together with being in a great hurry for fear of losing the opportunity, will plead my excuse; and as I know you to be a friend I am sure you will not expose me; and indeed had it not been to such a one I should not have attempted writing at a time when my spirits were much agitated between hope and fear and tossed about like the waves of the Sea.—I wish you would let me hear from you. I want to know how you all do. Thro' the divine goodness we are in health. I would add more but Brother Storer is below and I want to be with him as much as I can so I know you will excuse me.
P.S. I have a favor to ask of you, in case we should return to Boston we should be glad of a Seat at Dr. Coopers in the Pew with the Widow Cotton without incommoding her, now as we mean to make application to Mr. Hancock I would ask you to speak to Mrs. Adams about it to know whether she thought Mr. Adams would be kind eno' to ask Mr. Hancock about it.2 I do not mean to lay Mr. Adams under any obligation upon our account but if he would be kind eno' to speak to him for us, I should be obliged to him. Be sure so as not to incommode Mrs. Cotton but only to take a Seat with her (as we suppose there will be full room eno' and to spare for both). Yours and Mrs. Adams's advice and assistance in this as well as any other instance will be gratefully receivd by Your friend,
Not found.
John Hancock had given £1,000 toward the new building of Rev. Samuel Cooper's Brattle Street Meetinghouse, completed in 1773 (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates
, 11:195).
1775-09-23
The Publick have great Need of two Vols. of Mr. Adams English Statutes at large. The edition which Mr. Adams owns is (if I don't mistake) Ruffhead's. The one Vol. which is wanted is that which contains the Statutes of 27th. of Edward the third and the other which is Needed contains the Statutes of the 23d. of Henry the 8th.1
I would not ask such a favour Madam, if the publick was not much interested. I shall desire Col. Thayer to be particularly careful in 284bringing them—after their Arrival, I will undertake that they be Most carefully used and will be responsible for a speedy return of them. I don't know where else they can be Obtained.
JA's set of the British Statutes at Large was that compiled by Owen Ruffhead, 8 vols. in 9, London, 1763–1765; it survives among his books in the Boston Public Library. The volumes Hawley wanted were the first two. A comparison of the statutes enacted during the regnal years mentioned by Hawley with the entries in the Massachusetts House Journal at this period does not suggest the precise use to which Hawley intended to put the Statutes.
1775-09-25
I set down with a heavy Heart to write to you. I have had no other since you left me. Woe follows Woe and one affliction treads upon the heal of an other. My distress for my own family having in some measure abated;1 tis excited anew upon the distress of my dear Mother. Her kindness brought her to see me every day when I was ill and our little Tommy. She has taken the disorder and lies so bad that we have little hopes of her Recovery. She is possess'd with the Idea that she shall not recover, and I fear it will prove but too true.
In this Town the distemper seems to have abated. We have none now so bad as Patty. She has lain 21 days, each day we had reason to think would be her last, but
The desolation of War is not so distressing as the Havock made by the pestilence. Some poor parents are mourning the loss of 3, 4 and 5 children, and some families are wholy striped of every Member.
Wherefore is it that we are thus contended with? How much reason have I for thankfulness that all my family are spaired whilst so many others are striped of their parents, their children, their husbands.
O kind Heaven spair my parents, spair my Dearest Friend and grant him Health. Continue the lives and health of our dear children. Sister Elihu Adams lost her youngest child last night with this disorder.2 I can add no more than Supplications for your welfare, and an ardent desire to hear from you by every opportunity. It will alleviate 285every trouble thro which it may be my Lot to pass. I am most affectionately your distress'd
MS: “abateded.”
An infant daughter whose name is not known.
1775-09-26
I have not written the usual Compliment of Letters since I left Braintree; nor have I received one Scratch of a Pen from any Body, till the last Evening, when the Post brought me a Line from Mrs. Warren,1 in which she informs me that you had been ill, but was better. I shall be unhappy till I hear farther from you, tho I hope for the best.
I have enjoyed better Health, this session than the last, and have suffered less from certain Fidgets, Pidlings, and Irritabilities which have become so famous. A more serious Spirit prevails than heretofore. We shall soon be in Earnest. I begin to think We are so. Our Injunctions of Secrecy are so much insisted on, that I must be excused from disclosing one Iota of any Thing that comes to my Knowledge as a Member of the Congress. Our Journal of the last session however, I conjecture will be speedily printed and then I will inclose it to you.
I want to be informed from Hour to Hour, of any Thing which passes in Boston—whether our Friends come out—what Property they bring?—how they fare in Town? How the Tories subsist &c. &c. &c. Whether the Troops are healthy or sickly?
I also want to know every Thing which passes in our Army. The Feats and Exploits of our little Naval Armaments would be very agreable.
Tudor is made easy. He must keep a Clerk, or there will be Jealousies. Indeed it is his Duty for it is impossible he can do the Business himself, and if that is not done, Injustice to the public will be done.2
I have seen the Utility of Geometry, Geography, and the Art of drawing so much of late, that I must intreat you, my dear, to teach the Elements of those Sciences to my little Girl and Boys. It is as pretty an Amusement, as Dancing or Skaiting, or Fencing, after they 286have once acquired a Taste for them. No doubt you are well qualified for a school Mistress in these Studies, for Stephen Collins tells me the English Gentleman, in Company with him, when he visited Braintree, pronounced you the most accomplished Lady, he had seen since he left England.—You see a Quaker can flatter, but dont you be proud.3
My best Wishes and most fervent Prayers attend our little Family. I have been banished from them, the greatest Part of the last Eighteen Months but I hope to be with them more, in Time to come. I hope to be excused from attending at Philadelphia, after the Expiration of the Year. I hope that Dr. Winthrop, Mr. Sever, Mr. Greenleaf, Coll. Warren, Mr. Hawley, Mr. Gerry, some or all of them will take their Turns, in the States4—and suffer me, at least to share with my Family, a little more than I have done, the Pleasures and Pains of this Life, and that I may attend a little more to my private Affairs that I may not be involved in total Ruin, unless my Country should be so and then I should choose to share its Fate.
Dated at Watertown, 4 Sept. 1775 (Adams Papers; partly printed in
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:106–107). Mrs. Warren casually reported that AA had been “a Little unwell ... but is much better.”
William Tudor had been appointed judge advocate general on 14 July and soon found himself overwhelmed with work; see Tudor to JA, no date, filed under Aug. 1775 (Adams Papers).
On this incident see JA's Diary entry of 24 Sept. 1775 (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:181–182).
In the sense of “States General,” meaning the Continental Congress—an echo of JA's reading in Dutch history.
1775-09-27
I Received yours last Evening.1 Att the same time that I feel a Joy on the happy recovery of yourself and Family, I feel a Tender Simpathy, and Concern with you on the Continuation of your Anxiety and Affliction by the Illness of your Mother. I hope you will soon be relieved by her recovery. I Intended before this to have had the pleasure of going to Plymo. and makeing at least a short Visit to Mrs. Warren and Family, and should not have failed Calling on you as I went along. I cant Express the Mortifications I feel on the repeated disappointments I have met with. I have been detained here three weeks Expecting every minute the remainder of the money to be sent from Philadelphia. The delay is unaccountable to every one here. We are all Agreed that there is some Wickedness at the Bottom, but know 287not where. It is suspected to be in one of the Treasurer's whose Principles I am told would not recommend him to the place he holds. I know of no Conveyance at present to Philadelphia but by the Post who goes Tomorrow. Will Endeavour to Acquaint you of any I may meet with. The two Letters I received from you for Mr. Adams, I Inclosed in my own and sent by Mr. Willing. His postponeing his Journey from one day to another for a Week was the Occasion, of both of them going by the same Conveyance. I presume they are delivered before this. We have a remarkable Dearth of News. Nothing but what you see in the Paper Except the safe arrival of our Troops at Kennebeck.2 Not A word from Philadelphia. I hope very soon to have a Letter from your worthy Partner, who I dare say with me regrets those Circumstances that oblige us to a Seperation from the very worthy objects of our Esteem and Affection. I will forward the Letter you send by the first Opportunity. I am Madam with the greatest regard Your Friend & Humble Servt.,
Not found.
These troops had sailed from Newburyport to the Kennebeck River for the march into Canada under the command of Benedict Arnold. See French, First Year
, p. 431–432.
1775-09-29
I received your kind favour of the 17. It was a Cordial to my dejected Heart to see and hear of your safe arrival in good Health and Spirits.
Many are the Mercies of Heaven towards me. Tho I feel myself severely chastned yet I would not be unmindful either of the favours or frowns of him who hath said that he doth not afflict willingly.—Tis allotted me to go from the sick and allmost dyeing Bed of one of the Best of parents to my own habitation, where again I behold the same Scene, only varied by a remoter connextion—
I go to my Mother, and stay 12 hours with her, and then am obliged to return home to the most gastly object my Eyes ever beheld, who is continually desirous of my being with her the little While she expects to live, and who is now become such a putrid mass as scarcely to be able for any one to do their Duty towards her.
288You can more easily conceive than I discribe what are the sensations of my Heart, when absent from either, continually expecting a Messenger with the fatal tidings; er'e this will reach you I suppose you will have received a Catalogue of my afflictions. In past years small has been my portion of the Bitter Cup in comparison with many others. But there is now prepairing for me I fear, a large draught thereof. May I be enabled to submit with patience and resignation to the rod and him who hath appointed it, knowing it is directed by unerring wisdom. The consolations of Religion are the only sure comforters in the day of affliction. They are not Buried in the dust, they journey not from us, nor can they be wrested from the mind by the lawless rapine of tyrants.
Thus far I wrote but could add no more till this morning. The Doctor is just gone, but alas he gives me no hopes, as he can see no symptoms upon which he can Build. I go to day to give a respit to my sisters.
All our dear little one
You must write me by every opportunity. You will not expect me to look abroad for any news. I hope you will have every intelegance from others much better than can be given you by your afflicted
1775-10-01
Have pitty upon me, have pitty upon me o! thou my beloved for the Hand of God presseth me soar.
Yet will I be dumb and silent and not open my mouth becaus thou o Lord hast done it.
How can I tell you (o my bursting Heart) that my Dear Mother has Left me, this day about 5 oclock she left this world for an infinitely better.
After sustaining 16 days severe conflict nature fainted and she fell asleep. Blessed Spirit where art thou? At times I almost am ready to faint under this severe and heavy Stroke, seperated from thee who used to be a comfortar towards me in affliction, but blessed be God, 289his Ear is not heavy that he cannot hear, but he has bid us call upon him in time of Trouble.
I know you are a sincere and hearty mourner with me and will pray for me in my affliction. My poor father like a firm Believer and a Good christian sets before his children the best of Examples of patience and submission. My sisters send their Love to you and are greatly afflicted. You often Express'd your anxiety for me when you left me before, surrounded with Terrors, but my trouble then was as the small dust in the balance compaird to what I have since endured. I hope to be properly mindful of the correcting hand, that I may not be rebuked in anger.—You will pardon and forgive all my wanderings of mind. I cannot be correct.
Tis a dreadful time with this whole province. Sickness and death are in almost every family. I have no more shocking and terible Idea of any Distemper except the Plague than this.
Almighty God restrain the pestilence which walketh in darkness and wasteth at noon day and which has laid in the dust one of the dearest of parents. May the Life of the other be lengthend out to his afflicted children and Your distressd
1775-10-01
This Morning, I received your two Letters of September 8th. and September 16th.1—What shall I say?—The Intelligence they contain, came upon me by Surprize, as I never had the least Intimation before, that any of my Family was ill, excepting in a Card from Mrs. Warren received a few days ago, in which she informed me that Mrs. Adams had been unwell but was better.2
You may easily conceive the State of Mind, in which I am at present.—Uncertain and apprehensive, at first I suddenly thought of setting off, immediately, for Braintree, and I have not yet determined otherwise. Yet the State of public Affairs is so critical, that I am half afraid to leave my Station, Altho my Presence here is of no great Consequence.
I feel—I tremble for You. Poor Tommy! I hope by this Time, however, he has recovered his plump Cheeks and his fine Bloom. By 290your Account of Patty I fear—but still I will hope she has been supported, and is upon the Recovery.
I rejoice to learn that Nabby and her Brothers have hitherto escaped and pray God that his Goodness may be still continued to them.—Your Description of the distressed State of the Neighbourhood is affecting indeed.
It is not uncommon for a Train of Calamities to come together. Fire, Sword, Pestilence, Famine, often keep Company, and visit a Country in a Flock.
At this Distance I can do no good to you nor yours. I pray God to support you—I hope our Friends and Neighbours are kind as usual. I feel for them, in the general Calamity.
I am so far from thinking you melancholly, that I am charmed with that Admirable Fortitude, and that divine Spirit of Resignation which appears in your Letters. I cannot express the Satisfaction it gives me, nor how much it contributes to support me.
You have alarmed me however, by mentioning Anxieties which you do not think it prudent to mention to any one. I am wholly at a Loss to conjecture what they can be. If they arise from the Letters,3 be assured that you may banish them forever. These Letters have reached Philadelphia, but have produced Effects very different from those which were expected from the Publication of them. These Effects I will explain to you sometime or other. As to the Versification of them, if there is Wit or Humour in it laugh—if ill Nature, sneer—if mere Dullness, why you may even yawn or nod. I have no Anger, at it, nay even scarcly contempt. It is impotent.
As to Politicks, We have nothing to expect but the whole Wrath and Force of G. Britain. But your Words are as true as an oracle “God helps them, who help them selves, and if We obtain the divine Aid by our own Virtue, Fortitude and Perseverance, We may be sure of Relief.”
It may amuse you to hear a Story. A few days ago, in Company with Dr. Zubly, somebody said, there was nobody on our side but the Almighty. The Dr. who is a Native of Switzerland, and speaks but broken English, quickly replied “Dat is enough.—Dat is enough,” and turning to me, says he, it puts me in mind of a fellow who once said, The Catholicks have on their side the Pope, and the K. of France and the K. of Spain, and the K. of Sardinia, and the K. of Poland and the Emperor of Germany &c. &c. &c. But as to them poor Devils the Protestants, they have nothing on their side but God Almighty.
291
Both printed above, the second under its true date of 17 September.
See JA to AA, 26 Sept., note 1.
The intercepted letters. For more on the beneficial effect they had in Philadelphia (as JA believed), see JA to James Warren, 2 Oct.,
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:124; to AA, 2 Oct., below.
1775-10-02
Every Thing here is in as good a Way as I could wish, considering the Temper and Designs of Administration. I assure you, the Letters have had no such bad Effects, as the Tories intended, and as some of our shortsighted Whiggs apprehended: so far otherwise that I see and hear every day, fresh Proofs that every Body is coming fast into every political Sentiment contained in them. I assure you I could mention compliments passed upon them: and if a serious Decision could be had upon them, the public Voice would be found in their Favour.
But I am distressed with Cares of another Kind. Your two Letters are never out of my Thoughts. I should have mounted my Horse this day for Braintree, if I had not hopes of hearing further from you in a Day or two.
However, I will hope that your Prospects are more agreable than they were, and that the Children are all better as well as the rest of the Family and the Neighbours. If I should hear more disagreable Advices from you I shall certainly come home, for I cannot leave you, in such Affliction, without endeavouring to lessen it, unless there was an absolute Necessity of my staying here, to do a Duty to the Public, which I think there is not.
I must beg to be excused my dear from hint
I must also beseech you to be cautious what you write to me and by whom you send. Letters sent to the Care of Coll. Warren, will come Safe.
My Regards with all proper Distinctions to my Relations and yours, my Friends and yours, my Acquaintances and yours.
This will go by Major Bayard, a Gentleman of the Presbyterian Perswasion in this City, of excellent Character to whom I am indebted for a great many Civilities.
1775-10-04
Since your absence your family has been visited with such a scene of sickness, as, I believe it never before saw. Mrs's. Adams, Tommy, Copeland, Susy and Patty have been sick with the disorder which began to rage when you left Braintree; but they have all recovered saving Patty who Yesterday lay at the point of death.
Little Tommy, whom I affectionately love, had it so severely, that his life was despaired of; but God the great fountain and source of Being graciously averted the arrow of Death that seemed impending, and spared the tender Plant.
Mrss. Adams, whom I have just Grounds to respect, I unfeignedly pity in her present Distress. The Care of her Family in its present Situation is perplexing and burdensome—almost too much for her to sustain considering she is but just recovering from the violent Operations of this debilitating disorder.
I sympathize with her under an additional Distress, viz. the Loss of her Mother Smith, at whose Funeral Solemnity, she was Yesterday a mournful and an affected Attendant. One great Distress backed with another as severe has almost unnerved her; but Christian Fortitude cooperating with a firm Dependance on providential Support has enabled her to sustain the repeated Attacks of Distress and Despair.
The Symptoms of this Disorder are greatly abated and we are in hopes its Operations will soon cease.—Sword and Pestilence spread wild Havock and Carnage among Men. The one and the other we have experienced; of late, the latter is gradually removeing; but the Duration of the former is known only to that God who hath appointed both. Appearances seem to indicate that the Scabbard must still continue in Exile, and that the Sword must not as yet seek her safe Retreat.
1775-10-06
Last Sabbath departed this Life universally lamented Mrs. Elizabeth Smith, the amiable and virtuous Consort of the Revd. Mr. William Smith of this town; Aged 53 years. She has left a disconsolate Husband and four Children to mourn her Loss.1
No external motives to virtue with which mankind are favoured are more powerfully operative than living Examples of Piety and goodness: But next to these, perhaps, may be ranked the faithfull Coppies of Piety and virtue exhibited in the Characters of departed Saints. Hence we find that our blessed Lord, when on Earth, propos'd his Example to his Followers—“Learn of me &c.” and hence also the holy Apostle recommends as patterns to the primitive Christians the Characters of those departed Worthies who “thro' Faith and Patience inherited the promisses.”
Those who had the Happiness of being acquainted with Her whose much lamented Death gave rise to these Reflections, will not be offended at seeing so amiable a Character as hers modestly presented to publick view.
Tho' Mrs. Smith decended from very worthy and honourable Ancestors the pride of Parentage never found a place in her Heart: her true Dignity Sprung from a nobler Alliance. She “was born of God” and as a Christian was carefull without ostentation to walk in all the Commandments and Ordinances of the Lord blameless and to Teach the same to her family2 carefully avoiding that blind zeal for Trifles which so often alienates the affections of Christians and sours the sweetest Temper. In the various Social Relations of Wife, Mother and Mistress of a Family She was kind, tender and humane: but these soft and amiable Qualities appeared much more in obliging Actions than warm Expressions. In Sickness especially, her kind Assistance extended far beyond the limits of her Family or particular Connections. It was enough that the distressed was poor or a Stranger or Friendless to call her from her beloved retirement to their help and assistance; indeed it was in visiting and assisting the sick and Distressed that Mrs. Smith peculiarly excell'd. Her Tenderness and Attention were such as almost to prevent the Wishes of the Patient while the Chearfullness with which she administered to their Necessities “made languor smile and smothed the bed of Death.”
In her Domestick Oeconomy she was a Pattern of Prudence and 294Industry and by imploying the Indus
In her Relation to the Parish, as the Wife of their Minister She was remarkably Prudent and Discreet never intermedling as a Party in any of the little Feuds and Quarrels that might happen in the Parish: but on the contrary allways using her best endeavours to restore Peace and Friendship where they had been unhappily interrupted: And such was her great Prudence and her mild and friendly manner of address that the blessing of the Peace Maker was often hers. Her treatment of the Parishioners was with the utmost frankness and affability when she met them abroad and with the most friendly Hospitality when she entertained them at home. By such a Prudent, virtuous and kind behaviour she gained the universal love and Esteem of that worthy Community where she had for more than thirty years resided And where perhaps in all that time no Death was ever more sincerely or more universally lamented than hers. In the Course of life she was often visited by long and painfull Indispositions of body; but She received the visits of those harbingers of Death with Christian Fortitude: and when at last her constitution tender and delicate at best was forc'd to yield to the king of Terrors; even then she was not “afraid with any Amazment” but calmly resigned her Soul into the hands of her great Redeamer saying with the blessed St. Stephen “Lord Jesus receive my Spirit.” With these Words she clos'd the Mortal Drama, Her next were heard in heaven!4
This obituary tribute is not in the hand of any member of the Smith family or circle known to the present editors. It is probably a fair copy of a missing original to which, as some phrases in the text suggest, AA may well have contributed. The tribute was printed in the Halls' New-England Chronicle or Essex Gazette of 19 Oct. 1775—a paper which had recently been published in Salem, was currently published in Cambridge, and after the British evacuation was transferred to Boston. The newspaper text is somewhat shorter and contains a number of verbal changes; only two variants are noted here.
Remainder of this sentence omitted in newspaper text.
Newspaper text reads: “... and by employing many of her poor Neighbours in making Clothing.”
For a more searching comment on the subject of this obituary, see JA's first letter to AA of 29 Oct., below.
1775-10-07
Yesterday, by the Post, I received yours of Septr. 25th., and it 295renewed a Grief and Anxiety, that was before almost removed from my Mind. Two days before I had the Pleasure of a very valuable Letter from Coll. Quincy,1 in which he kindly informed me that you and Our Family were so much better that you and my dear Nabby, had made a Visit at his House: and Mr. Williams, who brought the Letter acquainted me that he had been to Braintree after the Date of it, that you was in good Spirits, that Tommy was so much better as to be playing abroad, and that he hoped Patty was not dangerous: you will easily believe that this Information gave me great Pleasure and fine Spirits: It really relieved me from a heavy Load: But your last Letter has revived my Concern.—I will still hope however that your excellent Mother will yet be spared for a Blessing to her Family and an Example to the World. I build my Hopes of her Recovery, upon the Advantage of a Constitution which has hitherto sustained so many Attacks and upon a long Course of exact Temperance which I hope has deprived the Distemper of its most dangerous food and Fuel.—However, our Lives are not in our own Power. It is our Duty to submit.—“The Ways of Heaven are dark and intricate.” Its designs are often inscrutable, But are always wise and just and good.
It was long before I had the least Intimation of the Distress of the Family, and I fear, that your not receiving so many Letters from me as usual may have been one Cause of Infelicity to you.—Really, my dear, I have been more cautious than I used to be. It is not easy to know whom to trust, in these times, and if a Letter from any Person in the situation I am in, can be laid hold of, there are so many Lies made and told about it, so many false Copies taken and dispersed, and so many false Constructions put, that one ought to be cautious.
The Situation of Things, is so alarming, that it is our Duty to prepare our Minds and Hearts for every Event, even the Worst. From my earliest Entrance into Life, I have been engaged in the public Cause of America: and from first to last I have had upon my Mind, a strong Impression, that Things would be wrought up to their present Crisis. I saw from the Beginning that the Controversy was of such a Nature that it never would be settled, and every day convinces me more and more. This has been the source of all the Disquietude of my Life. It has lain down and rose up with me these twelve Years. The Thought that we might be driven to the sad Necessity of breaking our Connection with G.B. exclusive of the Carnage and Destruction which it was easy to see must attend the seperation, always gave me a great deal of Grief. And even now, I would chearfully retire from public life forever, renounce all Chance for Profits or Honours from 296the public, nay I would chearfully contribute my little Property to obtain Peace and Liberty.—But all these must go and my Life too before I can surrender the Right of my Country to a free Constitution. I dare not consent to it. I should be the most miserable of Mortals ever after, whatever Honours or Emoluments might surround me.
Dated 22 Sept. 1775 (Adams Papers) and largely devoted to proposals for defending Boston Harbor.
1775-10-09
I have not been composed enough to write you since Last Sabbeth1 when in the bitterness of my soul, I wrote a few confused lines, since which time it has pleased the great disposer of all Events to add Breach to Breach—
The day week that I was call'd to attend a dying parents Bed I was again call'd to mourn the loss of one of my own Family. I have just returnd from attending Patty to the Grave. No doubt long before this will reach you, you have received a melancholy train of Letters in some of which I mention her as dangerously sick. She has lain 5 weeks wanting a few days so bad as that we had little hopes of her Recovery; the latter part of the Time she was the most shocking object my Eyes ever beheld, and so loathsome that it was with the utmost dificulty we could bear the House. A mortification took place a week before she dyed, nothing but duty and humanity could and renderd her a most pityable object. We have great sickness yet in the Town; she made the fourth Corpse that was this day committed to the Ground. We have many others now so bad as to dispair of their lives. But Blessed be the Father of Mercies all our family are now well, tho I have my apprehensions least the
malignincy of the air in the House may have infected some of them, we have fevers of various kinds, the Throat Distemper as well as the Dysentery prevailing in this and the Neighbouring Towns.
How long o Lord shall the whole land say I am sick? O shew us 297wherefore it is that thou art thus contending with us? In a very perticuliar manner I have occasion to make this inquiry who have had Breach upon Breach, nor has one wound been permitted to be healed e'er it is made to Blead affresh, in six weeks I count 5 of my near connections laid in the grave. Your Aunt Simpson died at Milton about ten days ago with the Dysentery.2
But the heavy stroke which most of all distresses me is my dear Mother. I cannot overcome my too selfish sorrow, all her tenderness towards me, her care and anxiety for my welfare at all times, her watchfulness over my infant years, her advice and instruction in maturer age; all, all indear her memory to me, and highten my sorrow for her loss. At the same time I know a patient submission is my duty. I will strive to obtain it! But the lenient hand of time alone can blunt the keen Edg of Sorrow. He who deignd to weep over a departed Friend, will surely forgive a sorrow which at all times desires to be bounded and restrained, by a firm Belief that a Being of infinite wisdom and unbounded Goodness, will carve out my portion in tender mercy towards me! Yea tho he slay me I will trust in him said holy Job. What tho his corrective Hand hath been streatched against me; I will not murmer. Tho earthly comforts are taken away I will not repine, he who gave them has surely a right to limit their duration, and has continued them to me much longer than I deserved. I might have been striped of my children as many others have been. I might o! forbid it Heaven, I might have been left a solitary widow.
Still I have many blessing
My dear parent knew in whom she had Believed, and from the first attack of the distemper she was perswaded it would prove fatal to her. A solemnity possess'd her soul, nor could you force a smile from her till she dyed. The voilence of her disease soon weakened her so that she was unable to converse, but whenever she could speak, she testified her willingness to leave the world and an intire resignation to the Divine Will. She retaind her senses to the last moment of her Existance, and departed the World with an easy tranquility, trusting in the merrits of a Redeamer. Her passage to immortality was marked with a placid smile upon her countanance, nor was there to be seen scarcly a vestage of the king of Terrors.
Tis by soothing Grief that it can be healed. 298
Forgive me then, for thus dwelling upon a subject sweet to me, but I fear painfull to you. O how I have long'd for your Bosom to pour forth my sorrows there, and find a healing Balm, but perhaps that has been denyed me that I might be led to a higher and a more permamant consolater who has bid us call upon him in the day of trouble.
As this is the first day since your absence that I could write you that we were all well, I desire to mark it with perticuliar gratitude, and humbly hope that all my warnings and corrections are not in vain.
I most thankfully received your kind favour of the 26 yesterday. It gives me much pleasure to hear of your Health. I pray Heaven for the continuance of it. I hope for the future to be able to give you more intelegance with regard to what passes out of my own little circle, but such has been my distress that I knew nothing of the political world.
You have doubtless heard of the viliny of one who has professd himself a patriot, but let not that man be trusted who can voilate private faith, and cancel solem covanants, who can leap over moral law, and laugh at christianity.3 How is he to be bound whom neither honour nor conscience holds?—We have here a Rumor that Rhodiland has shared the fate of Charlstown—is this the Day we read of when Satan was to be loosed?
I do not hear of any inhabitants getting out of Town. Tis said Gage is superceeded and How in his place,4 and that How released the prisoners from Gaoil. Tis also said tho not much credited that Burgoine is gone to Philadelphia.
I hope to hear from you soon. Adieu. Tis almost twelve o clock at Night. I have had so little Sleep that I must bid you good Night. With hearty wishes for your return I am most sincerely Your
That is, Sabbath before last, 1 October.
Late in September an exceedingly compromising letter in cipher written by Dr. Benjamin Church during the summer to his brother-in-law, a loyalist in Boston, was brought to light and caused a sensation because Church was high in patriot councils, a member of the Committee of Safety and of the House of Representatives, and in July had been appointed by Congress direc-299tor and chief physician of the Continental hospital. Church defended himself with spirit and ingenuity and never admitted his guilt. The suspicion that he was a traitor was not definitively proved until the 20th century. In his study entitled General Gage's Informers, Ann Arbor, 1932, Allen French published documents from the Gage Papers in the Clements Library showing that Church had been furnishing information to the British command in Boston since at least early in 1775. The Massachusetts House expelled Church, and he was court-martialed, but his punishment was referred to
the Continental Congress, which, though it imprisoned Church, never quite made up its mind about him. Apparently there were some members who thought Church had acted with more bad judgment than bad faith. For a contemporary account of Church's detection, see James Warren to JA, 1 Oct. (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:121–122). William Tudor furnished JA with a report of Church's examination at the bar of the House in a letter of 28 Oct. (Adams Papers). JA's first impulse was to warn against abandoning Church “for a Traitor without certain Evidence” (to Warren, 18 Oct.,
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:142; see also JA to AA, 13 Oct., below). Later JA hinted that Hancock and Samuel Adams took too lenient a view of Church's conduct
(
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:384). For what finally happened to Church, see French, General Gage's Informers, p. 195 ff.
Sir William Howe superseded Gage as commander of British forces south of Canada on 10 October.
1775-10-10
I am much concerned least you should feel an Addition to your Anxieties, from your having so seldom heard from me. But I pray you to dismiss all Concern about me. I am happier far than I was before the Adjournment. My Health is better, and Business and Conversation are much more to my Taste.
The surprizing Intelligence We have in private Letters concerning the Director of the Hospital, has made me more cautious of Writing than ever. I must be excused from writing a Syllable of any Thing of any Moment. My Letters have been and will be nothing, but Trifles. I dont cho
Pray, bundle up every Paper, not already hid, and conceal them in impenetrable Darkness. Nobody knows what may occur.
My Love to those who are dearest to us both. Send yours to the Care of the Gentleman whose Care has hitherto been successfull. Date them in Time, but not Place, and assume a new fictitious Name.
1775-10-13
I this day received yours of the 29 of September, and the 1st. of October.
Amidst all your Afflictions, I am greatly rejoiced to find that you all along preserve so proper and so happy a Temper—that you are sensible “the Consolations of Religion are the only sure Comforters.” It is the Constitution under which We are born that if We live long ourselves We must bury our Parents and all our Elder Relatives and many of those who are younger. I have lost a Parent, a Child and a Brother, and each of them left a lasting Impression on my Mind: But, you and I have
I bewail more than I can express, the Loss of your excellent Mother. I mourn the Loss of so much Purity, and unaffected Piety and Virtue to the World. I know of no better Character left in it. I grieve for you, and your Brother, and sisters, I grieve for your Father, whose Age will need the Succour of so excellent a Companion. But I grieve for nobody more than my Children, and Brothers Smiths and Mr. Cranch's. Her most amiable, and discreet Example, as well as her Kind Skill and Care I have ever relyed upon in my own Mind, for the Education of these little Swarms. Not that I have not a proper Esteem for the Capacity and Disposition of the Mothers, but I know that the Efforts of the Grandmother, are of great Importance, when they second those of the Parent. And I am sure that my Children are the better for the forming Hand of their Grandmother.
It gives me great Joy to learn that ours are well—let us be thankfull for this and many other Blessings yet granted us. Pray my dear cherish in the Minds of my Nabby and Johnny and Charly and Tommy the Remembrance of their Grand mamma, and remind them of her Precepts and Example.
God almighty grant to you and to every Branch of the Family, all the Support that you want! You and I, my dear, have Reason, if ever Mortals had, to be thoughtfull—to look forward beyond the transitory Scene. Whatever is preparing for Us, let us be prepared to receive. It is Time for Us to subdue our Passions of every Kind. The Prospect 301before Us is an Ocean of Uncertainties, in which no pleasing objects appear. We have few Hopes, excepting that of preserving our Honour and our Consciences untainted and a free Constitution to our Country. Let me be sure of these, and amidst all my Weaknesses, I cannot be overcome. With these I can be happy, in extream Poverty, in humble Insignificance, nay I hope and believe, in Death: without them I should be miserable, with a Crown upon my Head, Millions in my Coffers, and a gaping, idolizing Multitude at my Feet.—My Heart is too full of Grief for you and our Friends to whom I wish you to present my Regards, to say any Thing of News or Politicks. Yet the Affair of the surgeon general is so strange, and important an Event that I cannot close this gloomy Letter, without adding a Sigh for this imprudent unfortunate Man! I know not whether the Evidence will support the Word Treachery, but what may We not expect after Treachery to himself, his Wife and Children!2
Here and below, MS is torn by seal.
Church's intermediary in the affair of the cipher letter was a woman generally believed to be his mistress; it was therefore supposed that one of the reasons why he took money from the British was in order to support her. See Allen French, General Gage's Informers, p. 183 ff.
1775-10-19
I thank my Friends for their kind remembrance of me last week,1 the Letter enclosed was dated one day after that I received a week before, and containd no publick intelegance. I have been Expecting Letters by the Gentlemen who I hear have arrived,2 but fear I have not any, as there are none come to hand. I thought I should hear oftner from Philadelphia this fall, than I had ever done before, but I never before had so few Letters, or found the communication so difficult.
I wish my Friend you would be kind enough to write me often whilst you tarry at Watertown, and let your Letters be of the journal kind; by that mean I could participate in your amusements, in your pleasures, and in your sentiments which would greatly gratify me, and I should collect the best of inteligance.
Pray Sir is this request unreasonable. I would not ask any thing willingly which might be deemd so. If it is not will you use your 302influence in obtaining for me this favour? It is Matter of speculation what the errant of these Gentlemen is. Some suppose one thing some an other.
What do you immagine will be the consequence if a certain Letter writer should escape without very severe punishment? Would there not be suspicions in the minds of people, prejudicial to those in power? The Country appear much exasperated, and would say he was not the only traitor.
You have not wrote me what you think of the intercepted Letters, nor of the ridiculous pharaphrase. I wish you would be kind eno to return the coppy of the Letters when ever you have done with them.
I hear Mrs. Miflin is come to the Head Quarters. If you see her, please to present my complements to her. I want to know all that passes. Curiosity you see natural to me as a——3 but I know who has as much, and therefore can excuse a reasonable share of it in her Friend.
My best regards attend Mrs. Wintrope when you see her.4 When do you expect to return? I hope I shall see more of you then, and have the pleasure of both your company, much longer. I fear I shall not see you at Watertown. I feel but little inclination to go into company. I have no son big enough to accompany me, and two women cannot make out so well, as when they are more naturally coupled. I do not fancy riding thro Roxbury with only a female partner; so believe you will not see Your
Not found. It enclosed a letter from JA to AA of 27 Sept. which is also missing.
Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Lynch, and Benjamin Harrison, a committee appointed and instructed by Congress on 29–30 Sept. to confer with Washington and the de facto governing authorities in New England on “the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army” (
JCC
, 3:265–267). They arrived at Watertown on the 15th (James Warren to JA, 20–22 Oct. 1775,
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:149).
As a woman. AA is echoing remarks on female curiosity in Mrs. Warren's letter to her of 28 Jan., above.
Winthrop Family
, p. 187–191).
1775-10-19
It is some Time since I wrote you, and I have nothing, now, 303to write but Repetitions of Respect and Affection.—I am anxious to hear from you. I hope, the Family is better, and that your Grief for the great Loss We have all sustained is somewhat abated. I hope your Father and Sister Betcy, are well, tho they must be greatly afflicted. Give my Love to Betcy, and let her know that I feel, most intimately for her, as well as for myself, and the rest. I consider the Stroke must fall heavier upon her, as it was nearer to her. Her Prosperity is near my Heart—I wish her every Blessing which she can possibly wish for herself.
Really it is very painfull to be 400 Miles from ones Family and Friends when We know they are in Affliction. It seems as if It would be a Joy to me to fly home, even to share with you your Burdens and Misfortunes. Surely, if I were with you, it would be my Study to allay your Griefs, to mitigate your Pains and to divert your melancholly Thoughts.
When I shall come home I know not. We have so much to do, and it is so difficult to do it right, that We must learn Patience. Upon my Word I think, if ever I were to come here again, I must bring you with me. I could live here pleasantly if I had you, with me. Will you come and have the small Pox here? I wish I could remove all the Family, our little Daughter and Sons, and all go through the Distemper here.—What if We should? Let me please myself with the Thought however.
Congress has appointed Mr. Wythe, Mr. Deane and me, a Committee to collect an Account of the Hostilities committed by the Troops and Ships, with proper Evidence of the Number and Value of the Houses and other Buildings destroyed or damaged, the Vessells captivated and the Cattle, Sheep, Hogs &c. taken. We are about writing to all the general assemblies of New England, and to many private Gentlemen in each Collony to assist Us in making the Collections. The Gentlemen with me are able Men. Deane's Character you know. He is a very ingenious Man and an able Politician. Wythe is a new Member from Virginia, a Lawyer of the highest Eminence in that Province, a learned and very laborious Man: so that We may hope this Commission will be well executed.1 A Tale of Woe it will be! Such a scene of Distress, and Destruction and so patiently and magnanimously born. Such a Scene of Cruelty and Barbarity, so unfeelingly committed.—I mention this to you my dear, that you may look up and transmit to me a Paper, which Coll. Palmer lent me containing a Relation of the Charlestown Battle, which was transmitted to England by the Committee of Safety. This Paper I must have, or a Copy of it.2
304I wish I could collect from the People of Boston or others, a proper Set of Paintings of the Scenes of Distress and Misery, brought upon that Town from the Commencement of the Port Bill. Posterity must hear a Story that shall make their Ears to Tingle.
The committee to prepare “a just and well authenticated account of the hostilities committed by the ministerial troops and navy in America since last March” was appointed on 18 Oct., and on the 26th Congress ordered the resolution concerning it published (
JCC
, 3:298–299, 307). Some of the letters of inquiry signed and sent by the committee survive (three from scattered sources are recorded in the Adams Papers Editorial Files), and there are many references to the project in JA's private correspondence at this time. But contrary to JA's hope, more pressing business prevented this plan from being “executed” at all.
This “Relation” had been drawn up by the Committee of Safety, or by its order, and transmitted in a letter from Joseph Palmer to Arthur Lee in London, 25 July 1775. The narrative and covering letter are printed in Force, Archives
, 4th ser., 2:1373–1376, though curiously not in the official record of the Committee of Safety's proceedings, which ends at 15 July with an editorial statement that no further record is preserved (Mass. Provincial Congress, Jours.
, p. 597). Palmer forwarded a copy of the narrative to JA in a letter of 31 Oct. –11 Nov. 1775 (Adams Papers; enclosure filed at 25 July 1775); see also AA to JA, 5 Nov., below, which evidently forwarded another copy.
1775-10-20
I condole with you, most sincerely, for the loss of your most worthy grandmamma. I know you must be afflicted at this severe stroke. She was an excellent instructress to you, and a bright example of every amiable virtue. Her piety and benevolence; her charity; her prudence, patience, and wisdom, would have been, if it had pleased God to spare her life, an admirable model for you to copy. But she is no more: however, I hope you will remember a great deal of her advice and be careful to pursue it.
Now you have lost so valuable an ancestor, I hope you will be more attentive than ever to the instructions and examples of your mamma and your aunts. They I know will give you every assistance in forming your heart to goodness and your mind to useful knowledge, as well as to those other accomplishments which are peculiarly necessary and ornamental in your sex. My love to your brothers and all the rest of the family. Your father,
Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams, ... Edited by Her Daughter, New York, 1841–1842, 2:3–4.)
1775-10-20
I have suffered a great deal of Anxiety on your Account, having heard of your severe sickness. But am very glad to learn that you are better.1
I hope you will remember to whom you are obliged for your Restoration to Health, and that you will be sensible of the kind Care of your Mamma in your Illness and thankfull for it.
Your excellent Grandmamma, it is to be feared, took the Distemper which proved fatal to her at our House when she was kindly assisting your Mamma in attending upon you and the rest of the sick Family.— Your Age was so tender that you never had so much Knowledge of her, as your sister and Brothers, but I hope you knew so much of her Goodness as to wish to imitate it.
Be always dutifull and obedient to your Mamma and mind your Books—for it is only from your Books and the kind Instructions of your Parents that you can expect to be usefull in the World.
There is no indication on the MS which son JA is addressing, but it was TBA, youngest of the three, who had been seriously ill.
1775-10-21
Tis ten Days since I have wrote you a line; I have received one Letter since dated 27 of Sepbr.1 You do not mention having heard from me altho I have wrote six Letters. I thought I should have heard oftner from you in this absence than I had ever done before, but it has been quite otherways. I never found the communication so difficult, and tis only in my Night visions that I know any thing about you.
I have now the pleasure to tell you that we are all well. Charlly has had an ill turn since I wrote, but soon got better. Mr. Thaxter and Mr. Mason are returnd to me, and my family begins again to appear as it used to. Hayden does not stir. Says he will not go out of the parish unless he is carried out—and here nobody will let him come in. I 306have offerd him part of the House that Field is in if he will but go out, but no where suits, and it is not to be wonderd at as he has wood at free cost and has plunderd pretty well from the family they live with many articles.2 I have a great mind to send a sheriff and put him out.
The sickness has abated here and in the Neighbouring Towns. In Boston I am told it is very sickly among the inhabitants and the soldiry. By a Man one Haskings who came out the day befor yesterday I learn; that there are but about 25 hundred Soldiers in Town. How many there are at Charlstown he could not tell. He had been in Irons 3 weeks, some malicious fellow having said that he saw him at the Battle of Lexinton, but he proved that he was not out of Boston that day, upon which he was releazd, and went with two other men out in a small boat under their Eye to fish. They play'd about near the shore a while catching small fish, till they thought they could possibly reach Dorchester Neck; no sooner were they perceived attempting to escape than they had 20 cannon dischargd at them, but they all happily reachd the shore. He says no Language can paint the distress of the inhabitants, most of them destitute of wood and of provisions of every kind. The Bakers say unless they have a new supply of wood they cannot bake above one fortnight longer—their Bisquit are not above one half the former size. The Soldiers are obliged to do very hard duty, and are uneasy to a great degree, many of them declareing they will not continue much longer in such a state but at all hazards will escape; the inhabitants are desperate, and contriveing means of escape. A floating Battery of ours went out two nights ago, and row'd near the Town, and then discharged their Guns. Some of the Ball went into the Work house, some through the Tents in the common, and one through the Sign of the Lamb Tavern; he says it drove them all out of the common, Men, women and children screaming, and throe'd them into the utmost distress. But very unhappily for us in the discharge of one of the cannon, the Ball not being properly ramed down one of them split and killd 2 men and wounded 7 more, upon which they were obliged to return. He also says that the Tories are much distressd about the fate of Dr. Church, and very anxious to obtain him, and would exchange Lovel for him. This Man is so exasperated at the ill usage he has received from them that he is determined to inlist immediately. They almost starved him whilst he was in Irons, he says he hopes it will be in his power to send some of them to Heaven for mercy.
They are building a fort by the Hay market and rending down houses for timber to do it with. In the course of the last week several person
At present it looks as if there was no likelihoods of peace. The Ministry are determind to proceed at all events. The people are already slaves, and have neither virtue or spirit to help themselves or us. The time is hastning when Gorge like Richard may cry a kingdom a kingdom for a horse, and want even that wealth to make the purchase.
I hope by degrees we shall be innured to hardships and become a vi
I thank you for your amuseing account of the Quaker
What are your thoughts with regard to Dr. Church? Had you much knowledg of him? I think you had no intimate acquaintance with him.
It is a matter of great Speculation what will be his punishment. The people are much enraged against him. If he is set at liberty, even after he has received a severe punishment I do not think he will be safe. He will be dispised and detested by every one, and many suspisions will remain in the minds of people with regard to our rulers; they are for supposing this person is not sincere and that they have jealousy of.
Have you any prospect of returning. I hoped to have heard from you by the Gentlemen who came as a committe here, but they have been here a week, and I have not any Letters.
My Father and Sister Betsy desire to be rememberd to you. He is very disconsolate. It makes my heart ake to see him and I know not how to go to the House; he said to me the other day child I see your Mother, go to what part of the house I will. I think he has lost almost 308as much flesh as if he had been sick, and Betsy poor Girl looks broke and worne with Grief. These near connextions how they twist and cling about the Heart and when torn of draw the best Blood from it—
Be so good as to present my Regards to Mrs. Hancoke.3 I hope she is very happy. Mrs. Warren call'd upon me on her Way to Watertown. I wish I could as easily come to you, as she can go to Watertown but tis my Lot. In the 12 years we have been married I believe we have not lived together more than six.
If you could with any conveniancy procure me the articles I wrote for I should be very glad, more especially the needles and cloth. They are in such demand that we are really distressd for want of them.
We have had abundance of rain since you left us. I hope the Sickness with which we have been excersised has not reach'd Philadelphia. Mr. Wibird has not been able to preach since you left us, and is in a very low state.
Our little ones are well. Tommy is so fat he can scarcly see out of his Eyes, but is still excersiced with them fits. Dr. Tufts son is sick with a slow fever. Adieu. I think of nothing further to add but that I am With the tenderest Regard your
PS
Not found.
Thus in MS.
John Hancock was married on 28 Aug. to Dorothy, daughter of Justice Edmund Quincy, at Fairfield, Conn. (
DAB
). See Adams Genealogy. The couple had long been engaged, but JA's surprise at the news was considerable and was expressed in a letter to James Warren of 17 Sept. (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:110).
The town of Falmouth (now Port-309land, Maine) was bombarded and burnt by a British naval squadron acting under orders from Adm. Samuel Graves, 17 Oct.; see French, First Year
, p. 540–543, 765–766.
1775-10-21
This Letter will go by two Gentlemen, who are travelling to your Country, for the Sake of acquiring military Knowledge. The Name of one of them is Mr. John Folwell and the other Mr. Josiah Hart. Each of them is the Captain of a Company of Militia in their Country, which is no small Honour here. Captn. Hart is the Son of a Mr. Joseph Hart of Warminster in the County of Bucks in this Province, whose benevolent disposition has led him to exert himself, zealously to gather Collections of Money and other Things for the Relief of our Friends in Boston, and whose Character and Influence, has enabled him to do it with Success. These Travellers are visiting the Camp for the Sake of gaining military Knowledge by Experience, that their Country may have the Benefit of it whenever there shall be Occasion to call it forth.
I dont know that they will visit Braintree. If they should I hope you will treat them with as much Civility as your Circumstances will admit.
We have had a Calm for a long Time, but expect the Weather will change very soon. Remember me to all. My Duty to your Father, with my best Wishes for his Support under his severe Affliction.
1775-10-22
Mr. Lorthorp1 call'd here this Evening and brought me yours of the 1 of October a day which will ever be rememberd by me, for it was the most distressing one I ever experienced. That morning I rose and went into my Mothers room, not apprehending her so near her Exit, went to her Bed with a cup of tea in my hand, raised her head to give it to her, she swallowed a few drops, gaspd and fell back upon her pillow, opend her Eyes with a look that pirced my Heart and 310which I never shall forget. It was the eagerness of a last look—“and O! the last sad silence of a Friend.”
Yet she lived till 5 oclock that day, but I could not be with her. My dear Father prayed twice beside her Bed that day. God Almighty was with him and suported him that day and enabled him to go thro the Services of it. It was his communion day. He had there a tender scene to pass through—a young Grandaughter Betsy Cranch joining herself to the church, and a Beloved Wife dying to pray for—weeping children, weeping and mourning parishoners all round him, for every Eye streamed, his own heart allmost bursting as he spoke. How painful is the recollection, yet how pleasing?
I know I wound your Heart. Why should I? Ought I to give relief to my own by paining yours?
My pen is always freer than my tongue. I have wrote many things to you that I suppose I never could have talk'd.
My Heart is made tender by repeated affliction. It never was a hard Heart. The death of Patty came very near me, having lived four years with me, under my care. I hope it will make me more continually mindful and watchfull of all those who are still committed to my charge.
Tis a great trust. I daily feel more and more of the weight and importance of it, and of my own inability. I wish I could have more of the assistance of my dearest Friend but these perilous times swallow him up.
Mr. Lorthrope has given me this account of the demand upon Falmouth. A Man of War and two tenders went down and sent to the inhabitants to demand their Arms and require them to Stand Nutur, they required time to consider, they gave them till nine oclock the next day, which time they imployed in removeing the women, children and the rest of their most valuable Effects out of Danger when they sent their answer in the Negative. Upon which they began a cannonade and were continuing it when the Express came away.— Hitchbourn and an other Gentleman got out of Town in a small Boat, one of the fogy nights we have had this week.2 I have not heard what intelegance he brings. An other person says that How enlarged all the prisoners but Lovel and he would not come out.
I have since seen the pharaphrase as tis call'd but tis as low as the mock oration tho no reflection upon your private character further 311than immoderately whiping your Schollers when you kept School, a crime any one will acquit you of who knows you. As a specimen of the wit and humour it containd I will give you the tide—a pharaphrase upon the Second Epistle of John the round Head to James the prolocutor of the Rump parliment. Dear Devil &c.
I had it, but it was when I was in so much distress that I cared nothing about it. I will mention when I see you the foolish conjectures of some who want always to be finding out something extraordinary in what ever happens.
Mr. Cranchs family are well and send Love to you. Your Mother too, is always anxious for you, and is so apprehensive least a fleet should be sent to Bombard Philadelphia that she has not much comfort. Brothers family are well except young Crosby who had the dysentery very bad, and has left him Bereaved of his reason.3 Isaac is so far recoverd as to return after six weeks and Susy is returnd to me again. Our neighbours are now all getting well.
Probably Isaac Lothrop, of Plymouth, who had been James Warren's colleague as a member of the General Court and of the several Provincial Congresses; see their Journals and
Warren-Adams Letters
, passim.
Benjamin Hichborn escaped from Adm. Graves' ship, Preston, in Boston Harbor on 19 Oct. by eluding a sentry, climbing out of the gunroom port, and dropping into the captain's canoe, in which he reached Dorchester Neck (Hichborn to JA, 25 Nov.–10 Dec. 1775, Adams Papers).
Presumably
1775-10-23
Yesterday yours of Octr. 9th. came to Hand. Your Letters never failed to give me Pleasure—the greatest Pleasure that I take, is in receiving them. And altho every one, which has yet come to Hand is replete with melancholly Tidings, yet I can truly say I never was so earnest to receive them. I rejoice in the happy Principles and the happy Temper, which apparently dictated them all.
312I feel myself much affected with the Breach upon the Family. But We can count a Mother, a Brother, an Aunt, and a Brothers Child among the slain by this cruel Pestilence. May God almighty put a stop to its Rage, and humble us under the Ravages already made by it.
The sorrows of all our Friends on the Loss of your Mother are never out of my Mind. I pray God to spare my Parent whose Life has been prolonged by his Goodness hitherto, as well as yours that survives.
The tremendous Calamities already felt of Fire, Sword and Pestilence, may be only Harbingers of greater still. We have no security against Calamities here—this Planet is its Region. The only Principle is to be prepared for the worst Events.
If I could write as well as you, my sorrows would be as eloquent as yours, but upon my Word I cannot.
The unaccountable Event which you allude to has reached this Place and occasioned a Fall. I would be glad however that the worst Construction might not be put. Let him have fair Play—tho I doubt.
The Man who violates private Faith, cancells solemn Obligations, whom neither Honour nor Conscience holds, shall never be knowingly trusted by me. Had I known, when I first voted for a Director of an Hospital, what I heard afterwards when I was down,1 I would not have voted as I did. Open barefaced Immorality ought not to be so countenanced. Tho I think, a Fatality attends us in some Instances, yet a divine Protection and favour is visible in others, and let us be chearfull whatever happens. Chearfullness is not a sin in any Times.
I am afraid to hear again almost least some other should be sick in the House. Yet I hope better, and that you will reassume your wonted Chearfullness and write again upon News and Politics. Send your Letters to Warren for Conveyance. I wont trust any other.
That is, while in Massachusetts between sessions of Congress.
1775-10-25
I have been highly favourd this week past. No less than 5 Letters I have received from you. It is a releif to one to know that we have a Friend who shares our misfortunes and afflictions with us. Your Letters administer comfort to my wounded Heart. It will sometimes when of of1 my Gaurd swell and exceed the bounds I endeavour to 313set to it. It is natural to mourn the loss of any comforts in proportion to the pleasure and satisfaction we derived from them.
Altho I have all immaginable reason to think my dear Mother far happier than she could be in this uncertain perplexing state of existance, and do not
I am very sensible of the truth of your observation with regard to their loss. The instructions of my own Grandmamma3 are as fresh upon my mind this day as any I ever received from my own parents and made as lasting and powerfull impressions. Every virtuous example has powerfull impressions in early youth. Many years of vice and vicious examples do not erase from the mind seeds sown in early life. They take a deep root, and tho often crop'd will spring again.
I have been to day with my Sister Cranch who is very ill, and the Doctor thinks threatned with a fever. I have little respite from trouble—“Life is a poor play.”
Sister Betsy too is very unwell. It continus very sickly in Weymouth. All sorts of fevers, throat distemper and dysenterys prevail. In this Town it has abated.
I have an invitation to dine to morrow with Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bodwin
Poor Falmouth has shared the fate of Charlstown; are we become a Sodom? I would fain hope we are not. Unsearchable are the ways of Heaven who permitteth Evil to befall a city and a people by those very hands who were by them constituded the Gaurdians and protecters of them. We have done Evil or our Enimies would be at peace with us. The Sin of Slavery as well as many others is not washed away.
314A deserter came out of Town yesterday and says the General had given orders that no more Bread should be sold to the inhabitants by the Bakers, nor by the Soldiers but if any overplus remaind of their allowance they should return it to the Store and receive their money. Poor poor inhabitants of Boston what will be their fate? A milch Cow was carried into the market and there offerd for sale at a Quarter a dollor per pound. Now and then a poor Creature runs a risk and gets clear.
Mr. Hardwick desires Mr. Bass would not forget his needles, and I would make the same request to you. I wrote for a few articles in the physical way. I assure you medicine is very scarce, the great Demand for it has distressd the Doctors. I would not croud you with articles, but hope you will remember my other bundle of pins, the price of one paper now amounts to what we used to give for a whole Bundle.
Mr. Bass'es Father desires to be rememberd to his Son and to acquaint him that they were all well.
Your worthy Mother also desires her Love to you and is well. Adieu tis late at night, past the midnight hour. I wish for a safe return. You have the honour of a commission of the peace in the house sent to me last week4 and I hear are appointed Chief justice.5 Mr. Read is an other of the justices. Who the rest are I have not heard. Once more adieu from yours Without a Signature.
Thus in MS, for “off of” or, more likely, simply “off.”
Supplied for a word torn away by seal.
Both of AA's grandmothers were living during her girlhood:
This was a commission as justice of the peace and of the quorum in Suffolk co., “By Command of the Major Part of the Council,” dated at Watertown, 6 Sept. 1775 (Adams Papers). The form was the printed form headed “GEORGE the Third,” &c.
JA was nominated by the Council on 11 Oct. a justice of the Superior Court (M-Ar: Council Records, 17:128), and on 28 Oct. the deputy secretary of the Council, Perez Morton, informed him that he had been elected “first or Chief Justice” (Adams Papers). But as things turned out, JA never actually served; see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:359–363, and notes there.
1775-10-28
The Fall of Dr. Ch
The Gentleman appointed Director and surgeon general of the Hospital, is John Morgan M.D. Fellow of the Royal Society at London; Correspondent of the Royal Academy of Surgery at Paris; Member of the Arcadian Belles Lettres Society at Rome; Licentiate of the Royal Colledges of Physicians in London and in Edinburgh; and Professor of the Theory and Practice of Medicine in the Colledge of Philadelphia.
This Gentleman was one of the first who received their Education in the Colledge in this City, and served an Apprenticeship of six Years with Dr. John Redman an eminent Phisician, here, during one whole Year of which he put up the Prescriptions of all the Phisicians who attended the public Hospital here, who were all eminent. After this the Dr. entered the Army and served four Years under Generals Moncton, Forbes and Stanwix, where he had an entensive1 Practice, in the Army among all Kinds of Diseases. Five years after, he left the Army he spent in Europe,2 under the most celebrated Masters in every Branch of Medicine. During this Period he visited the principal Cities and Seats of Science in Great Britain, Holland, France and Italy.
Returning from his Travels, he was chosen Professor of Medicine in the Colledge in this City, where he has constantly read Lectures every Winter, and for many Years practiced among the Citizens.
Dr. Morgans moral Character is very good, and his manners are civil, decent, and agreable. He married a sister of the Lady of our Chaplain, Mr. Dushe, who is new Rector of the three united Churches in this City. A sister of the Doctors is married to Mr. Stillman the Antipaedobaptist lately in Boston, now in this Place.3
Thus I hope We shall hear no Complaint that this Place is not now well filled.
Jealousy and Envy spare nobody. Some have whispered that the Dr. is a little Visionary in Theory and Practice. But all agree that he is attentive, vigilant and laborious for the good of his Patients in a great Degree, and he is said to be a pious Man.4
Thus in MS.
Thus in MS, meaning that after he left the army he spent five years in Europe.
Morgan's wife and Rev. Jacob Duché's wife were sisters, Mary and Elizabeth Hopkinson (
DAB
, under both husbands' names). Rev. Samuel Stillman, of the First Baptist Church in Boston, had married Hannah, sister of John Morgan (
DAB
).
Despite all these conspicuous qualifications, Morgan, who had been appointed on 17 Oct. director general and chief physician of the Continental hospitals (
JCC
, 3:297), lasted less than a year in that responsible post. There is reason to believe that the duties of this office were so difficult and multifarious that no human being could have discharged them satisfactorily.
1775-10-29
I cannot exclude from my Mind your melancholly Situation. The Griefs of your Father and Sisters, your Uncles and Aunts, as well as the remoter Connections, often croud in upon me, when my whole Attention ought to be directed to other Subjects.
Your Uncle Quincy, my Friend as well as Uncle, must regret the loss of a beloved Sister, Dr. Tufts my other Friend I know bewails the loss of a Friend, as well as an Aunt and a sister, Mr. Cranch the Friend of my youth as well as of my riper Years, whose tender Heart sympathizes with his fellow Creatures in every Affliction and Distress, in this Case feels the Loss of a Friend, a fellow Christian, and a Mother.
But alas what avail these mournfull Reflections. The best Thing We can do, the greatest Respect We can show to the Memory of our departed Friend, is to copy into Our own Lives, those Virtues which in her Lifetime rendered her the Object of our Esteem, Love and Admiration. I must confess I ever felt a Veneration for her, which seems increased by the News of her Translation.
Above all Things my dear, let us inculcate these great Virtues and bright Excellencies upon our Children.
Your Mother had a clear, and penetrating Understanding and a profound Judgment, as well as an honest and a friendly and a charitable Heart.
There is one Thing however, which you will forgive me if I hint to you. Let me ask you rather, if you are not of my opinion? Were not her Talents, and Virtues too much confined, to private, social and domestic Life. My Opinion of the Duties of Religion and Morality, comprehends a very extensive Connection with society at large, and the great Interest of the public. Does not natural Morality, and much more Christian Benevolence, make it our indispensible Duty to lay ourselves out, to serve our fellow Creatures to the Utmost of our 317Power, in promoting and supporting those great Political systems, and general Regulations upon which the Happiness of Multitudes depends. The Benevolence, Charity, Capacity and Industry which exerted in private Life, would make a family, a Parish or a Town Happy, employed upon a larger Scale, in Support of the great Principles of Virtue and Freedom of political Regulations might secure whole Nations and Generations from Misery, Want and Contempt. Public Virtues, and political Qualities therefore should be incessantly cherished in our Children.
1775-10-29
Human nature with all its infirmities and depravation is still capable of great things. It is capable of attaining to degrees of wisdom and of goodness, which, we have reason to believe, appear respectable in the estimation of superior intelligences. Education makes a greater difference between man and man, than nature has made between man and brute. The virtues and powers to which men may be trained, by early education and constant discipline, are truly sublime and astonishing. Newton and Locke are examples of the deep sagacity which may be acquired by long habits of thinking and study. Nay, your common mechanics and artisans are proofs of the wonderful dexterity acquired by use; a watchmaker, in finishing his wheels and springs, a pin or needlemaker, &c. I think there is a particular occupation in Europe, which is called a paper-stainer or linen-stainer. A man who has been long habituated to it, shall sit for a whole day, and draw upon paper fresh figures to be imprinted upon the papers for rooms, as fast as his eye can roll, and his fingers move, and no two of his draughts shall be alike. The Saracens, the Knights of Malta, the army and navy in the service of the English republic, among many others, are instances to show, to what an exalted height valor or bravery or courage may be raised, by artificial means.
It should be your care, therefore, and mine, to elevate the minds of our children and exalt their courage; to accelerate and animate their industry and activity; to excite in them an habitual contempt of meanness, abhorrence of injustice and inhumanity, and an ambition to 318excel in every capacity, faculty, and virtue. If we suffer their minds to grovel and creep in infancy, they will grovel all their lives.
But their bodies must be hardened, as well as their souls exalted. Without strength and activity and vigor of body, the brightest mental excellencies will be eclipsed and obscured.
Letters of John Adams, Addressed to His Wife, ed. CFA, Boston, 1841, 1:72–73. See note 1.)
Place and date, including the brackets, are given here as found in CFA's text. This is the first letter in the correspondence between JA and AA known to have been available to CFA but not now to be found as an original in the Adams Papers. In the volumes of “Family Correspondence” which CFA caused to be bound up, the present editors have found no indication of the removal of this letter, so that it was evidently taken out of the sequence early, perhaps in the 1830's, and, after a transcript for publication was made, was perhaps given away to some applicant for a specimen of JA's handwriting. (See Introduction to JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 1:xxxiv–xxxv.)
A close comparison of the texts of this letter as printed in 1841 and as reprinted in JA–AA, Familiar Letters
, 1876 (p. 119), shows that CFA further corrected and “improved” his grandfather's epistolary style when reprinting letters he had edited before.
1775-10-29
There is, in the human Breast, a social Affection, which extends to our whole Species. Faintly indeed; but in some degree. The Nation, Kingdom, or Community to which We belong is embraced by it more vigorously. It is stronger still towards the Province to which we belong, and in which We had our Birth. It is stronger and stronger, as We descend to the County, Town, Parish, Neighbourhood, and Family, which We call our own.—And here We find it often so powerfull as to become partial, to blind our Eyes, to darken our Understandings and pervert our Wills.
It is to this Infirmity, in my own Heart, that I must perhaps attribute that local Attachment, that partial Fondness, that overweening Prejudice in favour of New England, which I feel very often and which I fear sometimes, leads me to expose myself to just Ridicule.
New England has in many Respects the Advantage of every other Colony in America, and indeed of every other Part of the World, that I know any Thing of.
1. The People are purer English Blood, less mixed with Scotch, Irish, Dutch, French, Danish, Sweedish &c. than any other; and descended from Englishmen too who left Europe, in purer Times than 319the present and less tainted with Corruption than those they left behind them.
2. The Institutions in New England for the Support of Religion, Morals and Decency, exceed any other, obliging every Parish to have a Minister, and every Person to go to Meeting &c.
3. The public Institutions in New England for the Education of Youth, supporting Colledges at the public Expence and obliging Towns to maintain Grammar schools, is not equalled and never was in any Part of the World.
4. The Division of our Territory, that is our Counties into Townships, empowering Towns to assemble, choose officers, make Laws, mend roads, and twenty other Things, gives every Man an opportunity of shewing and improving that Education which he received at Colledge or at school, and makes Knowledge and Dexterity at public Business common.
5. Our Laws for the Distribution of Intestate Estates occasions a frequent Division of landed Property and prevents Monopolies, of Land.1
But in opposition to these We have laboured under many Disadvantages. The exorbitant Prerogatives of our Governors &c. which would have overborn our Liberties, if it had not been opposed by the five preceding Particulars.
The nature of New England institutions and their influence on New England character and society were subjects endlessly fascinating to JA and lifelong themes in both his private and public writings. For a few samples see his fragmentary Draft of a Dissertation on Canon and Feudal Law, Feb. 1765 (
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:256–258); letter to Abbé Mably, 15 Jan. 1783, LbC, Adams Papers (printed in various places but most conveniently in JA, Works
, 5:491–496, with an editorial note explaining the circumstances of its composition); and notes on his conversation with William Langborn of Virginia in London, 21 July 1786 (
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:195–196).
1775-11-04
Have but Yesterday received yours of Octr. 21.
Your Letters of the following Dates I have received. Septr. 8. and 10. 16. 29. Oct. 1. 9. 21. 22.1 These Letters and indeed every Line from you, gives me inexpressible Pleasure, notwithstanding the melancholly Scenes discribed in most of them of late.
320I am happy to learn that the Family is in Health once more, and hope it will continue.
My Duty to my Mother. I wish she would not be concerned about me. She ought to consider that a Dissentery can kill as surely as a Cannon. This Town is as secure from the Cannon and Men of War as the Moon is. I wish she had a little of your Fortitude. I had rather be kill'd by a Ball than live in such continual Fears as she does.
I cant write so often as I wish: I am engaged from 7 in the Morning till 11. at Night.
Two Pair of Colours belonging to the Seventh Regiment, were brought here last night from Chambly, and hung up in Mrs. Hancocks Chamber with great Splendor and Elegance. That Lady sends her Compliments and good Wishes. Among an hundred Men, almost at this House she lives and behaves with Modesty, Decency, Dignity and Discretion I assure you. Her Behaviour is easy and genteel. She avoids talking upon Politicks. In large and mixed Companies she is totally silent, as a Lady ought to be—but whether her Eyes are so penetrating and her Attention so quick, to the Words, Looks, Gestures, sentiments &c. of the Company, as yours would be, saucy as you are this Way, I wont say.
But to resume a more serious subject. You ask me to write to your Father and sister, and my Heart wishes and longs to do it, but you can have no Conception, what there is to prevent me. I really fear I shall ruin myself for Want of Exercise.
All printed above. That of 8 and 10 Sept. is a single letter; that of 16 Sept. was actually written on the 17th.
1775-11-05
I have been prevented writing you for more than a Week past by a Whitlow upon the fore finger of my right Hand. Tis now so tender that I can manage a pen but poorly.
I hope you have received several Letters from me in this fortnight past. I wrote by Mr. Linch
Let revenge or ambition, pride, lust or profit tempt these Men to a base and vile action, you may as well hope to bind up a hungry tiger with a cobweb as to hold such debauched patriots in the visionary chains of Decency or to charm them with the intellectual Beauty of Truth and reason.
But where am I running. I mean to thank you for all your obliging favours lately received and tho some of them are very Laconick, yet were they to contain only two lines to tell me that you were well, they would be acceptable to me. I think however you are more apprehensive than you need to be. The Gentleman to whose care they have always been directed has been very kind in his conveyances and very careful. I hope however that it will not now be long before we shall have nearer interviews. You must tell me that you will return next Month. A late appointment will make it inconveniant (provided you accept) for you to go again to Congress.
The little flock in receiving pappas Letters have been more gratified than they could have been by any other present. They are very proud of being thus noticed. I am much obliged by the Sermons lately received. The Dedication of Dr. Zublys is both spirited and zealous. I was greatly pleased with it, but suppose it will be casting of pearl before Swine.1
It seems Humane Nature is the same in all ages and Countrys. Ambition and avarice reign every where and where they predominate their will be bickerings after places of Honour and profit. There is an old adage kissing goes by favour that is daily verified.
I enclose to you the paper you sent for.2 Your Buisness in collecting facts will be very difficult, and the Sufferings of this people cannot be circumscribed with pen, ink and paper. Besides these Ministers of Satan are rendring it every day more and more difficult by their 322ravages and devastation, to tell a tale which will freeze the young Blood of succeeding Generations as well as harrow up the Souls of the present.
Nothing new has transpired since I wrote you last. I have not heard of one persons escaping out of Town, nor of any Manuover of any kind.
Master John is very anxious to write, but has been confined for several days with a severe cold which has given him soar Eyes, but he begs me to make his Excuse and say that he has wrote twice before, but it did not please him well enough to send it. Nabby has been with her Aunt Betsy ever since her Grandmammas Death. Charlly and Tommy beg mamma to thank pappa for their Letters, and wish they could write to tell him so. Brother and Sister Cranch send their Love. Mrs. Cranch's disorder left her soon, the Sickness has greatly abated all round us. Your Mother speaks pathetically of you, and always sends her Love to you. I will only ask you to Measure by your own the affectionate regard of Your Nearest Friend.
John Joachim Zubly, The Law of Liberty. A Sermon on American Affairs, Preached at the Opening of the Provincial Congress of Georgia, Phila., 1775. Several editions were published; see T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 204a-c.
This must have been the Massachusetts Committee of Safety's “Relation” of the battle of Bunker Hill, dated 25 July 1775 (copy in Adams Papers under that date), signed by Joseph Palmer, and requested by JA in his letter to AA of 19 Oct., above, q.v.
1775-11-05
I hope the Historick page will increase to a volume. Tis this hope that has kept me from complaining of my friends Laconick Epistles. Our amiable Friend, who lately favourd me with a visit, informd you I suppose of the difficulty I Labourd under, of a Whitlow upon the fore finger of my right Hand, which prevented my writing to my dearest Friend; and to her who holds one of the first places among the female Friend's of Portia.
I have to acknowledge the kind care of both my Friends in the conveyance of Letters. I feel loth the House should rise whilst the Congress sits. But was not there some Mistake in the last Letters, has not your Friend one which must have been meant for me, by a mistake in 323the Superscription? I inclose the Letter. I read it, not regarding the Dear Sir, but could not comprehend how I came to have such a reply to a subject I had said very little upon. Upon Nabbys taking it into her hand she observed the address.
I am curious to know how you spend your time? Tis very sausy to make this demand upon you; but I know it must be usefully imployed and I am fearfull if I do not question you I shall loose some improvement which I might otherways make.
What becomes of the state prisoner? Is he not to have a trial? When weighd in the balance I fear he will be found wanting. A patriot without religion in my estimation is as great a paradox, as an honest Man without the fear of God. Is it possible that he whom no moral obligations bind, can have any real Good Will towards Man, can he be a patriot who by an openly vicious conduct is undermineing the very bonds of Society, corrupting the Morals of Youth, and by his bad example injuring that very Country he professess to patrionize more than he can possibly compensate by his intrepidity, Generosity and honour? The Scriptures tell us righteousness exaltheth a Nation.
I wish there was more of it to be seen among all orders and professions, but the Continental Connextion will not improve the Morals of our youth. A little less snearing at our New England puritanism would be full as honorary to our Southern Breathren.
I thank you my Friend for your invitation but cannot comply with it, tho my inclination is very strong. I want to see my Friends and hear our worthy Dr.2 Pray be so kind as to present my Regards to Dr. Winthrope and Lady. She desired me to write to her. I wish my Friend would let her know that I can better reply to a favour from her than begin a correspondence, tho I should esteem it an honour.
But Marcia can witness for me how averse I have been to writing.
I lament the Death of the worthy president as of an honest Man. Mr. Randolphs character has secured him Esteem. How well might some folks have saved their credit, and their Bacon too (as the phraze is) by a resignation of a certain place.3
O Ambition how many inconsistent actions dost thou make poor mortals commit!
Adieu my Friend. I hope soon to have the pleasure of seeing you at Braintree, and of a social Evening beside our fire. How happy should I esteem myself could the dear Friend of my Heart join us. I think I make a greater Sacrifice to the publick than I could by Gold and Silver, had I it to bestow. Does not Marcia join in this Sentiment with her
If not written on 5 Nov., this letter was written close to that date. It is in reply to a note from Mrs. Warren of 3 Nov. (Adams Papers), and it mentions AA's sore finger that has prevented her writing to JA; see the preceding letter to him.
“I shall Not be heer
Peyton Randolph, formerly president of Congress, had returned to Philadelphia on 5 Sept. for the new session, but died on 22 Oct. (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:lxvi). There were others besides AA who thought that John Hancock should have stepped down from the presidency upon Randolph's return.
A few days later Mercy Warren acknowledged the present letter in a letter without date (Adams Papers, filed under Nov. 1775), which contains the following passage bearing on JA's intercepted letters:
“One Expression in one Letter
recently captured aboard a vessel from Ireland I must tell you. The Writer says the Colonies must and will be Reduced, and Notwithstanding the spirit that appears, and the stand that has been made, They are Convinced by the submissive Terms in which the Petition to the king is Couched that there must be a Weakness somewhere.“How will this make our
pidling Geniussappear, and will not the spirited sentiments, and the Enlarged plans of policy Hinted by a Certain Letter Writer be now applauded.”
1775-11-12
I received yours of October 23. I want to hear from you every day, and I always feel sorrow when I come to the close of a Letter. Your Time must be greatly engrosed, but little of it to spaire to the calls of Friendship, and I have reason to think I have the largest share of it.
Winter makes it
The intelegance you will receive before this reaches you, will I should think make a plain path, tho a dangerous one for you. I could not join to day in the petitions of our worthy parson, for a reconciliation betwen our, no longer parent State, but tyrant State, and these Colonies.—Let us seperate, they are unworthy to be our Breathren. Let us renounce them and instead of suplications as formorly for their prosperity and happiness, Let us beseach the almighty to blast their counsels and bring to Nought all their devices.
I have nothing remarkable to write you. A little Skirmish hapned last week. The perticuliars I have endeavourd to collect, but whether I have the facts right I am not certain. A Number of Cattle were kept 325at Leachmores point where two Centinals were placed, in a high tide tis an Island. The Regulars had observed this and a Scheme was laid to send a Number of them over and take of the Stock. Accordingly a number of Boats and about 400 men were sent; they landed it seems, unperceived by the Centinals who were a sleep; one of whom they killed the other took prisoner. As soon as they were perceived, they pourd the cannon from Prospect Hill upon them which sunk one of their Boats, but as the tide was very high, it was difficult getting over, and some time before any alarm was given. A Coll. Tomson of the Riffel Men, Marchd instantly with his Men, and tho a very stormy day, regarded not the tide, nor wated for Boats, but Marchd over, neck high in water, and dischargd their peices, when the Regulars ran without waiting for to get of their Stock, and made the best of their way to the opposite Shore. The General sent his thanks in a public manner to the brave officer and his Men.1 Major Mifflin I hear was there, and flew about as tho he would have raisd the whole Army.
May they never find us deficient in courage and Spirit.
Our Army is exceedingly well supplied with every article but wood and provinder which is very scarce. As to provisions we should find no difficulty to vitual an other Army full as large. Tis now very Healthy both in the Army, and country, we have had very long teadious rains for six weeks past; sometimes not more than one fair day in a week.
All our Friends are well. My Father seems to be much broke by his great affliction, seems to have his care and anxiety doubled. I can perceive it in numberless instances.—I hope you will be able to get his Sulky repaird, as he wants it now it comes cold Weather very much.
Dr. Frankling invited me to spend the winter in Philidelphia. I shall wish to be there, unless you return. I have been like a nun in a cloister ever since you went away, have not been into any other house than my Fathers and Sisters, except once to Coll. Quincys. Indeed I have had no inclination for Company. My Evenings are lonesome and Melancholy. In the day time family affairs take of my attention but my Evenings are spent with my departed parent. I then ruminate upon all her care and tenderness, and I am sometimes lost, and absorb'd in a flood of tenderness e'er I am aware of it, or can call to my aid, my only props and support.
Yours.
For the affair at Lechmere Point (now East Cambridge) on 9 Nov., see Wash-326ington's thanks to Col. William Thompson in his general orders of the 10th, and Washington's report to the President of Congress, 11 Nov. (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:79, 84).
1775-11-12
I am often afraid you will think it hard that I dont write oftener to you. But it is really impossible. Could I follow the Inclinations of my Heart I should spend half my Time, in this most agreable and pleasing Employment: But Business presses me so close that I am necessitated to mortify my self. From 7 to ten in the Committees and from six to ten in the Evening in the same, and from 10 to four in Congress. Many Letters to write too upon Business.
As to News, you have every Thing in the public Papers, which I am not now under the strongest Ties of Honour, Virtue and Love of my Country to keep secret, and not to divulge directly or indirectly.
I am most earnestly desirous to come home, but when I shall get Leave I know not.
I long to write to your Excellent Father and sisters, but cannot get Time. You must have observed, and so must all my Friends that every Letter I write is scratched off in the utmost Haste.
How do you like Dr. Franklyn? He tells me he called at the House and saw you, and that he had the Pleasure of dining with you at his Friend Coll. Quincys. This gave me great Pleasure because I concluded from it that my dear and most worthy sisters Cranch and Betcy were better.
1775-11-15
This I suppose will go by Mr. James Bowdoin who has just arrived here from London.1 He has been very obliging in communicating to me Pamphlets and News Papers in which last I find that some Parts of Novanglus have been retailed out there and have brought on a Battle in the public Papers between Hutchinson and Pounal.2 Mr. Bowdoin has been to Italy, Holland, France and England and is returned an honest and warm American. He says to his Astonishment, he found 327the great American Controversy better understood, and the Consequences of it more clearly foreseen in France than in England.
DAB
).
The parts of JA's “Novanglus” papers (published earlier this year in the Boston Gazette) that had been “retailed” in England consisted of extracts that appeared in the first volume of John Almon's Remembrancer, or Impartial Repository of Public Events, London, 1775, p. 24–32, 45–54, under the title “History of the Dispute with America; from its Origin in 1754, to the Present Time.” The allusion to “a Battle in the public Papers” between former Governors Thomas Hutchinson and Thomas Pownall remains obscure and may be groundless gossip.
1775-11-18
Your kind Letter of the 5th. Inst. came to Hand yesterday by Captain McPherson. I admire your skill in Phisiognomy, and your Talent at drawing Characters, as well as that of your Friend Marcia from whom at the same Time I received several important Characters, which you shall one day see.1
I agree with you in your sentiments that there is Reason to be diffident of a Man who grossly violates the Principles of Morals, in any one particular habitually. This sentiment was conveyed to Us in one of the Paradoxes of the ancient Stoicks, that “all sins were equal,” and the same Idea is suggested from higher Authority, He that violates the Law in any one Instance is guilty of all. I have no Confidence in any Man who is not exact in his Morals. And you know that I look upon Religion as the most perfect System, and the most awfull Sanction of Morality.
Your Goodness of Heart, as well as your sound Judgment will applaud me for using the utmost Caution in my Letters. But if you could see me, and observe how I am employed you would wonder that I find Time to write to any Body. I am very busy and so is every Body else here.
I hope to be with you at Christmas, and then to be excused from coming here again, at least untill others have taken their Turns.
The late Appointment, you mention gives me many very serious Thoughts. It is an Office of high Trust, and of vast Importance at any Time: But of greater at this, than any other. The Confusions and 328Distractions of the Times, will encumber that Office with embarrassments, expose it to dangers and Slanders, which it never knew before. Besides I am apprehensive of other Difficulties. Mr.
That Ambition and Avarice reign every where as you observe, is most true. But I hope that Preferment will follow Merit, after our Affairs get into a more settled Course.
Remember me to all.
When you said that Kissing goes by Favour, you did not explain the Particulars I wish you had. But all Censure and Clamour at this Time must be avoided and discountenanced as much as possible.
I should be glad to be informed, whether the Appointment of me, that you speak of, appears to be to the satisfaction of the People or not.2
Mercy Warren to JA, 4 Nov.; RC not found, but acknowledged in a letter from JA to Mrs. Warren, 25 Nov. (Adams Papers); probably the same as a Tr of her letter to him dated Oct. 1775 in her so-called Letterbook, MHi, p. 156–159.
A few days later, with due diffidence, JA accepted the appointment of chief justice of the Massachusetts Superior Court of Judicature (JA to Perez Morton, 24 Nov., Dft, Adams Papers; printed in JA, Works
, 3:24, note, from RC formerly in M-Ar but now missing).
1775-11-27
Tis a fortnight to Night since I wrote you a line during which, I have been confined with the Jaundice, Rhumatism and a most voilent 329cold; I yesterday took a puke which has releived me, and I feel much better to day. Many, very many people who have had the dysentery, are now afflicted both with the Jaundice and Rhumatisim, some it has left in Hecticks, some in dropsies.
The great and incessant rains we have had this fall, (the like cannot be recollected) may have occasiond some of the present disorders. The Jaundice is very prevelant in the Camp. We have lately had a week of very cold weather, as cold as January, and a flight of snow, which I hope will purify the air of some of the noxious vapours. It has spoild many hundreds of Bushels of Apples, which were designd for cider, and which the great rains had prevented people from making up. Suppose we have lost 5 Barrels by it.
Col. Warren returnd last week to Plymouth, so that I shall not hear any thing from you till he goes back again which will not be till the last of next this month.
He Damp'd my Spirits greatly by telling me that the Court had prolonged your Stay an other month.1 I was pleasing myself with the thoughts that you would soon be upon your return. Tis in vain to repine. I hope the publick will reap what I sacrifice.
I wish I knew what mighty things were fabricating. If a form of Goverment is to be established here what one will be assumed? Will it be left to our assemblies to chuse one? and will not many men have many minds? and shall we not run into Dissentions among ourselves?
I am more and more convinced that Man is a dangerous creature, and that power whether vested in many or a few is ever grasping, and like the grave cries give, give. The great fish swallow up the small, and he who is most strenuous for the Rights of the people, when vested with power, is as eager after the perogatives of Goverment. You tell me of degrees of perfection to which Humane Nature is capable of arriving, and I believe it, but at the same time lament that our admiration should arise from the scarcity of the instances.
The Building up a Great Empire, which was only hinted at by my correspondent may now I suppose be realized even by the unbelievers. Yet will not ten thousand Difficulties arise in the formation of it? The Reigns of Goverment have been so long slakned, that I fear the people will not quietly submit to those restraints which are necessary for the peace, and security, of the community; if we seperate from Brittain, what Code of Laws will be established. How shall we be governd so as to retain our Liberties? Can any goverment be free which is not adminstred by general stated Laws? Who shall frame these Laws? Who will give them force and energy? Tis true your Resolution
When I consider these things and the prejudices of people in favour of Ancient customs and Regulations, I feel anxious for the fate of our Monarchy or Democracy or what ever is to take place. I soon get lost in a Labyrinth of perplexities, but whatever occurs, may justice and righteousness be the Stability of our times, and order arise out of confusion. Great difficulties may be surmounted, by patience and perseverance.
I believe I have tired you with politicks. As to news we have not any at all. I shudder at the approach of winter when I think I am to remain desolate. Suppose your weather is warm yet. Mr. Mason and Thaxter live with me, and render some part of my time less disconsolate. Mr. Mason is a youth who will please you, he has Spirit, taste and Sense. His application to his Studies is constant and I am much mistaken if he does not make a very good figure in his profession.
I have with me now, the only Daughter of your Brother; I feel a tenderer affection for her as she has lost a kind parent. Though too young to be sensible of her own loss, I can pitty her. She appears to be a child of a very good Disposition—only wants to be a little used to company.2
Our Little ones send Duty to pappa and want much to see him. Tom says he wont come home till the Battle is over—some strange notion he has got into his head. He has got a political cread to say to him when he returns.
I must bid you good night. Tis late for one who am much of an invalide. I was dissapointed last week in receiving a packet by the post, and upon unsealing it found only four news papers. I think you are more cautious than you need be. All Letters I believe have come safe to hand. I have Sixteen from you, and wish I had as many more. Adieu. Yours.
On 11 Nov. the House of Representatives resolved that because “the important Business of the Colony” had hitherto prevented that body “from proceeding to a Choice of Delegates” for 1776, the commissions of the current delegates were to be extended from the end of December to the end of January (Mass., House Jour.
, 1775–1776, 2d sess., p. 269–270). These noncommittal words conceal the intense struggle then going on between radicals and moderates in the House over who should represent Massachusetts in Congress during the critical year 1776. In January the radicals won a partial victory. Thomas Cush-331ing was displaced by Elbridge Gerry. Robert Treat Paine's place was threatened but in the end retained. Hancock and the two Adamses were reelected. See Mass., House Jour.
, 1775–1776, 3d sess., p. 165, and the instructions to the delegates there, 18 Jan.
1776.
This must have been
1775-12-03
Yours of Novr. 12 is before me. I wish I could write you every day, more than once, for although I have a Number of Friends, and many Relations who are very dear to me, yet all the Friendship I have for others is far unequal to that which warms my Heart for you. The most agreable Time that I spend here is in writing to you, and conversing with you when I am alone. But the Calls of Friendship and of private Affection must give Place to those of Duty and Honour, even private Friendship and Affections require it.
I am obliged by the Nature of the service I am in to correspond with many Gentlemen both of the Army and the two Houses of Assembly which takes up much of my Time. How I find Time to write half the Letters I do, I know not, for my whole Time seems engrossed with Business. The whole Congress is taken up, almost in different Committees from seven to Ten in the Morning—from Ten to four or sometimes five, we are in Congress and from six to Ten in Committees again. I dont mention this to make you think me a Man of Importance because it is not I alone, but the whole Congress is thus employed, but to apologise for not writing to you oftener.1
Indeed I know not what to write that is worth your reading. I send you the Papers, which inform you of what is public. As to what passes in Congress I am tied fast by my Honour to communicate Nothing. I hope the Journal of the session will be published soon, and then you will see what We have been about in one View, excepting what ought to be excepted.
If I could visit the Coffee Houses, in the Evening and the Coffee Tables of the Ladies in the Afternoon, I could entertain you with many smart Remarks upon Dress and Air, &c. and give you many sprightly Conversations, but my Fate you know is to be moping over Books and Papers, all the Leisure Time I have when I have any.
I hope I shall be excused from coming to Philadelphia again, at least untill other Gentlemen have taken their Turns. But I never will come here again without you, if I can perswade you to come with me. 332Whom God has joined together ought not to be put asunder so long with their own Consent. We will get your Father and sister Betcy to keep House for Us.
2 We will bring Master Johnny with Us, you and he shall have the small Pox here, and We will be as happy, as Mr. Hancock and his Lady.—Thank Nabby and John for their Letters,3 and kiss Charles and Tom for me. John writes like an Hero glowing with Ardor for his Country and burning with Indignation against her Enemies. When I return I will get the sulky back to New Haven, and there leave it to be repaired, to be brought home by the first Post after it is done.
As to coming home, I have no Thoughts of it—shall stay here till the Year is out, for what I know. Affairs are in a critical state and important Steps are now taking every day, so that I could not reconcile it to my own Mind to be absent from this Place at present.
Nothing is expected from the Commissioners, yet We are waiting for them, in some Respects.4 The Tories, and Timids pretend to expect great Things from them. But the Generality expect nothing but more Insults and Affronts. Privateering is licensed and the Ports are wide open. As soon as the Resolves are printed, which will be tomorrow, I'le send them.5
I have had a long Conversation with
“During his term of service in Congress, Familiar Letters
, p. 127). This may be short of the truth, and at any rate it hardly more than suggests the burden of committee and administrative work that JA carried during his periods of service in the Continental Congress from Sept. 1774 to Nov. 1777. No intensive study of his work in this capacity has yet been made. Materials for it are profuse though not altogether satisfactory.
This sentence was heavily inked out, probably immediately after being written, but the editors are fairly confident of the reading here given.
Not found.
In his speech to Parliament on 26 Oct. George III had said that “certain persons upon the spot” would be authorized to grant pardons to individuals and receive the submission of such provinces in America as “shall be disposed to return to English Historical Documents: American Colonial Documents to 1776, N.Y., 1955, p. 852). The eventual but abortive result was the conciliatory mission of the Howe brothers in 1776.
It is not certain just which “Resolves” JA meant, since at this juncture Congress was from day to day adopting resolutions for fitting out armed vessels 333and regulating the embryonic American navy. JA was a prime mover in these measures; see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:198–199, 201–202, 221–222; 3:343–351.
The allusions in this paragraph are a little puzzling. The blank in the first sentence can only stand for JA's fellow delegate Robert Treat Paine, though at this time Paine was absent from Congress as a member of the committee to confer with Gen. Philip Schuyler at Ticonderoga (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:xlviii). If, as the editors believe, the first nameless person is Paine, “another” is undoubtedly Thomas Cushing, who was in growing disfavor because of his politics of moderation.
Notwithstanding JA's assertion above that he had “no Thoughts” of returning home, he asked and obtained from Congress on 8 Dec. “Leave to visit my State and Family” because he was “worn down with long and uninterrupted Labour,” and also because he wished to see whether he should now assume his duties as chief justice or continue in Congress. He left Philadelphia on the 9th and arrived in Braintree on the 21st. See his
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:223–224; 3:350, 359–360.
1775-12-05
The present opportunity appears to me so convenient for writing to you, that I cannot avoid sending you a few lines.—I will not now trouble you with my motives for leaving home, so soon after I last saw you. You will do me the justice, Sir, to believe me, that it was not owing to the want of affection to my Country, or of sympathy with my friends and immediate connections. The distressed circumstances of both have, from the first moment of my arrival here, oppressed my mind in a degree, that has rendered me far from happy at this distance from them.2
I suppose by this time, you are impatient in general to know what effect the various unfortunate events, that have happened in America during the spring and summer have upon Parliament this Winter. The KD
of Grafton, with a number of his connections, has joined their number. They have exerted themselves with great warmth, but with their former inefficacy. The Ministry carry every point, by a majority of two to one. On one occasion the last week, the opposition was no more than ten. Gov. Pownall is no longer our Advocate. Lord G. Sackville Germaine is appointed Secretary for the American Department. The last petition to his Majesty from the Congress has been laid before the H
Individuals, and particular branches of trade and of manufacture must and indeed do suffer, yet I hear no general complaint of the failure of either. The woollen Manufacture, which is the proper Staple of G.B. is said to be fully employed. To tell you the truth, Sir, we have not a sufficient knowledge among us in general of the commerce or the wealth of this Country. I know, how ready we are to imagine, that both are absolutely dependent upon the Colonies for their existence. I wish for our own sakes, that we were not quite so confident. It is a good old rule, tho' grown rather obsolete, “boast not thyself of tomorrow.” To me we seem to be waging a most unequal war. G.B. if it does fall, will fall gradually and imperceptibly. God alone knows the consequences of the present dangerous contest, and his wise providence commonly causes civil convulsions to advance the good of mankind. Confidence in his government is at all times our duty, but in such as these, it is certainly one of peculiar importance, a Virtue of the most desirable kind. How to acquire it indeed in any just degree, is a difficulty which experience alone can tell!
I am at present at this place in an agreeable situation, and officiating to a small Society. But I shall not take up my Abode in Old E
I wish, Sir, to say much more to you, but I know not whether this will reach you. To Dr. T.3 I shall write with pleasure another time, tho' I consider myself indeed, as writing to him now. I should be glad to hear from you, if possible. I beg to be remembred in the most affectionate manner to my Aunt, and every body else at Weymouth and Braintree, and am, dear Sir, with sincere respect Your, much obliged.
P.S. I had fully designed to have wrote by this Conveyance to M.A.,4 but for several reasons, hope he will forgive me, that I do not.
The name of the recipient of this letter has been assigned conjecturally and solely on the basis of internal evidence. At the close of the text the writer asks to be remembered to “my Aunt, and every body else at Weymouth and Braintree.” Isaac had only one aunt in either place, namely Mrs. William Smith, AA's mother, the news of whose recent death he had obviously not heard. The allusions in the letter to others in the Weymouth-Braintree circle fit in perfectly well with the assumption that it was addressed to AA's father. Apparently he turned it over to her and she sent it on, with a tart comment or two, in hers to JA, 2–10 March 1776, below.
He had arrived in London in June after a four weeks' voyage (Isaac Smith Jr. to Isaac Smith Sr., 26 June 1775, MHi: Smith-Carter Papers).
Doubtless Dr. Cotton Tufts.
Thus in MS, the editors suppose for “Mr. A.,” meaning JA.
1775-12-10
I received your obliging favour by Mrs. Morgan, with the papers, and the other articles you sent which were very acceptable to me. As they are not to be purchased here, I shall be very choise of them.
I have according to your desire been upon a visit to Mrs. Morgan, who keeps at Major Miflins. I had received a Message from Mrs. Mifflin some time agone desireing I would visit her. My Pappa who you know is very obliging in this way accompanied me, and I had the pleasure of drinking coffe with the Dr. and his Lady, the Major and his Lady and a Mr. and Mrs. Smith from New York,1 A daughter of the famous Son of Liberty Capt. Sears,2 General Gates and Lee, a Dr. McHenery3 and a Mr. Elvin,4 with many others who were strangers to me. I was very politely entertaind and noticed by the Generals, more especially General Lee, who was very urgent with me to tarry in Town and dine with him and the Laidies present, at Hob Goblin Hall, but I excused my self. The General was determined that I should not only be acquainted with him, but with his companions too, and therefore placed a chair before me into which he orderd Mr. Sparder to mount and present his paw to me for a better acquaintance. I could not do otherways than accept it.—That Madam says he is the Dog which Mr. . . . . . has renderd famous.5
I was so little while in company with these persons and the company so mixed that it was almost imposible to form any judgment of them. 336The Dr. appeard modest and his Lady affable and agreable. Major Mifflin you know I was allways an admirer of, as well as of his delicate Lady. I beleive Phyladelphia is an unfertile soil, or it would not produce so many unfruitfull women. I always conceive of these persons as wanting one addition to their happiness, but in these perilous times I know not whether it ought to be considerd as an infelicity, since they are certainly freed, from the anxiety every parent must feel for their rising ofspring.
I drank Coffe one day with General Sulivan upon Winter Hill. He appears to be a Man of Sense and Spirit. His countanance denotes him of a warm constitution, not to be very sudenly moved, but when once roused, not very easily Lull'd. Easy and social, well calculated for a Military Station, as he seem
I suppose in congress you think of every thing relative to trade and commerce, as well as other things, but as I have been desired to mention to you some things I shall not omit them. One is that their may some thing be done in a continental way with regard to Excise upon Spiritous Liquors that each of the New England colonies may be upon the same footing where as we formerly used to pay an Excise, and the other colonis none or very little by which means they drew away our trade. That an Excise is necessary tho it may be objected too by the mercantile intrissts, as a too frequent use of Spirit endangers the well being of Society. An other article is that some method may be devised to keep among us our Gold and Silver, which is now every day shiped of to the West Indias for Molasses, Coffe, Sugar &c. This I can say of my own knowledg that a Dollor in Silver is now become a great rarity, and our Traders will give you a hundred pounds of paper for Ninety of Silver, or near that proportion. If any trade is alloud to the West indias would it not be better to carry some commodity of our own produce in exchange? Medicine, Cotton Wool and some other articles we are in great want of. Formerly we used to purchase cotton wool at 1 Shilling Lawfull money pr. Bag, now tis 3, and the scarcity of that article distresses us, as it was wrought up with less trouble than any other article of cloathing. Flax is now from a Shilling to one and Sixpence pr. pound, Sheeps wool Eighteen pence 337and linnens not to be had at any price. I cannot mention the article in the English goods way which is not double, and in the West India Molasses by retail I used formerly to purchase at one and Eight pence now tis 2 and Eight pence, rum 3 Shillings, coffe one and 3 pence &c. All other things in proportion. Corn is 4 Shillings pr. Bushel, rye 5, oats 3 and Eight pence, Hay 5 and Six Shilling pr. hundred, wood twenty Shillings pr. cord. But meat of all kinds cheap.
I enclose a memorandom of Dr. Tufts requesting you to procure for him those articles if you can bring them with any conveniance. The Dr. takes it a little hard that you have never wrote him a line, as he has wrote you several times. If it was but a few lines he would Receive it kindly.
I am very loth to trouble you about articles of conveniancy for myself, especially as they are so much out of your way of Buisness. I will only mention two or three which if you can direct Bass to get for me will much oblige me—one black Barcelona hankerchief, two or 3 yd. of black Caliminco for shooes and binding for the same—he knows how much will be proper—and 3 or 4 common manchester check hankerchiefs for the pocket.7 Not a hankerchief of any kind can be purchased here, but out of the Store for the Army, and they are allowd only to those who inlist. My Pappa would be glad you would send him a Sermon of Dr. Zublys.
My unkle Quincy desires to be rememberd to you, inquired when you talked of comeing home. I told him you had not fixed any time. He says if you dont come soon he would advice me to procure an other husband. He of all persons ought not to give such advice I told him unless he set a better example himself.8
Be kind enough to burn this Letter. Tis wrote in great haste and a most incorrect Scrawl it is but I cannot conclude it without telling you we are all very angry with your House of Assembly for their instructions. They raise prejudices in the minds of people and serve to create in their minds a terror at a Seperation from a people wholy unworthy of us. We are a little of the Spanel kind. Tho so often spurned still to fawn argues a meaness of Spirit that as an individual I disclaim, and would rather endure any hardships than submit to it.9
Our Little folks are all well and long for Pappas return, in which wish their Mamma most sincerely joins them. Yours.
I often meet with a
Not further identified.
DAB
).
DAB
).
Not identified. AA's spelling of the name is uncertain.
In the last paragraph of his letter to James Warren of 24 July, which was intercepted and published by the British, JA spoke of “the Oddity of a great Man,” meaning Gen. Charles Lee. “He is a queer Creature. But you must love his Dogs if you love him, and forgive a thousand whims for the Sake of the Soldier and the Scholar” (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:89). Writing JA on 5 Oct., Lee declared himself flattered by these remarks, and added in a postscript: “Spada sends his love to You and declares in very intelligible language that He has far'd much better since your allusion to him, for he is carress'd now by all ranks, sexes and Ages” (Adams Papers).
AA's spelling “Sparder” for Spada is a revealing example of New England phonetic or orthographic overcompensation or both.
On 29 Nov. Capt. John Manley in the Lee privateer of Marblehead captured the Nancy, an ordnance ship from Woolwich; a spectacular item in the Nancy's cargo was a large brass mortar, which was taken to Cambridge and named The Congress (William Gordon, The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment, of the Independence of the United States of America, London, 1788, 2:144–145).
Dashes supplied in this sentence for clarity.
Norton Quincy had married Martha Salisbury in 1747; she died just a year later, and he never remarried (Adams Genealogy).
On 3 Nov. the Continental Congress, after intermittent discussion and debate since 18 Oct., had resolved to advise the New Hampshire Provincial Convention “to call a full and free representation of the people” in order to establish and maintain “a form of government... during the continuance of the present dispute between G[reat] Britain and the colonies” (
JCC
, 3:319; italics supplied). It is somewhat remarkable that AA, immediately and without any guidance from her husband (who had lately said nothing about public affairs in his letters to her), should have pronounced this language and action timid and unsatisfactory. JA was a member of the committee that had reported this resolution, and though according to his later recollections he had argued against using the term “Colonies,” he nevertheless “thought this resolution a Tryumph and a most important Point gained”
(
Diary and Autobiography
, 3:354–357).
1775-12-11
My Dear Mrs. Adams has Disappointed Me so often that I think I will no more promise myself the pleasure of A Visit. But I think I will put in A Double Claim for Letters, both by way of Compensation for the Failure of her Company, And to Attone for her Husbands Deficiency. However I know his Work is Arduous and that He has Many Correspondents to answer, so I Believe it is best I should Run him No further in Debt, for I should be very unwilling so Respectable A Friend should die A Bankrupt.
But I Wish you Would Convey me such a part of Certain private 339Journals as you dare trust me, With.1 I have A Curiosity to know a Little More about Certain public Characters and perticuler transactions than I am in a Way of being Acquainted with. It Would be an agreable Entertainment to my Lonely hours.
This Living Absent from the Best Companions of our Lives is Exceedingly Disagreable to us both, but You have sisters At Hand and Many Agreable Friends around You which I have not. I have not seen A Friend of an afternoon Nor spent one abroad Except once or twice I Rode out since I Came from Braintree. Yet it is Less painful to me to be Alone than to many others of my sex Though at the same time no one takes Greater pleasure in the Entertainment and Converse of Real friends.
I Desire you Would write very Long Letters and Give me all the Inteligence you Can and dont be Ceremonious with Your Friend.
I Return A Number of Letters with which I was Entrusted agreable to my promise, and am oblige'd for the use of your property thus Long.
I am pleased with the sucesses of the Brave Coll. Arnold and with the late Captures by Sea. Yet When I Look forward I almost tremble at the prospect. So Many Internal Difficulties to struggle Through, as well as A
As I have three or four other Letters which must be Wrote this afternoon my Friend will Excuse my hastily subscribing the Name of her affectionate
I hope the Young Woman You talked with about Coming to Plimouth has suffered no Disadvantage by the Delay in not sending for her. Some Circumstances took place which prevented, but if she is not otherways Engaged I may send Next Week, but would not stand in the Way of her providing otherways as tis uncertain.
AA did not comply with this request; see her letter to Mrs. Warren of Jan.? 1776, printed as an Addendum to this volume, p. 422–424, below.
1776-01-02
I wrote you sometime Ago,1 desireing you to inquire of the So. 340Carolina Gentlemen whether they wanted to make Exchange of some money, I had in So. Carolina, but as itt is not very likely I Apprehend I have concluded, to send a Vessell to bring the Value in Rice, which I find is Allowed—so would not give you the trouble. I wrote Mr. Black to send me a Phila. weekly paper but as I have not received One as yet suppose the printer may think itt best to begin the New Year.
Grain will be very much wanted the ensueing spring and Year—And am sending several fishing schooners to Virginia &c. for Corn &c.—but unless that Coast could be kept clear itt will be Attended with a great resque. As the Contineltal money we suppose will pass there I have sent and shall send more, and as the resque is great I have been thinking that iff Your Congress would pass some resolve simelar to an Act in former times when paper Currency past here, that were a person was possest of any sum of money which was lost by fire or by sea and could bring satisfactory proof, that in such cases itt was made good to the sufferers. And as grain will be greatly wanted and in case such a resolve could be past itt would be a means of incorageing people to send there Vessells, the Act to be binding, that the money so sent should be laid Out In the United provinces—and in faith that something simelar may be Acted upon, to Answer such a purpose I have been and Noted in A
Noterary's office about seven hundred Dls., which I have sent by one Vessell having taken the Number's of the bills and
As any News we have nothing very Material no prizes lately and am sorry the privateers are not Out which is Occasioned by there time being up but hope there will be new Men and Officers soon as now is the Only time and many Vessells must be on the Coast. Capt. Constant Freeman is here, has had a long Conferance with the General relative to the Armies att Quebeck.
He says Bliss the lawyer and wife were there haveing taken an order for there money in lew of what they left att Boston and not being honord was badly off as many Others who went from Boston. Ellwell, John Coffin &c. were made some Officers in the Malitia2—he gives a most shocking Account of the treatment of Mr. James Walker and wife, the same Gentleman that had his3 cut and barbarously treated, some years Ago, but happily was retaken in the Gaspee Brigantine. Colo. Aliens people were chaind in Couples and he likewise, and all sent to England, which you will be informed of no doubt.4
He says Ld. Chatham ordered his son home, And that he saild back October and that the Chief Justice Mr. Hay
I suppose the Troops thought to be gone to Rd. Island are gone to joyn Ld. Dunmore. We suppose a New Admiral Arrived last saturday with 2 or 3 M
They have taken a brigantine belonging to Newbury and a schooner belonging here the latter Very Valuable. We have from Boston the kings speech of the 26 October which suppose the Gen. will send you.
We are all well. Itts likely you may have heard Mr. Balch is returnd from England but came Out the begining Octbr. so cant bring any thing New of a publick Nature tho possibly he may of his One invention.—I am Your &c.
Letter not found.
In the Canadian militia. John Coffin, a former Boston merchant and distiller, was cited by British officers for his conduct in the defense of Quebec in Dec. 1775 (Jones, Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 94).
Word omitted in MS. On Thomas (not James) Walker, a merchant of Assomption near Montreal who acted in the American interest and, with his wife, suffered some harrowing adventures, see Justin H. Smith, Our Struggle for the Fourteenth Colony: Canada and the American Revolution, N.Y. and London, 1907, 1:43–45, 395–398, 490, and passim.
Ethan Allen's own Narrative of his 342capture at Montreal and what followed was first published at Philadelphia, 1779 (Evans 16180), and went through at least 20 editions by 1930.
1776-01-19
I had wrote you several posts before my hearing you was returned. I should be very glad if you and Mrs. Adams could take a turn this way before you return to Philadelphia again.
I had lately a schooner arrived, with some powder, at Barnstable, rather better than three hundred pounds, which was disposed of there, as the people wanted it much. I understand that any person importing powder shall be entitled to ship the value of it in fish, and to bring the produce thereof in powder.1 As such, I should be glad to have a certificate from the proper persons authorized to give one. I want to ship the fish in a different bottom, which cannot make any odds, as both belong to me. I should be glad to have liberty for one hundred and eighty quintals of fish, being about the amount of the powder. The powder was imported in the schooner Sally, Ebenezer Nickerson, master, from St. Eustatius, and now want to ship the fish by the schooner Endeavour, Jesse Harding, for the West-Indies.
Your assisting the bearer in procuring the above, will oblige your humble servant,
Mr. Adams presents his compliments to Mr. Cushing, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Gerry, and the other gentlemen at Mr. Hunt's, and begs the favour of them to assist the bearer in the business mentioned in the within letter.2
American Archives, Washington, 1837–1853, 4th series, 4:1271). At foot of text of Smith's letter: “To the Honourable John Adams, Esq., Watertown.” Force's texts presumably were taken from originals in M-Ar: Council Records, but they are not now to be found.
See the Continental Congress' resolution of 15 July 1775 (
JCC
, 2:184–185).
The prompt and favorable action of the Council on Smith's request is shown in a minute and a signed order of that body dated 20 Jan., printed by Force following the text of JA's note. JA did not sign the order (though he was a member of the Council and had been in more or less regular attendance since just after Christmas). He was probably at Braintree preparing for his return to Philadelphia, having decided that he would, after all, resume his seat there rather than take up his duties as chief justice at this time.
1776-01-24
I am determined not to commit a fault which escaped me, the last Time I sat out for the southward.
I waited on General Thomas at Roxbury this Morning, and then went to Cambridge where I dined at Coll. Mifflins with the General, and Lady, and a vast Collection of other Company, among whom were six or seven Sachems and Warriours, of the French Cagnawaga Indians, with several of their Wives and Children. A savage Feast they made of it, yet were very polite in the Indian style. One of these sachems is an Englishman a Native of this Colony whose Name was Williams, captivated in his Infancy with his Mother, and adopted by some kind Squaw—another I think is half french Blood.
I was introduced to them by the General as one of the grand Council Fire at Philadelphia which made them prick up their Ears, they came and shook Hands with me, and made me low Bows, and scrapes &c. In short I was much pleased with this Days entertainment.
The General is to make them presents in Cloaths and Trinketts, they have visited the Lines at Cambridge and are going to see those at Roxbury.1
Tomorrow We2 mount, for the grand Council Fire—Where I shall think often of my little Brood at the Foot of Pens Hill. Remember me particularly to Nabby, Johnny, Charly and Tommy. Tell them I charge them to be good, honest, active and industrious for their own sakes, as well as ours.
On the Caughnawagas' visit to Washington's headquarters in Cambridge, see also JA's Diary entry of this day (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:226–227).
JA's companion was the newly elected Massachusetts delegate, Elbridge Gerry. There are a few notes on the early part of their journey in same, p. 227–228.
1776-02-07
Just Come to hand is A Letter from my very Worthy Friend1 who I suppose is by this time arrived at Philadelphia and Another from his Good Portia2 whose Mind seems to be Agitated by A Variety of passions of the Noblest kind, A sense of Honnour, of Friendship, of parental and Conjugal affection, of Domestick Felicity And public 344Happiness. I do not wonder you had a struggle within yourself when your Friend was again Called upon to be Absent from his Family for perhaps many months but as you have sacrificed private Inclination to the public welfare I hope the Reward of Virtue will be your portion. I beleive the person you Consent should be absent from you need Give himself very Little Concern about the Ill natured sugestions of an Envious World, and I Cannot think you have any Apprehension that the Wispers of Malice Will Lessen the Esteem and Affection I have for my Friends and if she is unkindly brooding anything to their Disadvantage it has not Reached my Ear. When it does I shall Comply with your Request and Give you the opportunity you Mention. Mean time Let me have an Explanation of that source of uneasiness you hint at, in yours. Follow my Example and set Down Immediatly and write and I will Ensure you a safe Conveyance by a Gentleman who I hope will Call on you on saterday on his way to pay a Visit to his Marcia. You may trust him with your Letter though Ever so important, and anything Else you will Venture to Communicate.
I Want to know if Certain Intercepted Letters had any Consequences at Philadelphia. Was any umbrage taken by any Genius Great or small.
I Wonder where Mr. Adamss Letter has been for A whole month. It might have traveled to Quebec And back again since it was wrote. I began to think he was about to drop Our Correspondence and Indeed I think now I am obliged to you for Its Continuance. Yet had I Received the Letter before he went off I beleive I should have Ventured to answer some of his queries Though they were not put in a Manner serious Enough for me to suppose he Expected it. However when you write again do make my Regards and thank him for his of January 8th. Only the fear of Interrupting his important Moments prevents my doing it myself. But I think he has so many friends to Correspond with that it is Rather Calling him from more Useful Employment to Attend to my Interruptions.
Yet there is a proposal in his that may set my pen to work again perhaps before he Returns.
I am Very sorry for the Ill Health of your Family. Hope they are all Recovered. Do put them in mind of the affection of your Friend, in a way most pleasing to the Little Circle.
What is became of my dear Mrs. Lincoln. Do tell her I have impatiently Wished through the whole Winter for the pleasure of hearing from her and the family. Do make them my best Regards.
I write in a very Great Hury or I should touch a Little on politicks, 345knowing you Love a Little seasoning of that Nature in Every production, but it is two wide A Field to Enter this Evening so will only Wish that the Aquisition of Boston and Quebec may make the opening of the year 76 an Era of Glory to the arms of America, and May hand down the Name of Washington and Arnold to the Latest posterrity, with the Laurel on their Brow. But A Reverse I tremble to think off. Let us forbear to Name it. So will hasten to subscribe the Name of Your Affectionate Friend,
JA to Mrs. Warren, 8 Jan. (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:201–203).
Jan.? 1776; printed as an Addendum to this volume, p. 422–424, below.
1776-02-11
Here I am again. Arrived last Thursday,1 in good Health, altho I had a cold Journey. The Weather, a great Part of the Way, was very severe, which prevented our making very quick Progress, and by an Accident which happened to one of my Horses, which obliged me to leave her at Brookfield and hire another, was delayed two days. An Horse broke loose in the Barn and corked2 mine under the fore-shoulder. I hope that Bass upon his Return will find her well.
My Companion was agreable and made the Journey much less tedious than it would have been.
I can form no Judgment of the State of public Opinions and Principles here, as yet, nor any Conjectures of what an Hour may bring forth.
Have been to meeting and heard Mr. Duffill
I, however, am not convinced that Vandeput will fire upon that Town3—It has too much Tory Property to be destroyed by Tories.
I hope it will be fortified and saved. If not the Q
Tomorrow, Dr. Smith is to deliver an oration in Honour of the brave Montgomery.4 I will send it, as soon as it is out, to you.
There is a deep Anxiety, a kind of thoughtfull Melancholly, and in 346some a Lowness of Spirits approaching to Despondency, prevailing, through the southern Colonies, at present, very similar, to what I have often observed in Boston, particularly on the first News of the Port Bill, and last year about this Time or a little later, when the bad News arrived, which dashed their fond Hopes with which they had deluded themselves, thro the Winter. In this, or a similar Condition, We shall remain, I think, untill late in the Spring, When some critical Event will take Place, perhaps sooner. But the Arbiter of Events, the Sovereign of the World only knows, which Way the Torrent will be turned. Judging by Experience, by Probabilities, and by all Appearances, I conclude, it will roll on to Dominion and Glory, tho the Circumstances and Consequences may be bloody.
In such great Changes and Commotions, Individuals are but Atoms. It is scarcly worth while to consider what the Consequences will be to Us. What will be the Effects upon present and future Millions, and Millions of Millions, is a Question very interesting to Benevolence natural and Christian. God grant they may and I firmly believe they will be happy.
8 February.
That is, calked: “To wound with a calk, as a horse's leg” (Webster, 2d edn.). Calk (in the sense of a projecting metal point affixed to a shoe to prevent slipping) appears frequently in American colloquial usage as “cork”; thus “corked boots.” See
DAE
and
Dict. of Americanisms
under both calk and cork.
Capt. (later Adm.) George Vandeput, then commanding H.M.S. Asia in New York Harbor.
JA was mistaken about the date. The ceremonies in honor of Gen. Richard Montgomery, who was killed in the American assault on Quebec on the last day of 1775, were not held until Monday, 19 Feb., when Rev. William Smith, provost of the College of Philadelphia, delivered an oration in the “Dutch Calvinist” (i.e. German Reformed) Church in Philadelphia that JA later said was considered such “an insolent Performance” that Congress declined either to thank the orator or to print his speech. However, “The orator then printed it himself, after leaving out or altering some offensive Passages” (to AA, 28 April, below). What offended JA and others were Smith's markedly loyalist sentiments. See entries in Richard Smith's Diary of Proceedings in Congress for 25 Jan., 12, 19, 21 Feb., in Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:327, 347, 356, 359 and references in editorial notes there. For Smith's
Oration as printed, see “Bibliographical Notes” in
JCC
, 6:1117–1118; also T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 228a-h.
1776-02-13
Lee is at York,2 and We have requested a Battalion of Philadelphian 347Associators, together with a Regiment of Jersey Minute Men, to march to his Assistance. Lord Sterling3 was there before with his Regiment, so that there will be about 1000 Men with Lee from Connecticutt, about 600 with Ld. Sterling from the Jerseys, one Battalion of about 720 Minute Men from Jersey and one of the same No. from Philadelphia. We shall soon have four Battalions more raised in Pensilvania, to march to the same Place and one more in the Jerseys.4
Mr. Dickinson, being the first Collonell, and Commander of the first Battalion too, claimed it, as his Right to march upon this Occasion. Mr. Reed, formerly Gen. Washingtons Secretary goes his Lt, Coll. Mr. Dickinsons Alacrity and Spirit upon this occasion, which certainly becomes his Character and setts a fine Example, is much talk'd of and applauded. This afternoon, the four Battallions of the Militia were together, and Mr. Dickinson mounted the Rostrum to harrangue them, which he did with great Vehemence and Pathos, as it is reported.
I suppose, if I could have made Interest enough to have been chosen more than a Lt., I should march too upon some such Emergency, and possibly a Contingency may happen, when it will be proper for me to do it still, in Rank and File. I will not fail to march if it should.
In the Beginning of a War, in Colonies like this and Virginia, where the martial Spirit is but just awakened and the People are unaccustomed to Arms, it may be proper and necessary for such popular Orators as Henry and Dickenson to assume a military Character. But I really think them both, better Statesmen than Soldiers, tho I cannot say they are not very good in the latter Character. Henrys Principles, and Systems, are much more conformable to mine than the others however.
I feel, upon some of these Occasions, a flow of Spirits, and an Effort of Imagination, very like an Ambition to be engaged in the more active, gay, and dangerous Scenes. (Dangerous I say but recall that Word, for there is no Course more dangerous than that which I am in.) I have felt such Passions all my Lifetime, particularly in the year 1757, when I longed more ardently to be a Soldier than I ever did to be a Lawyer. But I am too old, and too much worn, with Fatigues of Study in my youth, and there is too little need in my Province of such assistance, for me to assume an Uniform. Non tali Auxilio nec Defensoribus istis Tempus eget.
I believe I must write you soon, Lord Sterlings Character, because I was vastly pleased with him. For the future I shall draw no Characters but such as I like. Pimps destroy all Freedom of Correspondence.
JA left space for the day of the month but did not enter it. A portion of the text of this letter is printed in Burnett's Letters of Members
, where it is pointed out (1:348, note) that the mustering of “the four Battallions of the [Philadelphia] Militia” (mentioned in the second paragraph) was recorded by others as occurring on 13 February.
New York City.
DAB
).
See Congress' resolutions of 12 Feb. (
JCC
, 4:127–128).
1776-02-18
I sent you from New York a Pamphlet intituled Common Sense, written in Vindication of Doctrines which there is Reason to expect that the further Encroachments of Tyranny and Depredations of Oppression, will soon make the common Faith: unless the cunning Ministry, by proposing Negociations and Terms of Reconciliation, should divert the present Current from its Channell.1
Reconciliation if practicable and Peace if attainable, you very well know would be as agreable to my Inclinations and as advantageous to my Interest, as to any Man's. But I see no Prospect, no Probability, no Possibility. And I cannot but despise the Understanding, which sincerely expects an honourable Peace, for its Credulity, and detest the hypocritical Heart, which pretends to expect it, when in Truth it does not. The News Papers here are full of free Speculations, the Tendency of which you will easily discover. The Writers reason from Topicks which have been long in Contemplation, and fully understood by the People at large in New England, but have been attended to in the southern Colonies only by Gentlemen of free Spirits and liberal Minds, who are very few. I shall endeavour to inclose to you as many of the Papers and Pamphlets as I can, as long as I stay here. Some will go by this Conveyance.
Dr. Franklin, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Charles Carroll of Carrollton in Maryland, are chosen a Committee to go into Canada. The Characters of the two first you know. The last is not a Member of Congress, but a Gentleman of independant Fortune, perhaps the largest in America, 150 or 200, thousand Pounds sterling, educated in some University in France, tho a Native of America, of great Abilities and Learning, compleat Master of French Language and a Professor of the Roman 349catholic Religion, yet a warm, a firm, a zealous Supporter of the Rights of America, in whose Cause he has hazarded his all.
Mr. John Carroll of Maryland, a Roman Catholic Priest and a Jesuit, is to go with the Committee. The Priests in Canada having refused Baptism and Absolution to our Friends there.2
General Lee is to command in that Country, whose Address, Experience, and Abilities added to his Fluency in the French Language, will give him great Advantages.3
The Events of War are uncertain: We cannot insure Success, but We can deserve it. I am happy in this Provision for that important Department, because I think it the best that could be made in our Circumstances. Your Prudence will direct you to communicate the Circumstances of the Priest, the Jesuit and the Romish Religion only to such Persons as can judge of the Measure upon large and generous Principles, and will not indiscreetly divulge it. The Step was necessary, for the Anathema's of the Church are very terrible to our Friends in Canada.
I wish I understood French as well as you. I would have gone to Canada, if I had. I feel the Want of Education every Day—particularly of that Language. I pray My dear, that you would not suffer your Sons or your Daughter, ever to feel a similar Pain. It is in your Power to teach them French, and I every day see more and more that it will become a necessary Accomplishment of an American Gentleman and Lady. Pray write me in your next the Name of the Author of your thin French Grammar, which gives you the Pronunciation of the French Words in English Letters, i.e. which shews you, how the same Sounds would be signified by English Vowells and Consonants.
Write me as often as you can—tell me all the News. Desire the Children to write to me, and believe me to be theirs and yours.
From this it appears that JA first encountered and read Thomas Paine's subsequently famous pamphlet Common Sense: Addressed to the Inhabitants of America on his way to Philadelphia during the first days of Feb. 1776. (It had been published in Philadelphia about three weeks earlier.) It also appears, from this and other letters JA wrote at the time (see especially his letter of 19 March, below), that he thought better of Common Sense and its author when he first read it than he did later on. The best he could say in old age was that Common Sense was "a tollerable Summary of the Arguments” for independence, and that it had led JA himself to correct its crudities and supply its deficiencies by writing his essay published later this spring as Thoughts on Government (
Diary and Autobiography
,
3:331–334).
See the resolutions of Congress of 15 Feb. (
JCC
, 4:151–152). For the Carrolls, who were cousins, see under both their names in
DAB
.
Lee was, however, soon sent south to Virginia rather than north to Canada.
1776-02-21
Tis a month this day since you left me, and this is the first time I have taken my pen to write to you. My conscience accuses me, but I have waited in hopes of having something worth saying to you, some event worth relating; but it has been a dead calm of dull repose. No event of any importance upon either side excepting the burning of some houses by the Enemy upon Dorchester Neck has taken place since you left us.
The preparations increase and something great is daily expected, something terible it will be. I impatiently wait for, yet dread the day.—I received a Letter from you wrote at Watertown, and a Book Last week;1 for which I am much obliged, tis highly prized here and carries conviction whereever it is read. I have spread it as much as it lay in my power, every one assents to the weighty truths it contains. I wish it could gain Credit enough in your assembly to be carried speadily into Execution.
I have been uneasy upon your account. I know your delicacy must be wounded by the unjust and malicious censures of an unworthy associate, whose self conceit and vanity really makes him an object of contempt ,too dirty to soil my fingers and commisiration. He has not only treated your character in a very abusive and ungentlemanlike manner, but descended to low vulgar attacks and Language upon our Worthy Friend.2
I think from the temper in which he writes you cannot avoid altercation with him, but I hope you will be guarded. Envy and vanity will do his work very effectually.
I must beg the favour of you to send me a quire of paper, or I know not whether I shall be able to write you an other Letter. We cannot get any here. I was obliged to beg this, and your Daughter requests a blank Book or two. If Mack Fingal is published be so good as to send it.3
The army is full, more men now in camp than has been since the army was first together. Not very sickly there, But in the Country the 351plurisy fever prevails and is very mortal. We have lost 3 grown persons in this part of the Town this week. Many others lay bad—it carries them of in 8 days.
Paine's Common Sense, the authorship of which was not yet known.
This alludes to the bitter quarrel that had sprung up during the preceding months between Robert Treat Paine and James Warren, in which JA, as Warren's confidant and close political ally and Paine's impatient colleague in Congress, was unavoidably involved. Surviving letters of Warren written in July and Aug. 1775 show that he and Paine were on fairly cordial terms until that point, but developments were about to occur that made them enemies. As for JA, he and Paine had long been rivals at the bar in Massachusetts and on somewhat touchy terms of friendship because Paine, senior in age and in professional status to JA, had watched the younger man's prestige and influence surpass his own as the Revolutionary struggle came on. When JA's intercepted letters were published by the British in August, Paine (no doubt rightly) considered himself as one of those in Congress whose “Fidgets,... Whims, Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:150, 178.) JA was himself uneasy about this arrangement and well aware of Paine's resentment. “Mr. Paine,” he told AA, “has taken an odd Turn in his Head of late, and is so peevish, passionate and violent that he will make the Place disagreable” (18 Nov. 1775, above). Paine spared JA this trouble by refusing the appointment, but Warren soon made matters much worse. In a letter to JA of 3 Dec. he dropped some inexcusably sarcastic comments on Paine's conduct both in Congress and out (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:190). JA received this letter on his way home from Congress and sent it on to Philadelphia for Samuel Adams to see. It fell into someone's hands who showed it to Paine when he returned from his mission to Ticonderoga, and it opened the floodgates of his resentment. Early in January he addressed a scorching protest to Warren, in which he said, among other things, that he knew perfectly well who (meaning JA) had been furnishing Warren with the calumnies now circulating and whose “machinations” had “degraded” Paine in the recent appointments. This letter Warren copied and enclosed to JA under a cover of 31 Jan. which called it “A Model of Invective and dulness” and said it might soon be properly answered. (Warren's letter of 31 Jan. is in the Adams Papers, with the copy of Paine's to Warren attached; the enclosure is dated 5 Jan., but Paine's draft in the Paine Papers in MHi is dated 1 Jan. 1776.) No answer by Warren has been found. Before long the Warrens evidently showed Paine's letter to AA, and she may have heard more on the subject from Joseph Palmer, to whom on 1 Jan. Paine had addressed a bitter complaint about the behavior of Warren and JA (draft in Paine Papers; copy in Adams Papers). Palmer's answer was so exemplary that it deserves at least partial quotation:
“I thank you for your late favour, but was exceedingly sorry to find any misunderstanding between Friends, especially at this time of public danger; I don't intend to meddle in this matter, any farther than to urge you both, as you regard the good of your distressed Country, to stifle every private resentment, incompatable with the public 352good, and conduct yourselves in every respect as your Christian profession requires” (24 Jan., Paine Papers).
From the evidence available it appears that both Paine and JA did so act toward each other in the critical months that followed.John Trumbull, JA's law clerk during 1773–1774, wrote the first part of his M'Fingal:
A Modern Epic Poem in 1775 at New Haven, where he had begun the practice of law. JA saw a MS of the poem in Philadelphia and wrote Trumbull, 5 Nov., praising it and asking who sat for the portraits of the principal characters (RC in NjP). Trumbull's interesting reply of 14 Nov. says among other things that no single person was the model for either the tory M'Fingal or the patriot Honorius; “But the Picture of the Townmeeting is drawn from the Life” (Adams Papers). “Canto I” of M'Fingal was published at Philadelphia in Jan. 1776 (though with a 1775 imprint). The complete poem, twice as long and destined to be popular for many years among American readers, was published at Hartford in 1782. See Alexander Cowie, John Trumbull, Connecticut Wit, Chapel Hill, 1936, ch. 7.
1776-03-02
I was greatly rejoiced at the return of your servant to find you had safely arrived, and that you were well. I had never heard a word from you after you left New york, and a most ridiciolous story had been industerously propagated in this and the neighbouring Towns to injure the cause and blast your Reputation, viz. that you and your President had gone on board a Man of War from N–y and saild for England. I should not mention so idle a report, but that it had given uneasiness to some of your Friends, not that they in the least credited the report, but because the Gaping vulgar swallowed the story. One man had deserted them and proved a traitor, an other might &c. I assure you such high Disputes took place in the publick house of this parish, that some men were collerd and draged out of the shop, with great Threats for reporting such scandelous lies, and an unkle of ours offerd his life as a forfeit for you if the report proved true.
However it has been a nine days marvel and will now cease. I heartily wish every Tory was Extirpated
I am charmed with the Sentiments of Common Sense; and wonder how an honest Heart, one who wishes the welfare of their country, and the happiness of posterity can hesitate one moment at adopting them; I want to know how those Sentiments are received in Congress? I dare say their would be no difficulty in procuring a vote and instructions from all the Assemblies in New England for independancy. I most sincerely wish that now in the Lucky Minuet it might be done.
I have been kept in a continual state of anxiety and expectation 353ever since you left me. It has been said to morrow and to morrow for this month, but when the dreadfull to morrow will be I know not—but hark! the House this instant shakes with the roar of Cannon.—I have been to the door and find tis a cannonade from our Army, orders I find are come for all the remaining Militia to repair to the Lines a monday night by twelve o clock. No Sleep for me to Night; and if I cannot who have no guilt upon my Soul with regard to this Cause, how shall the misirible wretches who have been the procurers of this Dreadfull Scene and those who are to be the actors, lie down with the load of Guilt upon their Souls.
I went to Bed after 12 but got no rest, the Cannon continued firing and my Heart Beat pace with them all night. We have had a pretty quiet day, but what to morrow will bring forth God only knows.
Tolerable quiet to day. The Militia have all musterd with 3 days provision and are all march'd by 8 o clock this afternoon tho their notice was no longer than 8 o clock Saturday, and now we have scarcly a Man but our regular guards either in W
I have just returnd from P
I went to bed about 12 and rose again a little after one. I could no more sleep than if I had been in the ingagement. The ratling of the windows, the jar of the house and the continual roar of 24 pounders, the Bursting of shells give us such Ideas, and realize a scene to us of which we could scarcly form any conception. About Six this morning, there was quiet; I rejoiced in a few hours calm. I hear we got possession of Dorchester Hill Last Night. 4000 thousand men upon it to day—lost but one Man. The Ships are all drawn round the Town. To night 354we shall realize a more terible scene still. I sometimes think I cannot stand it—I wish myself with you, out of hearing as I cannot assist them. I hope to give you joy of Boston, even if it is in ruins before I send this away.—I am too much agitated to write as I ought, and languid for want of rest.
All my anxiety, and distress, is at present at an End. I feel dissapointed. This day our Militia are all returning, without effecting any thing more than taking possession of Dorchester Hill. I hope it is wise and just, but from all the Muster and Stir I hoped and expected more important and decisive Scenes; I would not have sufferd all I have for two such Hills. Ever since the taking of that we have had a perfect calm nor can I learn yet what Effect it has had in Boston. I do not hear of one persons escapeing since.
I was very much pleased with your choise of a committe for Canada. All those to whom I have venturd to shew that part of your Letter approve the Scheme of the Priest as a master stroke of policy. I feel sorry that G
I hear in one of his Letters he mentions certain intercepted Letters which he says have made much Noise in England, and Laments that you ever wrote them.5
What will he and others say to Common Sense? I cannot Bear to think of your continuing in a State of Supineness this winter.
I had scarcly finished these lines when my Ears were again assaulted with the roar of Cannon. I could not write any further. My Hand and heart will tremble, at this domestick fury, and firce civil Strife, which cumber all our parts. Tho,
Yet is not pitty chok'd, nor my Heart grown Callous. I feel for the unhappy wretches who know not where to fly for safety. I feel still more for my Bleading Country men who are hazarding their lives and their Limbs.—A most Terible and incessant Cannonade from half after 8 till Six this morning. I hear we lost four men kill'd and some wounded in attempting to take the Hill nearest the Town call'd Nook Hill.6 We did some work, but the fire from
I have not got all the perticuliars I wish I had but, as I have an opportunity of sending this I shall endeavour to be more perticuliar in my next.
All our Little ones send duty. Tommy has been very sick with what is call'd the Scarlet or purple fever, but has got about again.
If we have Reinforcements here,8 I believe we shall be driven from the sea coast, but in what so ever state I am I will endeavour to be therewith content.
You will escuse this very incorrect Letter. You see in what purtubation it has been written and how many times I have left of. Adieu pray write me every opportunity. Yours.
Tooks Grammer is the one you mention.9
Word omitted in MS.
Col. Joseph Palmer of Germantown, Jonathan Bass, Edmund Soper, and John Hall Jr. (
Mass. Soldiers and Sailors
, 35611:803; 1:748; 14:642; 7:92). Capt. John Hall Jr. was a stepson of JA's mother by her 2d marriage, 1766.
The purpose of this bombardment, as Washington reported to Congress on the 7th, was “to harrass the Enemy and divert their attention” preparatory to assaulting and fortifying the heights on Dorchester Neck, an operation undertaken on Monday night, 4 March, Gen. John Thomas commanding. Local militia had been called up in large numbers in expectation of a British counterattack (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 4:370–372). Bad weather and rough water preventing a successful assault on the new American fortifications, Howe thereupon decided to evacuate Boston (same, p. 373, note). The militia were dismissed on the 7th (same, p. 374).
Isaac Smith Jr.; see the descriptive note above.
“Very unluckily for us, two intercepted letters, wrote by Mr. John Adams, and one from another member of the Congress have been republished here, and (especially the former,) have furnished a topic for general conversation the week past. They are supposed to contain proof that the Congress, some of them at least, have very different views from what they profess in their publications” (Isaac Smith Jr. to Isaac Smith Sr., London, 26 Sept. [1775], MHi: Smith-Carter Papers).
Nook or Nook's Hill at Dorchester Point, overlooking the harbor and the British lines on Boston Neck. See, further, AA to JA, 16–18 March, below.
Bottom line of MS partly worn away; missing words supplied from CFA's text in JA–AA, Familiar Letters
, p. 140.
AA almost certainly meant to write: “If we have no Reinforcements here....”
In his letter of 18 Feb., above. AA was mistaken in her citation; see her letter of 16–18 March, below, and note 6 there.
1776-03-08
Yesterday by Major Osgood I had the Pleasure of a Letter from Mr. Palmer,1 in which he kindly informed me of your and the Familys Welfare. This is the first Intelligence I have had from Braintree since I left it—not a Line from you. Am sorry to learn that Braintree People are alarmed—hope they will not be attacked. Want to know the Particulars—how they have been threatned &c.
Thomas is made a Major General and ordered to Canada. The general Expectation here is that the boldest Efforts of our Enemies will be made at Virginia and S. Carolina.—I believe no such Thing. Boston, N. York and Quebec will be their Object.
I have sent you, as many Letters as I could, and some Pamphlets and News Papers, and shall continue to do so. I want a servant excessively. Know not what to do for Want of one. So much Company—and so many Things to do.
Write me as often as you can—let me know whether Bass got home without any Accident, and whether your Fathers beautifull Mare is well of her Wound.
357God bless you my dear, and all about you, to whom be pleased to remember my most tender Affection.
Dated at Watertown, 19 Feb. (Adams Papers). The letter was brought (and the present letter was delivered) by DAB
). During the 1780's Osgood became one of JA's most trusted correspondents.
1776-03-16
I last Evening Received yours of March 8. I must confess my self in fault that I did not write sooner to you, but I was in continual Expectation that some important event would take place and give me a subject worth writing upon. Before this reaches you I immagine you will have Received two Letters from me; the last I closed this Day week;1 since that time there has been some movements amongst the Ministerial Troops as if they meant to evacuate the Town of Boston. Between 70 and 80 vessels of various sizes are gone down and lay in a row in fair sight of this place, all of which appear to be loaded and by what can be collected from our own observations and from deserters they have been plundering the Town. I have been very faithless with regard to their quitting Boston, and know not how to account for it, nor am I yet satisfied that they will leave it—tho it seems to be the prevailing opinion of most people; we are obliged to place the Militia upon Gaurd every Night upon the shoars thro fear of an invasion. There has been no firing since Last twesday, till about 12 o clock last Night, when I was waked out of my sleep with a smart Cannonade which continued till nine o clock this morning, and prevented any further repose for me; the occasion I have not yet heard, but before I close this Letter I may be able to give you some account of it.
By the accounts in the publick papers the plot thickens; and some very important Crisis seems near at hand. Perhaps providence see's it necessary in order to answer important ends and designs that the Seat of War should be changed from this to the Southeren colonies that each may have a proper sympathy for the other, and unite in a seperation. The Refuge of the Believer amidst all the afflictive dispensations of 358providence, is that the Lord Reigneth, and that he can restrain the Arm of Man.
Orders are given to our Army to hold themselves in readiness to March at a moments warning. I'll meet you at Philippi said the Ghost of Caesar to Brutus.
Being quite sick with a voilent cold I have tarried at Home to day; I find the fireing was occasiond by our peoples taking possession of Nook Hill, which they kept in spite of the Cannonade, and which has really obliged our Enemy to decamp this morning on board the Transports; as I hear by a mesenger just come from Head Quarters. Some of the Select Men have been to the lines and inform that they have carried of
From Pens Hill we have a view of the largest Fleet ever seen in America. You may count upwards of 100 & 70 Sail. They look like a Forrest. It was very lucky for us that we got possession of Nook Hill. They had placed their cannon so as to fire upon the Top of the Hill where they had observed our people marking out the Ground, but 359it was only to elude them for they began lower upon the Hill and nearer the Town. It was a very foggy dark evening and they had possession of the Hill six hours before a gun was fired, and when they did fire they over shot our people so that they were coverd before morning and not one man lost, which the enemy no sooner discoverd than Bunker Hill was abandoned and every Man decamp'd as soon as he could for they found they should not be able to get away if we once got our cannon mounted. Our General may say with Ceasar veni vidi et vici.
What Effect does the Expectation of commisioners have with you? Are they held in disdain as they are here. It is come to that pass now that the longest sword must deside the contest—and the sword is less dreaded here than the commisioners.
You mention Threats upon B
As to all your own private affair
I made a mistake in the Name of the Grammer—tis Tandons, instead of Took.6 I wish you could purchase Lord Chesterfields Letters—I have lately heard them very highly spoken of. I smiled at your couplet of Lattin,7 your Daughter may be able in time to conster8 it as she has already made some considerable proficiency in her accidents, but her Mamma was obliged to get it translated.
Pray write Lord Sterlings character. I want to know whether you live in any harmony with——9 and how you setled matters. I think he seems in better humour.
I think I do not admire the Speach from the Rostrum, tis a heavy unelegant, verbose performance and did not strike my fancy at all.10 I am very sausy suppose you will say. Tis a Liberty I take with you; indulgance is apt to spoil one. Adieu—Yours most Sincerely.
360PS Pray convey me a little paper. I have but enough for one Letter more.
A fine quiet night—no allarms no Cannon. The more I think of our Enemies quitting Boston, the more amaz'd I am, that they should leave such a harbour, such fortifications, such intrenchments, and that we should be in peaceable possession of a Town which we expected would cost us a river of Blood without one Drop shed. Shurely it is the Lords doings and it is Marvelous in our Eyes. Every foot of Ground which they obtain now they must fight for, and may
Familiar Letters
, p. 140–144.
Her letter of 2–10 March, above.
17 March, a day still annually celebrated in Boston as Evacuation Day.
On Hough's Neck in Braintree (now Quincy).
Thus in MS. AA's meaning probably is: I have found some difficulty managing the affairs of the farm, the only hired hand I have being so often taken off (by militia duty or by illness). (CFA omitted this entire paragraph in editing the letter, as he regularly did details of farm management and the Adamses' business affairs.)
It is not perfectly certain that John is JQA (who was not yet nine years old), but probably so. Jonathan must have been a farm boy.
See JA to AA, 18 Feb., and AA to JA, 2–10 March, both above. BN, Catalogue
, lists J. E. Tandon, A New French Grammar Teaching a Person ... to Read, Speak, and Write That Tongue, 3d edn., revised, London, 1736. BM, Catalogue
, lists I. E. Tandon, The Englishman's French Grammar, new edn., London 1815. No Adams copy of this book has been found.
The line from Virgil in his letter of
OED
gives this spelling for construe as encountered from the 16th into the 19th century.
Doubtless Robert Treat Paine is meant.
If JA's reply to this letter were not lost (see descriptive note above), it would undoubtedly be possible to tell with certainty what AA meant by “the Speach from the Rostrum” which she found so distasteful. In any case, her present comments would not have been, as she says, “sausy” unless she were criticizing something for which JA had had some personal or official responsibility. One possibility is the Proclamation of the Massachusetts General Court of 23 Jan., designed to be read at annual town meetings in March, at the opening of courts, and in pulpits. This paper had actually been written by JA; see his
Works
, 1:192–197;
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:226; Ford, Mass. Broadsides
, No. 1973, with facsimile facing p. 272. But whether or not AA knew of his part in the Proclamation, she was more likely to have approved its sentiments and style than to have criticized them. Her strictures may of course have been intended for an as yet unidentified pamphlet or a piece in one of the newspapers among those that JA was cur-361rently sending her from Philadelphia. But the editors incline to think that they apply to Provost William Smith's Oration in Memory of General Montgomery, which was delivered on 19 Feb., advertised on 4 March, and could have been sent to AA with JA's letter of 8 March, here acknowledged. If AA was indeed commenting on Smith's performance, her opinion accorded very well with that of the Philadelphia ladies who had heard the eulogy delivered. On 26 Feb. Samuel Adams wrote his wife:
“Certain political Principles were thought to be interwoven with every part of the Oration which were displeasing to the Auditory. It was remarkd that he could not even keep their Attention. A Circle of Ladies, who had seated themselves in a convenient place on purpose to see as well as hear the Orator, that they might take every Advantage for the Indulgence of Griefe on so melancholly an Occasion, were observd to look much disappointed and chagrind” (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:365).
1776-03-17
Our worthy Friend Frank Dana arrived here last Evening from N. York, to which Place he came lately from England in the Packet.1 In Company with him, is a Gentleman by the Name of Wrixon, who has been a Field Officer in the British Army, served all the last War in Germany, and has seen service in every Part of Europe. He left the Army some time ago, and studied Law in the Temple, in which Science he made a great Proficiency. He wrote lately a Pamphlet under the Title of the Rights of Britons, which he has brought over with him. He is a Friend of Liberty and thinks justly of the American Question. He has great Abilities as well as Experience in the military Science, and is an able Engineer. I hope We shall employ him.2
The Baron De Woedke, We have made a Brigadier General, and ordered him to Canada. The Testimonials in his favour I shall inclose to you.3
Mr. Danas Account, with which Mr. Wrixons agrees, ought to extinguish in every Mind all Hopes of Reconciliation with G. Britain. This delusive Hope has done us great Injuries, and if ever We are ruined, will be the Cause of our Fall. A Hankuring after the Leeks of Egypt, makes us forget the Cruelty of her Task Masters.
I shall suffer many severe Pains, on your Account for some Days. By a Vessell from Salem a Cannonade was heard from Dark till one O Clock, last night was a Week ago. Your Vicinity to such scenes of Carnage and Desolation, as I fear are now to be seen in Boston and its Environs, will throw you into much Distress, but I believe in my Conscience I feel more here than you do. The sound of Cannon, was not so terrible when I was at Braintree as it is here, tho I hear it at four hundred Miles Distance.
362You cant imagine what a Mortification I sustain in not having received a single Line, from you since We parted. I suspect some Villany, in Conveyance.
By the Relation of Mr. Dana, Mr. Wrixon and Mr. Temple,4 Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Sewall, and their Associates are in great Disgrace in England. Persons are ashamed to be seen to speak to them. They look dejected and sunk.
I shall inclose an Extract of a Letter from Monsr. Dubourg in Paris and a Testimonial in favour of our Prussian General. Adieu.
DAB
;
Cresson, Francis Dana
(a rather unreliable work); and JA, Diary and Autobiography
, passim. For many years Dana was one of JA's most trusted correspondents; he was friendly as well with other members of the family; and he will often appear in the story of their lives as told in their correspondence. The middle name of the first Charles Francis Adams, who was born the year after Dana retired from the Massachusetts bench, signalized JQA's respect and friendship for Dana.
Elias Wrixon was appointed to a colonelcy but declined it. See
JCC
, 4:219–220, 242, 275, 316; also JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 3:382. His “Pamphlet” has not been further identified.
Frederic William, Baron de Woedtke, a Prussian soldier of fortune, was appointed a brigadier general, was sent to the northern army, turned out to be a drunkard, and died in the summer of 1776 at Ticonderoga (Benjamin Rush, Letters
, 1:112; see the references there).
William Temple of New Hampshire (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:387).
1776-03-19
Yesterday I had the long expected and much wish'd Pleasure of a Letter from you, of various Dates from the 2d. to the 10 March. This is the first Line I have received since I left you. I wrote you from Watertown I believe, relating my Feast at the Quarter Master General with the Coghnawaga Indians, and from Framingham, 363an Account of the ordnance there,1 and from New York I sent you a Pamphlet—hope you received these.
Since my arrival here, I have written to you as often as I could.
I am much pleased with your Caution, in your Letter, in avoiding Names both of Persons and Places, or any other Circumstances, which might designate to Strangers, the Writer, or the Person written to, or the Persons mentioned. Characters and Descriptions will do as well.
The Lye, which you say occasioned such Disputes at the Tavern, was curious enough.—Who could make and spread it? Am much obliged to an Unkle, for his Friendship: my worthy fellow Citizens may be easy about me. I never can forsake what I take to be their Interests. My own have never been considered by me, in Competition with theirs. My Ease, my domestic Happiness, my rural Pleasures, my Little Property, my personal Liberty, my Reputation, my Life, have little Weight and ever had, in my own Estimation, in Comparison of the great Object of my Country. I can say of it with great Sincerity, as Horace says of Virtue—to America only and her Friends a Friend.
You ask, what is thought of Common sense. Sensible Men think there are some Whims, some Sophisms, some artfull Addresses to superstitious Notions, some keen attempts upon the Passions, in this Pamphlet. But all agree there is a great deal of good sense, delivered in a clear, simple, concise and nervous Style.
His Sentiments of the Abilities of America, and of the Difficulty of a Reconciliation with G.B. are generally approved. But his Notions, and Plans of Continental Government are not much applauded. Indeed this Writer has a better Hand at pulling down than building.
It has been very generally propagated through the Continent that I wrote this Pamphlet.2 But altho I could not have written any Thing in so manly and striking a style, I flatter myself I should have made a more respectable Figure as an Architect, if I had undertaken such a Work. This Writer seems to have very inadequate Ideas of what is proper and necessary to be done, in order to form Constitutions for single Colonies, as well as a great Model of Union for the whole.
Your Distresses which you have painted in such lively Colours, I feel in every Line as I read. I dare not write all that I think upon this Occasion. I wish our People had taken Possession of Nook Hill, at the same Time when they got the other Heights, and before the Militia were dismissed.
Poor Cousin!—I pitty him. How much soever he may lament certain 364Letters I dont lament. I never repent of what was no sin. Misfortunes may be born without Whining. But if I can believe Mr. Dana, those Letters were much admired in England. I cant help laughing when I write it, because they were really such hasty crude Scraps. If I could have foreseen their Fate, they should have been fit to be seen and worth all the Noise they have made. Mr. Dana says they were considered in England as containing a comprehensive Idea of what was necessary to be done, and as shewing Resolution enough to do it. Wretched Stuff as they really were, (according to him) they have contributed somewhat towards making certain Persons' to be thought the greatest Statesmen in the World.—So much for Vanity.
My Love, Duty, Respects, and Compliments, wherever they belong.
Virginia will be well defended, so will N.Y., so will S. Car. America will eer long, raise her Voice aloud, and assume a bolder Air.
No such letter has been found. In his letter of 28 April, below, JA admitted that he had perhaps not written from Framingham.
His authorship of Common Sense was also, to his chagrin, “propagated” in Europe; see his
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:351–352.
1776-03-22
You will by this itts likely have heard, of the departure of the Troops from Boston. I went in this week and found my home in good Order, though great devastation as to many Others.
I here Mr. Gearey
1776-03-27
Sir I wrote you by last, to which refer you. I beleive the brigantine of Mr. Gearey is taken, a Vessell from So. Carolina which left itt About 20. days Ago, the Master of which says he saw a sailor who said he belonged to a brigantine with powder designed into the Eastern part of Our goverment, and that they came athot of a M
I have a Vessell Arrived in a short passuage from Cadiz. The Master says he heard att Cadiz1 she was saild, left Cadiz about the middle of last Month, there was a large ship from Phila. with flour suppose On the Continental Account.—We are in expectation of seeing the remainder of the fleet come along.
Mr. Lowell of Newbury is agoing to remove to Boston. We have nothing Material, this way, more than Boston Affairs. Many have sufferd, by those who have been intrusted with there Affairs. Deacon Barrel in particular, by One Archabald Cunningham a scotch Man (who Mr. Hancock knows) who has carried of allmost every thing, and some Others likewise. Itt's said R. Thomas2 was concernd in helping himself and B. Lyde, of Mr. Jona. Massons
Supply the word “before”?
Smith may have written “N. R. Thomas,” i.e. Nathaniel Ray Thomas, the Marshfield loyalist and mandamus councilor; but a mutilation of the MS where it was sealed makes this impossible to determine.
1776-03-29
I give you Joy of Boston and Charlestown, once more the Habitations of Americans. Am waiting with great Impatience for Letters from you, which I know will contain many Particulars.
We are taking Precautions to defend every Place that is in Danger—The Carolinas, Virginia, N. York, Canada.
I can think of nothing but fortifying Boston Harbour. I want more Cannon than are to be had, I want a Fortification upon Point Alderton,1 one upon Lovells Island, one upon Georges Island, several upon Long Island, one upon the Moon, one upon Squantum.
I want to hear of half a Dozen Fire ships and two or three hundred Fire Rafts prepared. I want to hear of Row Gallies, floating Batteries Built, and Booms laid across the Channell in the Narrows and Vesseauu de Frize, sunk in it. I wish to hear, that you are translating Braintree Commons into the Channell.
No Efforts, No Expence are too extravagant for me to wish for to fortify that Harbour so as to make it impregnable. I hope every Body will join and work untill it is done.
We have this Week lost a very valuable Friend of the Colonies, in Governor Ward of Rhode Island, by the small Pox in the natural Way. He never would hearken to his Friends who have been constantly advising him to be inoculated ever since the first Congress began. But he would not be perswaded. Numbers, who have been inoculated, have gone through the Distemper, without any Danger, or even Confinement, but nothing would do.—He must take it in the natural Way and die.
He was an amiable and a sensible Man, a stedfast Friend to his Country upon very pure Principles.
His Funeral was attended with the same Solemnities as Mr. Randolphs. Mr. Stillman being the Anabaptist Minister here, of which Perswasion was the Governor, was desired by Congress to preach a sermon, which he did with great Applause.2
Point Allerton, at the tip of the Nantasket peninsula.
DAB
; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:376).
1776-03-29
We are impatiently waiting for Intelligence of further Particulars from Boston. We have only heard that General How and his Army have left it, and that General Washington with a Part of his, has taken Possession of it. How shall I express my Joy to you at this great Event! As we are in Possession of Dorchester Heights, Charlestown Heights and Noddles Island, I think there can be no Danger of their Returning to Boston very soon. I hope, the Instant they leave the Harbour, that our Colony will begin to fortify it in such a Manner, that no hostile Fleet shall ever enter it again. I hope We shall fortify upon the Heights of Point Alderton, upon Lovells Island, Georges Island, Governors Island, Castle Island, Dorchester Heights and Noddles Island. I had like to have forgot Long Island And the Moon and Squantum, for there should be a Fortification upon each of these.
What can be done to obstruct the Channell between the West Head of Long Island and the Moon? But more especially, can nothing be done in Nantaskett Road, or in the Narrows to obstruct the Channell.
Will Gallies, carrying heavy Cannon be of any service? The Men of War seem to dread them exceedingly. They convey a sure shot and a terrible one, and they are very nimble and alert.
But cannot some thing be done, with Fire? Fire ships or sloops, or schooners, or Fire Rafts or all together, I should think might be used to some Purpose.
They are making Preparations to defend this River in this Way, I mean with Fire. They have several Fire Vessells besides several Hundreds of Fire Rafts, ready. They would fill the whole River with Flame.
If the Bottom in the Narrows of our Channell is hard, I should think that the Vesseau de Frize, which is used in this River would do. They are large Frames of great Timber, loaded with stone and sunk. Great Timbers barbed with Iron, pointed and feathered, are placed in such a Posture as to intangle a Vessell, and shatter her, and sink her.
I hope that No Efforts, No Labour, or Expence will be spared in securing Boston Harbour against Enemies. It will be our Interest to do it, for as Privateering is begun and Trade will be opened, nothing will draw into our Country so many Prizes, so much Trade and Wealth as an impregnable Harbour. It will become the Principal Rendezvous 368in my Opinion of Privateers, and American Men of War, as well as a Principal Mart.
I hope, if Batteries, fixed or floating, Fire Works, Gallies, Vesseau de Frize, or all together can secure that Harbour, let it be done.
We are taking every Precaution to secure N. York, Virginia, Carolina and Canada, and by the Blessing of Heaven, I have great Hopes We shall do it with success. My Duty to Mrs. Tufts and Love to Mr. Cotton,1 and believe me to be your sincere Friend,
Cotton Tufts Jr.
1776-03-30
The Acquisition of Boston, and its Harbour is of such vast Importance to the Province of Massachusetts Bay and New England in general, and indeed to all the confederated Colonies; that the Utmost Wisdom and public Spirit of our Countrymen ought to be employed in order to preserve it by such Fortifications as will make it impregnable for the future by any hostile Fleet.
There is not in the whole World perhaps an Harbour, whose Channell is commanded by so many Eminencies, both upon Islands and the Main: But in order to avail ourselves of the full Benefit of these natural Advantages many heavy Cannon and much Powder will be wanted. I hope that Measures will be fallen upon to procure a supply of both.
I think that the Militia of every Town which lies around Boston Harbour, ought to be formed into Matrosses or Artillery Men, that so they may be ready upon Occasion to go down to the Garrisons in the Harbour, and there officiate for the Defence of their Country.
It is now Twelve Days, since our Army entered Boston, and We have heard no Particulars. I wish you would be kind enough to put your Pen to Paper, now and then, for the Edification, Comfort, Information &c. of your Friend,
Remember me to all.
Frederick S. Peck Collec-369tion, pt. 3, 13–14 May 1947, lot 1, where the address is given as “to the Hon. Norton Quincy.”
1776-03-31
I wish you would ever write me a Letter half as long as I write you; and tell me if you may where your Fleet are gone? What sort of Defence Virginia can make against our common Enemy? Whether it is so situated as to make an able Defence? Are not the Gentery Lords and the common people vassals, are they not like the uncivilized Natives Brittain represents us to be? I hope their Riffel Men who have shewen themselves very savage and even Blood thirsty; are not a specimen of the Generality of the people.
I am willing to allow the Colony great merrit for having produced a Washington but they have been shamefully duped by a Dunmore.
I have sometimes been ready to think that the passion for Liberty cannot be Eaquelly Strong in the Breasts of those who have been accustomed to deprive their fellow Creatures of theirs. Of this I am certain that it is not founded upon that generous and christian principal of doing to others as we would that others should do unto us.
Do not you want to see Boston; I am fearfull of the small pox, or I should have been in before this time. I got Mr. Crane to go to our House and see what state it was in. I find it has been occupied by one of the Doctors of a Regiment, very dirty, but no other damage has been done to it. The few things which were left in it are all gone. Cranch1 has the key which he never deliverd up. I have wrote to him for it and am determined to get it cleand as soon as possible and shut it up. I look upon it a new acquisition of property, a property which one month ago I did not value at a single Shilling, and could with pleasure have seen it in flames.
The Town in General is left in a better state than we expected, more oweing to a percipitate flight than any Regard to the inhabitants, tho some individuals discoverd a sense of honour and justice and have left the rent of the Houses in which they were, for the owners and the furniture unhurt, or if damaged sufficent to make it good.
Others have committed abominable Ravages. The Mansion House of your President2 is safe and the furniture unhurt whilst both the House and Furniture of the Solisiter General3 have fallen a prey to their own merciless party. Surely the very Fiends feel a Reverential awe for Virtue and patriotism, whilst they Detest the paricide and traitor.
370I feel very differently at the approach of spring to what I did a month ago. We knew not then whether we could plant or sow with safety, whether when we had toild we could reap the fruits of our own industery, whether we could rest in our own Cottages, or whether we should not be driven from the sea coasts to seek shelter in the wilderness, but now we feel as if we might sit under our own vine and eat the good of the land.
I feel a gaieti de Coar4 to which before I was a stranger. I think the Sun looks brighter, the Birds sing more melodiously, and Nature puts on a more chearfull countanance. We feel a temporary peace, and the poor fugitives are returning to their deserted habitations.
Tho we felicitate ourselves, we sympathize with those who are trembling least the Lot of Boston should be theirs. But they cannot be in similar circumstances unless pusilanimity and cowardise should take possession of them. They have time and warning given them to see the Evil and shun it.—I long to hear that you have declared an independancy—and by the way in the new Code of Laws which I suppose it will be necessary for you to make I desire you would Remember the Ladies, and be more generous and favourable to them than your ancestors. Do not put such unlimited power into the hands of the Husbands. Remember all Men would be tyrants if they could. If perticuliar care and attention is not paid to the Laidies we are determined to foment a Rebelion, and will not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we have no voice, or Representation.
That your Sex are Naturally Tyrannical is a Truth so thoroughly established as to admit of no dispute, but such of you as wish to be happy willingly give up the harsh title of Master for the more tender and endearing one of Friend. Why then, not put it out of the power of the vicious and the Lawless to use us with cruelty and indignity with impunity. Men of Sense in all Ages abhor those customs which treat us only as the vassals of your Sex. Regard us then as Beings placed by providence under your protection and in immitation of the Supreem Being make use of that power only for our happiness.
Not having an opportunity of sending this I shall add a few lines more; tho not with a heart so gay. I have been attending the sick chamber of our Neighbour Trot whose affliction I most sensibly feel but cannot discribe, striped of two lovely children in one week. Gorge the Eldest died on wedensday and Billy the youngest on fryday, with 371the Canker fever, a terible disorder so much like the thr
I want to hear much oftener from you than I do. March 8 was the last date of any that I have yet had.—You inquire of whether I am making Salt peter. I have not yet attempted it, but after Soap making believe I shall make the experiment. I find as much as I can do to manufacture cloathing for my family which would else be Naked. I know of but one person in this part of the Town who has made any, that is Mr. Tertias Bass as he is calld who has got very near an hundred weight which has been found to be very good. I have heard of some others in the other parishes. Mr. Reed of Weymouth has been applied to, to go to Andover to the mills which are now at work, and has gone. I have lately seen a small Manuscrip de
This is probably a slip of the pen for “Crane,” AA's agent in Boston mentioned above. (At least two Crane “housewrights” active in Boston at this time are recorded in the Thwing Catalogue, MHi.) AA normally refers to her brother-in-law Richard Cranch as “Mr. Cranch.”
John Hancock.
Samuel Quincy.
AA's spelling of this word is very uncertain.
Susanna, daughter of Peter Boylston Adams. She had been born the previous July and died later in the present month.
1776-04-04
So far Sincable of my duty to Comply with your Dissier to write to you I now Take my pen in hand to give you a narative of the Evelotions thats hapned Since you Left us. Before the Taking Posseseon of 372Dorchester hills the Militia
In Boston.
1776-04-06
I wrote you a post or two Ago, of being informd Mr. Gearey had wrote his brother to procure a Cargo or two of fish, to ship to Europe and had Applyed to me for some I have by me, but as I have sundry Vessells of my Own lying by should be glad to have them imployed, 373and iff the Congress wants to purchase I would let them have mine and would see to the loading of her and to follow there directions. Suppose I may have from 10 to 1200 Q
Ps Commodore Manleys fleet has taken a brigantine bound to Halifax on board of which is Bill Jackson and all his Effects and itt's said she has a large quantity of the Stolen goods—and there is on board likewise One Greenbrush, receiver general of the stolen goods and has distinguisht himself in that way by demanding People's propaty from them. Itts said he came from Y
Boston Doctr. Cooper Preacht Yesterday for the first time att the Old brick a sermon proper to the Occasion which hope will be printed. Preacht from 2 Saml. 7 Chap. 10 V.—sung the first part 9 Psalm, and 126.
The small pox being in Town and am Apt to think will spread as so many people and soilders are in Town, which will be a hindrance of the Inhabitants coming to tarry att present. We have two to have itt. Iff there should be liberty to Innoculate should Advise Mrs. Adams and the Children to come.
MS torn by seal. Smith undoubtedly meant New York.
The vessel taken by Manley's squadron was the Elizabeth, a straggler from the British fleet evacuating Boston. She was loaded with a great quantity of goods looted from Boston warehouses during the last days of the siege, and was brought into Portsmouth on 4 April (William Bell Clark, George Washington's Navy, Baton Rouge, 1960, p. 130–132, 137–138). Among the captives was the tory merchant Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 178. The captive mentioned by Smith as “Greenbrush” was Crean Brush, an Irish adventurer who was a member of the New York Assembly and whose daughter had married Ethan Allen. Appointed by Howe to superintend the removal of property and stores from Boston, Brush used strong-arm methods that made him quickly and thoroughly disliked. He was tried in Boston and imprisoned until Nov. 1777, when he escaped and made his way to New York, where he died the following year. See Rowe, Letters and Diary
, p. 301–302; Clark, as cited above; French, First Year
, p. 666–667, 672–673; Jones, Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 288 and note. For an anonymous tract by Crean Brush attacking the Continental Congress, see
T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 154.
Parentheses supplied around two words written above the line in MS.
1776-04-07
I Received two Letters from you this week one of the 13 and the other the 19 of March.1 I know not where one of my Letters is gone, unless you have since Received it. I certainly wrote you in Febry. and the first Letter I wrote I mention that I had not wrote before. I have write2 four Letters before this. Believe I have Received all yours Except one you mention writing from Framingham which I never heard of before.3
Have Received all the papers you sent, the oration and Magizines. In the small papers I some times find peices begun and continued, (for instance Johnstones Speach) but am so unlucky as not to get the papers in order and miss of seeing the whole.
The Removal of the Army seem's to have stoped the current of news. I want to know to what part of America they are now wandering. Tis Reported and creditted that Manly has taken a schooner belonging to the Fleet richly Laden with money, plate and english Goods with a Number of Tories. The particuliars have not yet Learnt.
Yesterday the Remains of our Worthy General Warren were dug up upon Bunker Hill and carried into Town and on monday are to be interred with all the Honours of War.
The Dr. was Buried on monday the Masons walking in procession from the State House, with the Military in uniforms and a large concourse of people attending. He was carried into the Chaple, and their a funirel Dirge was played, an Excellent prayer by Dr. Cooper, and an oration by Mr. Morton which I hope will be printed.4 I think the Subject must have inspired him, a young fellow could not have wished 375a finer opportunity to have displayed his talents. The amiable and heroick virtues of the disceased recent in the minds of the Audience, the noble cause to which he fell a Martir, their own Sufferings and unparrelled injuries all fresh in their minds, must give weight and energy to whatever could be deliverd upon the occasion, the Dead Body like that of Caesars before their Eyes, whilst each wound, “like dumb mouths did ope their ruby lips, and beg the voice and utterance of a Tongue.”
I take my pen and write just as I can get time, my Letters will be a strange Mixture. I really am cumberd about many things and scarcly know which way to turn myself. I miss my partner, and find myself uneaquil to the cares which fall upon me; I find it necessary to be the directress of our Husbandery and farming. Hands are so scarce, that I have not been able to procure one, and add to this that Isaac has been sick with a fever this fortnight, not able to strick a Stroke and a Multiplicity of farming Business pouring in upon Us.
In this Dilemma I have taken Belcher into pay, and must secure him for the Season, as I know not what better course to stear. I hope in time to have the Reputation of being as good a Farmeress as my partner has of being a good Statesmen.—To ask you any thing about your return would I suppose be asking a Question you cannot answer.
Retirement, Rural quiet, Domestick pleasure, all all must give place to the weighty cares of State. It would be meanly poor in Solitude to hide an honest Zeal unwarp'd by party Rage—
I hope your Prussian General will answer the high Character which is given of him. But we who have been bread in a land of Liberty scarcly know how to give credit to so unjust and arbitary a Mandate of a Despot—to cast of a faithfull Servant only for being the unhappy bearer of ill news degrades the Man and dishonours the prince.
The Congress by imploying him have shewn a Liberality of Senti-376ment not confined to colonies or continents, but to use the words of common Sense, have carried their Friendship on a Larger Scale, by claiming Brotherhood with every European christian, and may justly triumph in the Generosity of the Sentiment.
Yesterday was taken and carried into Cohasset by 3 whale Boats who went from the Shore on purpose a Snow from the Grenades, laiden with 354 puncheons of W.I. Rum, 43 Barrels of Sugar, 12,500 weight coffe, a valuable prize. A Number of eastern Sloops have brought Wood into Town since the Fleet saild. We have a Rumour of Admiral Hopkings6 being engaged with a Number of Ships and tenders off Road island—are anxious to know the event. Be so good as to send me a List of the vessels which sail with Hopkings, their Names, Weight of Mettal and Number of Men—all the News you know &c.
I hear our jurors refuse to serve because the writs are issued in the Kings Name. Surely they are for independance.
Write me how you do this winter. I want to say many things I must omit, it is not fit to wake the Soul by tender strokes of art, or to Ruminate upon happiness we might enjoy, least absence become intolerable. Adieu Yours.
I wish you would burn all my Letters.
That of the 19th is above. No letter of the 13th has been found, but AA almost certainly meant JA's letter of 17 March, above, to one topic in which she alludes in the present letter.
Altered by overwriting from “wrote.”
All of AA's letters are printed above. For JA's supposed letter from Framingham see his letter to AA of 19 March and note 1 there.
Perez Morton, An Oration; Delivered ... April 8, 1776, on the Re-interment of the Remains of ... Joseph Warren, Boston, 1776; reprinted in New York and Philadelphia; T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 221a–d.
Shakespeare, Julius Caesar, Act III, Scene 1, slightly adapted to AA's purpose.
Ezek Hopkins, first commander of the Continental Navy (
DAB
).
1776-04-12
Inclose a few Sheets of Paper, and will send more as fast as Opportunities present.
Chesterfields Letters are a chequered sett. You would not choose to have them in your Library, they are like Congreeves Plays, stained with libertine Morals and base Principles.
377You will see by the Papers, the News, the Speculations and the Political Plans of the Day.
The Ports are opened wide enough at last, and Privateers are allowed to prey upon British Trade.1 This is not Independency you know.—What is? Why Government in every Colony, a Confederation among them all, and Treaties with foreign Nations, to acknowledge Us a Sovereign State, and all that.—When these Things will be done, or any of them, Time must discover. Perhaps the Time is near, perhaps a great Way off.
See
JCC
, 4:229–233, 251–254; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 3:373–375, 377.
1776-04-13
I Received a few lines1 from you more than a week ago, and determined to have replied immediately to them, but tho you will scarcly believe me, I have never found an opportunity to take up my pen till this moment, which is ten oClock Saturday evening; tis true I have wrote several evenings since, but only to my Nearest Friend, and he has chid me for my delays, delays of which I have not been guilty, but the Letters have not reachd him. I miss'd the very kind care of my much valued Friend2 greatly in that respect.
Your freedom in detaining the pamphlets was very agreable to me, it assurd me that Marcia made no Stranger of her Friend; and judging by her own Heart, knew that any entertainment or pleasure of her Friends contributed to her happiness.
I find myself dear Marcia, not only doubled in Wedlock but multiplied in cares to which I know myself uneaquel, in the Education of my little flock I stand in need of the constant assistance of my Better half.3
I can not do them the justice I wish to, from the multiplicity of other concerns which devolve upon me in consequence of the continued absence of my associate.
I find it necessary not only to pay attention to my own in door domestick affairs, but to every thing without, about our little farm &c. The Man upon whom I used to place dependance was taken sick last winter and left us. I have not been able to supply his place—therefore am obliged to direct what I fear I do not properly understand. Frugality, Industery and ecconomy are the Lessons of the day—at least they must be so for me or my small Boat will suffer shipwreck.
378I have been much gratified with the respect shewn to the remains of our worthy Friend. I hope and believe that the orator excerted himself upon the occasion—he had a fine field to display himself in.
But where do I ramble. You inquire for inteligence. I immagine you have the same that I have. I have more news papers than Letters. My Last containd an account of the Death of Governor Ward of Road Island with the small pox, “an amiable and sensible Man, a stedfast Friend to his Country upon very pure principals.”
I hope you will fullfill your promise of writing me a long Letter. How do you like Mrs. Washington. Any other person you have seen, and noticed should be glad of your opinion. I love characters drawn by your pen.—When do you think of returning? Suppose you have not ventured into Boston. I dare not tho I have a great desire to look at it.
My affectionate Regards (Shall I use that word) to the Coll. from his and your assured Friend,
Not found.
James Warren, who had usually seen to the forwarding of AA's letters.
AA's ambiguous punctuation has been preserved. Full stop after “uneaquel” or after “flock”?
1776-04-14
I have misst my Good Friend Col. W
The Fleet lay in the Road allmost a fortnight after the Town was evacuated; in that time Major Tuper came with a Body of Men to G
Fort Hill is a fortifying I suppose in the best Manner, committes have been appointed to survey the Islands &c. but we are scanty of Men, tis said we have not more than 2000 Effective Men left, and the General thought it necessary to take the Heavy cannon with him. We have many peices spiked up which they are imployed in cleaning, about an 100 peices I have heard was left at the Castle with their trunnels broke or spiked. The Castle you have no doubt heard was burnt by the Troops before they saild, and an attempt made to blow up the walls in which however they did not succeed any further than to shatter them.
There are so many things necessary to be done that I suppose Buisness moves slowly. At present we all seem to be so happy and so tranquil, that I sometimes think we want another Fleet to give some energy and spirit to our motions. But there has been a great overturn and people seem to be hardly recoverd from their amazement. Many Building
As to goods of any kind, we cannot tell what quantity there is. Only two or three Shops open. Goods at a most extravagant price—all the better to promote Manufactures.
The small pox prevents my going to Town; several have broke out 380with it in the Army since they went into Boston. I cannot help wishing that it would spread.5 I think the Country is in more danger than ever. I am anxious about it. If it should spread there is but one thing would prevent my going down to our own House and having it with all our children and I dont know but I should be tempted to run you in debt for it.
There is talk of raising an other Regiment. If they should I fear we shall suffer in our Husbandery. Labour is very high. I cannot hire a Man for six months under 20 pounds Lawfull money.
The Works upon the Neck are levelling. We keep Guards upon the Shoars yet.—Manly has taken a vessel Load of Tories. Among them is Black the Scotchman and Brasen head Jackson, Hill the Baker &c. What can be done with them. I think they ought to be transported to England. I would advertize for tory transports.
Hanover has made large quantities of salt peter.
This week we are to hold court here, but I do not imagine any thing will be done.
I have a Letter from you the 29 of March. Tis said there is one from Mr. Gerry the 3 of April acquainting us with your opening trade. Who is the writer of Common Sense, of Cato, of Casandra?6
I wish you would according to promise write me an account of Lord Sterling. We know nothing about him here.
All the Tories look crest fallen. Several deserters from on board the commodore
Pray continue to write me by every opportunity, the writing Books were very acceptable presents.
I rejoice in the Southern Victorys. The oration was a very elegant performance, but not without much Art—a few Strokes which to me injure the performance.8
I know not any thing further which I ought to say but that I am most affectionately Yours.
16–18 March, above.
Harvard Graduates
, vol. 12 (in press, 1962); and Miles Whitworth Sr., who is mentioned under his son's name in Jones, Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 295.
AA's carelessness in the foregoing passage leaves her meaning a little uncertain. Pubns.
, 5 (1902):5–26.
JA said in his reply of 28 April, below, that the enclosures were not with the letter when he received it. On Burgoyne's efforts in drama writing during the siege of Boston, among others The Blockade of Boston, acted in January and parodied as The Blockheads, or The Affrighted Officers, see Winsor, Memorial History of Boston
, 3:93, 161–162, with references there.
So that the town authorities would permit inoculation.
JA answered these questions in his reply of 28 April, below.
Meaning British ships left behind to divert troop and supply vessels that might have sailed from England. This squadron, under Capt. Francis Banks in the Renown, patrolled Nantasket Roads and the lower harbor until mid-June (French, First Year
, p. 672, 682–683). See Mary Palmer to JA, 15–17 June, below.
William Smith's Oration on Montgomery, Perez Morton's more recent Oration on Warren, or some other?
1776-04-14
You justly complain of my short Letters, but the critical State of Things and the Multiplicity of Avocations must plead my Excuse.—You ask where the Fleet is. The inclosed Papers will inform you. You ask what Sort of Defence Virginia can make. I believe they will make an able Defence. Their Militia and minute Men have been some time employed in training them selves, and they have Nine Battallions of regulars as they call them, maintained among them, under good Officers, at the Continental Expence. They have set up a Number of Manufactories of Fire Arms, which are busily employed. They are tolerably supplied with Powder, and are successfull and assiduous, in making Salt Petre. Their neighbouring Sister or rather Daughter Colony of North Carolina, which is a warlike Colony, and has several Battallions at the Continental Expence, as well as a pretty good Militia, are ready to assist them, and they are in very good Spirits, and seem determined to make a brave Resistance.—The Gentry are very rich, and the common People very poor. This Inequality of Property, gives an Aristocratical Turn to all their Proceedings, and occasions a strong Aversion in their Patricians, to Common Sense.1 But the Spirit of these Barons, is coming down, and it must submit.
It is very true, as you observe they have been duped by Dunmore. But this is a Common Case. All the Colonies are duped, more or less, at one Time and another. A more egregious Bubble was never blown up, than the Story of Commissioners coming to treat with the Congress. Yet it has gained Credit like a Charm, not only without but 382against the clearest Evidence. I never shall forget the Delusion, which seized our best and most sagacious Friends the dear Inhabitants of Boston, the Winter before last. Credulity and the Want of Foresight, are Imperfections in the human Character, that no Politician can sufficiently guard against.
You have given me some Pleasure, by your Account of a certain House in Queen Street. I had burned it, long ago, in Imagination. It rises now to my View like a Phoenix.—What shall I say of the Solicitor General? I pity his pretty Children, I pity his Father, and his sisters. I wish I could be clear that it is no moral Evil to pity him and his Lady. Upon Repentance they will certainly have a large Share in the Compassions of many. But let Us take Warning and give it to our Children. Whenever Vanity, and Gaiety, a Love of Pomp and Dress, Furniture, Equipage, Buildings, great Company, expensive Diversions, and elegant Entertainments get the better of the Principles and Judgments of Men or Women there is no knowing where they will stop, nor into what Evils, natural, moral, or political, they will lead us.
Your Description of your own Gaiety de Coeur, charms me. Thanks be to God you have just Cause to rejoice—and may the bright Prospect be obscured by no Cloud.
As to Declarations of Independency, be patient. Read our Privateering Laws, and our Commercial Laws. What signifies a Word.
As to your extraordinary Code of Laws, I cannot but laugh. We have been told that our Struggle has loosened the bands of Government every where. That Children and Apprentices were disobedient—that schools and Colledges were grown turbulent—that Indians slighted their Guardians and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But your Letter was the first Intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest were grown discontented.—This is rather too coarse a Compliment but you are so saucy, I wont blot it out.
Depend upon it, We know better than to repeal our Masculine systems. Altho they are in full Force, you know they are little more than Theory. We dare not exert our Power in its full Latitude. We are obliged to go fair, and softly, and in Practice you know We are the subjects. We have only the Name of Masters, and rather than give up this, which would compleatly subject Us to the Despotism of the Peticoat, I hope General Washington, and all our brave Heroes would fight. I am sure every good Politician would plot, as long as he would against Despotism, Empire, Monarchy, Aristocracy, Oligarchy, or Ochlocracy.—A fine Story indeed. I begin to think the Ministry as deep as they are wicked. After stirring up Tories, Landjobbers, Trimmers, 383Bigots, Canadians, Indians, Negroes, Hanoverians, Hessians, Russians, Irish Roman Catholicks, Scotch Renegadoes, at last they have stimulated the
Thomas Paine's pamphlet.
For JA's more serious thoughts on the question of women's rights, see his letter to James Sullivan, 26 May 1776 (LbC, Adams Papers;
Works
, 9:375–378).
1776-04-15
I send you every News Paper, that comes out, and I send you now and then a few sheets of Paper but this Article is as scarce here, as with you. I would send a Quire, if I could get a Conveyance. I write you, now and then a Line, as often as I can, but I can tell you no News, but what I send in the public Papers.
We are Waiting it is said for Commissioners, a Messiah that will never come.—This Story of Commissioners is as arrant an Illusion as ever was hatched in the Brain of an Enthusiast, a Politician, or a Maniac. I have laugh'd at it—scolded at it—griev'd at it—and I dont know but I may at an unguarded Moment have rip'd1 at it—but it is vain to Reason against such Delusions. I was very sorry to see in a Letter from the General that he had been bubbled with it, and still more to see in a Letter from my sagacious Friend W
My Opinion is that the Commissioners and the Commission have been here (I mean in America)2 these two Months. The Governors, Mandamus Councillors, Collectors and Comptrollers, and Commanders of the Army and Navy, I conjecture compose the List and their Power is to receive Submissions. But We are not in a very submissive Mood. They will get no Advantage of Us.
We shall go on, to Perfection I believe. I have been very busy for some time—have written about Ten sheets of Paper with my own Hand, about some trifling Affairs, which I may mention some time or other—not now for fear of Accidents.3
What will come of this Labour Time will discover. I shall get nothing by it, I believe, because I never get any Thing by any Thing that I do. I am sure the Public or Posterity ought to get Something. I believe my Children will think I might as well have thought and laboured, a little, night and Day for their Benefit....4 But I will not bear the 384Reproaches of my Children. I will tell them that I studied and laboured to procure a free Constitution of Government for them to solace themselves under, and if they do not prefer this to ample Fortune, to Ease and Elegance, they are not my Children, and I care not what becomes of them. They shall live upon thin Diet, wear mean Cloaths, and work hard, with Chearfull Hearts and free Spirits or they may be the Children of the Earth or of no one, for me.
John has Genius and so has Charles. Take Care that they dont go astray. Cultivate their Minds, inspire their little Hearts, raise their Wishes. Fix their Attention upon great and glorious Objects, root out every little Thing, weed out every Meanness, make them great and manly. Teach them to scorn Injustice, Ingratitude, Cowardice, and Falshood. Let them revere nothing but Religion, Morality and Liberty.
Nabby and Tommy are not forgotten by me altho I did not mention them before. The first by Reason of her sex, requires a Different Education from the two I have mentioned. Of this you are the only judge. I want to send each of my little pretty flock, some present or other. I have walked over this City twenty Times and gaped at every shop like a Countryman to find something, but could not. Ask every one of them what they would choose to have and write it to me in your next Letter. From this I shall judge of their Taste and Fancy and Discretion.
JA defines and illustrates this use of the verb rip very clearly in his
Diary and Autobiography
, 1:97.
Parentheses editorially supplied around words inserted above the line in MS.
JA's anonymous essay entitled Thoughts on Government: Applicable to the Present State of the American Colonies was advertised on 22 April as published by John Dunlap in Philadelphia (T. R. Adams, “American Independence,” No. 205a–b). JA sent a copy of it to James Warren on 20 April (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:230–231). It was essentially a reply to Common Sense—not to Paine's arguments for independence but to his naive “Notions” (as JA considered them) about the new governments that would have to be formed in America; see JA to AA, 19 March, above. Though JA believed that his pamphlet eventually exerted substantial influence on a number of the early state constitutions, no detailed study of the nature and amount of its influence has ever been made. For the complex and still partly obscure history of the composition of
Thoughts on Government, see JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 3:331–333, and references there. In Oct. 1961 one more of the four different MS versions known to have been written by JA in the weeks preceding the present letter came to light. This is the holograph text he prepared for the North Carolina delegate William Hooper, who had left Congress at the end of March to attend the Provincial Congress at Halifax, which had in contemplation a new constitution. The document was found in the North Carolina State Department of Archives and History (Nc–Ar) in the David L. Swain Papers. Thus there remains to be found only the holograph furnished by JA to Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant for 385use at Trenton; JA said this one was “larger and more compleat, perhaps more correct,” than the version that was “put ... under
Types” (to James Warren, 20 April, cited above).
Suspension points in MS. Actually these are curled dashes, a device that JA began to use about this time, evidently to indicate elisions of thought more pronounced than dashes would serve to indicate.
1776-04-17
If my dear friend Required only a very Long Letter to make it agreable I Could Easily Gratify her but I know There must be many more Requisits to make it pleasing to her taste. If you Measure by Lines I Can at once Comply, if by Sentiment I fear I shall fall short. But as Curiosity seems to be awake with Regard to the Company I keep and the Manner of spending my time I will Endeavour to Gratify you.
I Arrived at my Lodgings before Dinner the day I Left you: found an obliging Family, Convenient Room and in the Main an agreable set of Lodgers. Next Morning I took a Ride to Cambridge And waited on Mrs. Washington at 11 o'clock, where I was Receiv'd with that politness and Respect shewn in a first interveiw among the well bred and with the Ease and Cordiallity of Friendship of a much Earlier date. If you wish to hear more of this Ladys Character I will tell you I think the Complacency of her Manners speaks at once the Benevolence of her Heart, and her affability, Candor and Gentleness Quallify her to soften the hours of private Life or to sweeten the Cares of the Hero and smooth the Rugged scenes of War.
I did not dine with her though much urge'd, but Engaged to spend the Ensuing day at head quarters. She desired me to Name an Early hour in the Morning when she would send her Chariot And Accompany me to see the Deserted Lines of the Enemy And the Ruins of Charlston: A Malencholy sight the Last which Evinces the Barbaraty of the Foe, and Leaves a Deep impression of the sufferings of that unhappy town.
Mr. Custice is the only son of the Lady Above Discribe'd.1 A sensible Modest agreable young Man. His Lady2 a Daughter of Coll. Calvert of Mariland, appears to be of an Engaging Disposition but of so Exstrem Delicate a Constitution that it Deprives her as well as her Friends of part of the pleasure which I am perswaded would Result from her Conversation did she Enjoy a Greater share of Health. She is prety, Genteel, Easey and Agreable, but a kind of Langour about her prevents her being so sociable as some Ladies. Yet it is Evident it is 386not owing to that want of Vivacity which Renders youth agreable, but to a want of health which a Little Clouds her spirits.
This Family which Consists of about 8 or 9 were prevented dining with us the Tuesday Following3 by an alarm from N port But Call'd and took Leave of us the Next day, when I own I felt that kind of pain which arises from Affection when the object of Esteem is separated perhaps forever.
After this I kept house a week amusing myself with my Book, my work and sometimes a Letter to an absent Friend.
My Next Visit was to Mrs. Morgan, but as you are acquainted with her I shall not be perticuler with Regard to her person or Manner. The Dr. and she dine'd with us Last saterday in Company with General Putnams Lady.4 She is what is Commonly Called a Very Good kind of woman And Commands Esteem without the Graces of politness, the Briliancy of wit, or the Merits of peculier understanding above the Rest of her sex Yet to be Valued for an Honest unornamented plain Friendliness, Discoverd in her Deportment at the first Acquaintance.
All other Characters or occurances I shall Leave for another opportunity. Only shall Mention A Lady Who has been A Lodger in our Family for a week past, and has been a Great Addition to the Cherfulness and Good Humour of the Family. It is a Mrs. Orn of Marblehead5 a well disposed pleasant agreable woman.
The More Regard you Express for a Friend of mine the Greater my Obligation. I have sent Forward my Letters to Mr. Adams but suppose I shall have no answer unless stimulated by you. Therfore when you write again you will not forget your affectionate
PS I am very Glad to hear Coll. Quineseys Family are well to whom my Regards.
John Parke Custis.
Eleanor (Calvert) Custis.
See Mrs. Washington's note to Mrs. Warren, 2 April 1776 (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:220).
Mrs. Israel Putnam, the former Deborah (Lothrop) Avery Gardiner.
Wife of Col. Azor Orne, a member of the Council.
1776-04-18
I cannot omit so good an opportunity as offers by Mr. Church of telling you that we are all well. I wrote you two Letters last week which 387I sent to Watertown. In those I said every thing that occurd to my mind, nothing since of any importance has taken place. The 19 of April (ever memorable for America as the Ides of March to Rome and to Ceasar) is fixd upon for the examination of the Tories by a committee from the General Court. I could have wished that some other persons, in the Room of one or two might have been chosen. It is so dangerous mentioning Names that I refer you to Mr. Church for the Names of the committe, and then you will easily guess who I mean.
I wish I could tell you that Buisness in the Fortification way went on Briskly, but a Western Member in the General Court who has great influence there, has got it into his Head that Fort Hill and Noddles Island are sufficent and tho a Man possessd of a very good Heart, is sometimes obstinately wrong.1
The Court of Sessions set yesterday and went on with Buisness very smoothly.
We hear that Congress has declared a free trade, and I give you joy of the Success of Admiral Hopkins, not only in his Expedition, but in his Success upon his return. Great Brittain I think is not quit
You promised to come and see me in May or june. Shall I Expect you, or do you determine to stay out the year? I very well remember when the Eastern circuts of the courts which lasted a month were thought an age, and an absence of 3 months intolerable but we are carried from Step to Step, and from one degree to an other to endure that which at first we think insuportable.
But I assure you I am obliged to make use of Reason and phylosophy in addition to custom to feel patient. Be assured I always Remember you as I ought, that is with the tenderest affection, Yours.
In a letter to JA of 26 April, below, Cotton Tufts identified this “Western Member” as Joseph Hawley.
1776-04-18
I cannot recollect the tenderness and dutiful affection you expressed for me, just before my departure, without the most sensible emotion, 388approbation, and gratitude. It was a proof of an amiable disposition, and a tender feeling heart.
But my dear child, be of good cheer; although I am absent from you for a time, it is in the way of my duty; and I hope to return, some time or other, and enjoy a greater share of satisfaction in you and the rest of my family, for having been absent from it for so long a time.
I learned in a letter from your mamma, that you was learning the accidence. This will do you no hurt, my dear, though you must not tell many people of it, for it is scarcely reputable for young ladies to understand Latin and Greek—French, my dear, French is the language, next to English—this I hope your mamma will teach you. I long to come home, but I believe it will be a great while first. I don't know when, perhaps not before next Christmas. My love to your mamma and your brothers, and the whole family.
Journal and Correspondence of Miss Adams,... Edited by Her Daughter, New York, 1841–1842, 2:4–5.)
1776-04-18
I thank you for your agreable Letter of the Twenty fourth of March.1
I rejoice with you that our Friends are once more in Possession of the Town of Boston, and am glad to hear that so little damage is done to our House.
I hope you and your Sister and Brothers will take proper Notice of these great Events, and remember under whose wise and kind Providence they are all conducted. Not a Sparrow falls, nor a Hair is lost, but by the Direction of infinite Wisdom. Much less are Cities conquered and evacuated. I hope that you will all remember, how many Losses, Dangers, and Inconveniences, have been borne by your Parents, and the Inhabitants of Boston in general for the Sake of preserving Freedom for you, and yours—and I hope you will all follow the virtuous Example if, in any future Time, your Countrys Liberties should be in Danger, and suffer every human Evil, rather than Give them up.—My Love to your Mamma, your Sister and Brothers, and all the Family.
Not found.
1776-04-21
I have to acknowledg the Recept of a very few lines dated the 12 of April. You make no mention of the whole sheets I have wrote to you, by which I judge you either never Received them, or that they were so lengthy as to be troublesome; and in return you have set me an example of being very concise. I believe I shall not take the Hint, but give as I love to Receive; Mr. Church talk'd a week ago of setting of for Philadelphia. I wrote by him; but suppose it is not yet gone; you have perhaps heard that the Bench is fill'd by Mr. Foster and Sullivan,1 so that a certain person2 is now excluded. I own I am not of so forgiveing a disposition as to wish to see him holding a place which he refused merely from a spirit of envy.
I give up my Request for Chesterfields Letters submitting intirely to your judgment, as I have ever found you ready to oblige me in this way whenever you thought it would contribute either to my entertainment or improvement. I was led to the request from reading the following character of him in my favorite Thomson and from some spiritted and patriotick speaches of his in the Reign of Gorge 2.
I think the Speculations you inclose prove that there is full Liberty of the press. Cato shews he has a bad cause to defend whilst the Forester writes with a spirit peculiar to himself and leads me to think that he has an intimate acquaintance with Common Sense.
We have inteligance of the Arrival of some of the Tory Fleet at Halifax that they are much distresst for want of Houses, obliged to give 6 Dollors per month for one Room, provisions scarce and dear. Some of them with 6 or 8 children round them sitting upon the Rocks crying, not knowing where to lay their heads. Just Heaven has given them to taste of the same cup of Afliction which they one year ago administerd with such Callous Hearts to thousands of their fellow citizen
I would fain hope that the time may not be far distant when those things you hint at may be carried into Execution.3
Tis reported here that Admiral Hopkings is blocked up in Newport harbour by a Number of Men of War. If so tis a very unlucky circumstance. As to fortification those who preside in the assembly can give you a much better account than I.
391I heard yesterday that a Number of Gentlemen who were together at Cambridge thought it highly proper that a Committee of Ladies should be chosen to examine the Torys Ladies, and proceeded to the choise of 3 Mrs. Winthrope, Mrs. Warren and your Humble Servant.
I could go on and give you a long list of domestick affairs, but they would only serve to embariss you, and noways relieve me. I hope it will not be long before things will be brought into such a train as that you may be spaired to your family.
Your Brother has lost his youngest child with convulsion fits. Your Mother is well and always desires to be rememberd to you. Nabby is sick with the mumps, a very disagreable disorder.—You have not once told me how you do. I judge you are well as you seem to be in Good Spirits.—I bid you good Night, all the Little flock Send Duty; and want to see P——a.
Jedidiah Foster and James Sullivan, commissioned 20 March (Quincy, Reports
, p. 341).
Robert Treat Paine.
The following quotation, like that above, is from AA's “favorite,” James Thomson, whose The Seasons (first published complete in 1730) she seems to have read and reread until she knew it, despite its prodigious length, almost by heart. But it was her habit, whether quoting Thomson, Shakespeare, or any other poet, silently to adapt the texts to her purpose. The present passage is a good example of this habit. It is taken from the “Winter” section of The Seasons, specifically lines 910–926, and anyone interested in such matters may compare her version (or paraphrase) with Thomson's original in his Complete Poetical Works, ed. J. Logie Robertson, London, 1908, p. 165. Thomson's first line (in the passage here quoted) is: “Oh! is there not some patriot in whose power...,” which AA pluralizes to apply to the Continental Congress. The 11th–13th lines in the original rouse Britons against Dutch encroachments on their fisheries: “nor look on, / Shamefully passive, while Batavian fleets / Defraud us of the glittering finny swarm.” But AA converts this into perhaps the earliest assertion of American (as opposed to British) rights in the Atlantic fisheries.
1776-04-23
This is St. Georges Day, a Festival celebrated by the English, as Saint Patricks is by the Irish, St. Davids by the Welch, and St. Andrews by the Scotch. The Natives of old England in this City heretofore formed a Society, which they called Saint Georges Clubb, or Saint Georges Society. Upon the Twenty third of April annually, they had a great Feast. But The Times and Politicks have made a schism in the society so that one Part of them are to meet and dine at 392the City Tavern, and the other att the Bunch of Grapes, Israel Jacobs's, and a third Party go out of Town.
One sett are staunch Americans, another staunch Britons I suppose, and a Third half Way Men, Neutral Beings, moderate Men, prudent Folks—for such is the Division among Men upon all Occasions and every Question. This is the Account, which I have from my Barber, who is one of the Society and zealous on the side of America, and one of the Philadelphia Associators.
This curious Character of a Barber, I have a great Inclination to draw for your Amusement. He is a little dapper fellow, short and small, but active and lively, a Tongue as fluent and voluble as you please, Wit at Will, and a Memory or an Invention which never leaves him at a Loss for a story to tell you for your Entertainment. He has seen great Company. He has dressed Hair, and shaved Faces at Bath and at Court. He is acquainted with several of the Nobility and Gentry, particularly Sir William Meredith. He married a Girl the Daughter of a Quaker in this Place, of whom he tells many droll stories. He is a Serjeant in one of the Companies of some Battalion or other here. He frequents, of Evenings, a Beer House kept by one Weaver, in the City, where he has many curious Disputes and Adventures, and meets many odd Characters.
I believe you will think me very idle, to write you so trifling a Letter upon so uninteresting a subject, at a Time, when my Country is fighting Pro Aris et Focis.
But I assure you I am glad to chatt with this Barber while he is shaving and combing me, to divert my self from less agreable Thoughts. He is so sprightly, and good humoured, that he contributes more than I could have imagined to my Comfort in this Life.
Burne1 has prepared a String of Toasts for the Clubb to drink to day at Israels.
In his accounts for 1777 JA gives the name of his “sprightly” Philadelphia barber as John Burn, or Byrne (
Diary and Autobiography
, 2:254, 255). The latter spelling is more plausible, and it is supported by Jefferson's accounts in 3931776 (quoted in
PMHB
, 31 [1907]:31). JA reported to AA further examples of Burn's entertaining chatter and “droll stories” on his wife; see especially his letters of 28 March and 23 April 1777, below.
South Carolina had recently adopted a new constitution and elected a governor. See Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:438 and note; also JA to AA, 17 May, below.
1776-04-26
Soon after the Removal of our Enemies from Boston, I sat myself down to write You the Proceedings of our Army from their Cannonading the Town to their taking Possession of it. But meeting with some Philadelphia Papers (before an Opportunity of sending it presented) I found that You had a History of the whole, since then I received Yours of the 29th March and find that You had not then received Intelligence of the sailing of the Ministerial Fleet. On the 25th. of March 48 of them saild and the Remainder in Numbers 75—except one 50 Gun Ship and some Tenders left the Harbour on the 27th—to the great Joy and Comfort of the Province. And well might it have been expected that we should have then begun to fortify in such a Manner as to keep out any Fleet that should have venturd to molest us. I know it was the general Expectation. But must I tell You that not a single Stroke has been struck but within a fortnight past except what was orderd by General Washington on Fort Hill, and not
untill the 12th Inst. was a Vote pass'd in General Assembly for the Purpose of securing the Harbour and this extends no further than the Security of Boston—a small Fort on Dorchester Point—Do. on Noddles Island, and Castle or Governors Island, Hulks to be sunk in the lower middle Ground.—I have been amazed at the Stupidity and Negligence of Goverment, and have not known to what Cause to attribute it. Perhaps there may have been an Expectation from General W
The best Security to the whole Harbour Would be Hull, Pedicks Island and Georges, these well fortified and supported, together with a few Row Galleys would under Providence secure the Harbour with but a little expence further, and perhaps without blocking up the Channell. But if need be the Narrows might be stopt up at a Quarter of the Expence they must now be at in stopping up the lower middle Ground near Casttle Island And if the Narrows are stopt up for ever it is no Matter as there is Plenty of Water thro the Western Passage I mean by Long Island West End and the Moon at which Places Forts might be erected to good Purpose and indeed one at the East End of Long Island might be of Advantage. These Places well fortified would have renderd any further Works above in some Measure unnecessary. Suppose a Fort on Point Alderton, one on North Head of Hull calld Lorings Hill, one on Pedicks Island opposite to that on Lorings Hill and the strongest and main Defence on Georges. Would not these be a noble Security. The fort on Lorings Hill and Pedicks would command Nantasket Gut as well as help command Ship Channell. Within this Gut on the South Side of Hull is as fine a Retreat or Harbour for Privateers and other Vessells up to 30 Guns as can any where be found. All Vessells passing thro this Gut must come within Musket Shot of a Fort on Pedicks, as All Vessells of 20 Guns and upwards passing by Georges up to Boston must be in the like Scituation. Row Galleys are absolutely necessary, to take Care of Broad Sound and to prevent small Craft from harassing the Islands, and would be a very excellent Support to our Islands and without them our Harbour will never be secure.
I have a great deal more to say upon this Subject than You will have patience to read or can be comprised in a single Letter. I will only add that this present Week Accidentally I fell in with the Courts Committee and labourd this Matter with them and I found the greater Part of them in Sentiment with me. I represented especially the Importance of Hull that if possess'd by the Enemy and fortified not any Army we could raise would dislodge them no not 40000 Men. I found out that all the Southern Members had been warm for fortifying below, the Western Members with Majr. H
The General's Sagacity and Prudence was shewn in a very striking Light, in one Affair; which was reported here from good Authority and which I suppose to be true. For some Days before Bunker Hill was deserted, scarce any Soldiers were seen in the Fort. No Smokes from their Barracks and only here and there a Centinel. This led our Soldiers to imagine the Enemy had deserted it. Applications were dayly made and Petitions presented to the General that a Party might go and take Possession of it. To these He would by no Means consent. On the Day and Day before they left Boston 900 Men were seen to march out of it. This Fort is an almost impregnable one—a Security against 10,000 Veterans.
Well My Friend, I perceive You have given us Liberty to trade where we list; I wish we may not be lost in the Abyss. Might it not have been of general Utility to have established some Duties and Regulations for the whole Continent and publishd them with the Licence. I fear Provincial Regulations of Trade will not be salutary for the whole, nor Obedience equally paid to them as the Continental Merchants have no Object but their own particular Interest and they must be Contrould or they will ruin any State under Heaven. The Statesman must for ever keep a Watchful Eye on that order of Men. But perhaps I am too severe. As the Licence for Trade is almost unlimited, Will not almost every Man turn his Attention that Way. Will not this quench the Martial Spirit. Will not an Army be raisd under greater Disadvantages—The Difficulty of raising Men and supporting them be greater.
The particular State of our Colony at present has led me to think whether the securing and fortifying of Capital Places on the Sea Coast should not be a Continental Charge as particular Provinces may so 396far neglect this as to involve the Continent in amazing Expences and unless there were something obligatory on the Side of the several Colonies to do it, Would they not be apt to neglect it.
By your late Resolves, You speak in a bolder Strain and may We not conjecture that You will not offend squeamish Minds with the Name Indepency yet that You will enter into a formal Confederacy. In Edes Paper of last Monday a Number of Articles for this Purpose are exhibited to publick View.1 In general they seem to be well calculated to take in all the Colonies. Perhaps less Power is committed to the Grand Congress than would be for the Peace and Good of the Whole. But more hereafter.
Last Week a Number of Marshfield Refugee Tories arrived at Marshfield (as is said) from Hallifax—Dr. Stockbridge, Deac. Tilden and Sons, Elisha Ford, 26 in all, Twelve at present. They are safe housd in Plimouth Goal.
See “Proposals for a Confederation of the United Colonies,” an unsigned leading article in the Boston Gazette, 22 April. These were designed to be equally applicable to a state of independence or a restored colonial status.
1776-04-27
I set myself down to comply with my Friends request, who I think seem's rather low spiritted.
I did write last week, but not meeting with an early conveyance I thought the Letter of But little importance and tos'd it away. I acknowledg my Thanks due to my Friend for the entertainment she so kindly afforded me in the Characters drawn in her Last Letter, and if coveting my Neighbours Goods was not prohibited by the Sacred Law, I should be most certainly tempted to envy her the happy talant she 397possesses above the rest of her Sex, by adorning with her pen even trivial occurances, as well as dignifying the most important. Cannot you communicate some of those Graces to your Friend and suffer her to pass them upon the World for her own that she may feel a little more upon an Eaquality with you?—Tis true I often receive large packages from P
I dare say he writes to no one unless to Portia oftner than to your Friend, because I know there is no one besides in whom he has an eaquel confidence. His Letters to me have been generally short, but he pleads in Excuse the critical state of affairs and the Multiplicity of avocations and says further that he has been very Busy, and writ near ten Sheets of paper, about some affairs which he does not chuse to Mention for fear of accident.
He is very sausy to me in return for a List of Female Grievances which I transmitted to him. I think I will get you to join me in a petition to Congress. I thought it was very probable our wise Statesmen would erect a New Goverment and form a new code of Laws. I ventured to speak a word in behalf of our Sex, who are rather hardly dealt with by the Laws of England which gives such unlimitted power to the Husband to use his wife Ill.
I requested that our Legislators would consider our case and as all Men of Delicacy and Sentiment are averse to Excercising the power they possess, yet as there is a natural propensity in Humane Nature to domination, I thought the most generous plan was to put it out of the power of the Arbitary and tyranick to injure us with impunity by Establishing some Laws in our favour upon just and Liberal principals.
I believe I even threatned fomenting a Rebellion in case we were not considerd, and assured him we would not hold ourselves bound by any Laws in which we had neither a voice, nor representation.
In return he tells me he cannot but Laugh at My Extrodonary Code of Laws. That he had heard their Struggle had loosned the bands of Goverment, that children and apprentices were dissabedient, that Schools and Colledges were grown turbulant, that Indians slighted their Guardians, and Negroes grew insolent to their Masters. But my Letter was the first intimation that another Tribe more numerous and powerfull than all the rest were grown discontented. This is rather too coarse a complement, he adds, but that I am so sausy he wont blot it out.
So I have help'd the Sex abundantly, but I will tell him I have only 398been making trial of the Disintresstedness of his Virtue, and when weigh'd in the balance have found it wanting.
It would be bad policy to grant us greater power say they since under all the disadvantages we Labour we have the assendancy over their Hearts
I wonder Apollo and the Muses could not have indulged me with a poetical Genious. I have always been a votary to her charms but never could assend Parnassus myself.
I am very sorry to hear of the indisposition of your Friend. I am affraid it will hasten his return, and I do not think he can be spaired.
Good Night my Friend. You will be so good as to remember me to our worthy Friend Mrs. W——e1 when you see her and write soon to your
Mrs. John Winthrop. Last paragraph of Dft reads, instead: “I congratulate my Friend upon her Honorable apointment; I was told a few days ago, that a committee of 3 Ladies was chosen to Examine the Tory Ladies, your Ladyship, our Friend Mrs. W——e and your correspondent were the persons.”
1776-04-28
Yesterday, I received two Letters from you from the 7th. to the 14. of April.1 I believe I have received all your Letters, and I am not certain I wrote one from Framingham. The one I mean contains an Account of my dining with the Indians at Mr. Mifflins.2
It gives me Concern to think of the many Cares you must have upon your Mind. Am glad you have taken
Your Reputation, as a Farmer, or any Thing else you undertake I 399dare answer for....4 Your Partners Character as a Statesman is much more problematical.
As to my Return, I have not a Thought of it. Journeys of such a Length are tedious, and expensive both of Time and Money neither of which are my own. I hope to spend the next Christmas, where I did the last, and after that I hope to be relieved for by that Time I shall have taken a pretty good Trick att Helm whether the Vessell has been well steer'd or not. But if My Countrymen should insist upon my serving them another Year, they must let me bring my whole Family with me. Indeed I could keep House here, with my Partner, four children and two servants, as cheap as I maintain my self here with two Horses and a servant at Lodgings.
Instead of domestic Felicity, I am destined to public Contentions. Instead of rural Felicity, I must reconcile myself to the Smoke and Noise of a city. In the Place of private Peace, I must be distracted with the Vexation of developing the deep Intrigues of Politicians and must assist in conducting the arduous Operations of War. And think myself, well rewarded, if my private Pleasure and Interest are sacrificed as they ever have been and will be, to the Happiness of others.
You tell me, our Jurors refuse to serve, because the Writs are issued in the Kings Name. I am very glad to hear, that they discover so much Sense and Spirit. I learn from another Letter that the General Court have left out of their Bills the Year of his Reign, and that they are making a Law, that the same Name shall be left out of all Writs, Commissions, and all Law Proscesses. This is good News too. The same will be the Case in all the Colonies, very soon.
You ask me how I have done the Winter past. I have not enjoyed so good Health as last Fall. But I have done complaining of any Thing. Of ill Health I have no Right to complain because it is given me by Heaven. Of Meanness, of Envy, of Littleness, of—of—of—of—I have Reason and Right to complain, but I have too much Contempt, to use that Right.
There is such a Mixture of Folly, Littleness, and Knavery in this World that, I am weary of it, and altho I behold it with unutterable Contempt and Indignation, yet the public Good requires that I should take no Notice of it, by Word or by Letter. And to this public Good I will conform.
You will see an Account of the Fleet in some of the Papers I have sent you. Give you Joy of the Admirals Success. I have Vanity enough to take to myself, a share in the Merit of the American Navy. It was always a Measure that my Heart was much engaged in, and I pursued 400it, for a long Time, against the Wind and Tide. But at last obtained it.
Is there no Way for two friendly Souls, to converse together, altho the Bodies are 400 Miles off?—Yes by Letter.—But I want a better Communication. I want to hear you think, or to see your Thoughts.
The Conclusion of your Letter makes my Heart throb, more than a Cannonade would. You bid me burn your Letters. But I must forget you first.
In yours of April 14. you say you miss our Friend in the Conveyance of your Letters. Dont hesitate to write by the Post. Seal well. Dont miss a single Post.
You take it for granted that I have particular Intelligence of every Thing from others. But I have not. If any one wants a Vote for a Commission, he vouchsafes me a Letter, but tells me very little News. I have more particulars from you than any one else. Pray keep me constantly informed, what ships are in the Harbour and what Fortifications are going on.
I am quite impatient to hear of more vigorous Measures for fortifying Boston Harbour. Not a Moment should be neglected. Every Man ought to go down as they did after the Battle of Lexington and work untill it is done. I would willingly pay half a Dozen Hands my self, and subsist them, rather than it should not be done immediately. It is of more importance than to raise Corn.
You say inclosed is a Prologue and a Parody, but neither was inclosed. If you did not forget it, the letter has been opened and the Inclosures taken out.
If the Small Pox spreads, run me in debt. I received a Post or two past a Letter from your Unkle at Salem,5 containing a most friendly and obliging Invitation to you and yours to go, and have the Distemper at his House if it should spread. He has one or two in family to have it.
The Writer of Common Sense, and the Forrester, is the same Person. His Name is Payne, a Gentleman, about two Years ago from England, a Man who G
This is one of the many irregular, and extravagant Characters of the Age. I never heard one single person speak well of any Thing about him but his Abilities, which are generally allowed to be good. The Appointment of him to make the oration, was a great oversight, and Mistake.
The late Act of Parliament, has made so deep an Impression upon Peoples Minds throughout the Colonies, it is looked upon as the last Stretch of Oppression, that We are hastening rapidly to great Events.6 Governments will be up every where before Midsummer, and an End to Royal style, Titles and Authority. Such mighty Revolutions make a deep Impression on the Minds of Men and sett many violent Passions at Work. Hope, Fear, Joy, Sorrow, Love, Hatred, Malice, Envy, Revenge, Jealousy, Ambition, Avarice, Resentment, Gratitude, and every other Passion, Feeling, Sentiment, Principle and Imagination, were never in more lively Exercise than they are now, from Florida to Canada inclusively. May God in his Providence overrule the whole, for the good of Mankind. It requires more Serenity of Temper, a deeper Understanding and more Courage than fell to the Lott of Marlborough, to ride in this Whirlwind.
Watertown, 24 Jan., above.
Blank in MS, but see AA to JA, 7–11 April, above.
Suspension points, here and below, in MS.
Dated 6–8 April and printed above.
The American Prohibitory Act (16 George III, ch. 5), passed 22 Dec. 1775, declared all American ships and goods subject to seizure and in effect outlawed the colonists (Merrill Jensen, ed., English Historical Documents: American Colonial Documents to 1776, N.Y., 1955, p. 853). “I know not whether you have seen the Act of Parliament call'd the restraining Act, or prohibitory Act, or piratical Act, or plundering Act, or Act of Independency, for by all these Titles is it call'd. I think the most apposite is the Act of Independency, for King, Lords and Commons have united in Sundering this Country and that I think forever. It is a compleat Dismemberment of the British Empire. It throws thirteen Colonies out of the Royal Protection, levels all Distinctions and makes us independent in spight of all our supplications and Entreaties” (JA to Horatio Gates, 23 March 1776, NHi; printed in
MHS, Procs.
, 67 [1941–1944]:138–139).
1776-05-07
How many are the solitary hours I spend, ruminating upon the past, and anticipating the future, whilst you overwhelmd with the cares of State, have but few moments you can devote to any individual. 402All domestick pleasures and injoyments are absorbed in the great and important duty you owe your Country “for our Country is as it were a secondary God, and the First and greatest parent. It is to be preferred to Parents, Wives, Children, Friends and all things the Gods only excepted. For if our Country perishes it is as imposible to save an Individual, as to preserve one of the fingers of a Mortified Hand.” Thus do I supress every wish, and silence every Murmer, acquiesceing in a painfull Seperation from the companion of my youth, and the Friend of my Heart.
I believe tis near ten days since I wrote you a line. I have not felt in a humour to entertain you. If I had taken up my pen perhaps some unbecomeing invective might have fallen from it; the Eyes of our Rulers have been closed and a Lethargy has seazd almost every Member. I fear a fatal Security has taken possession of them. Whilst the Building is on flame they tremble at the expence of water to quench it, in short two months has elapsed since the evacuation of Boston, and very little has been done in that time to secure it, or the Harbour from future invasion till the people are all in a flame; and no one among us that I have heard of even mentions expence, they think universally that there has been an amaizing neglect some where. Many have turnd out as volunteers to work upon Nodles Island, and many more would go upon Nantaskit if it was once set on foot. “Tis a Maxim of state That power and Liberty are like Heat and moisture; where they are well mixt every thing prospers, where they are single, they are destructive.”
A Goverment of more Stability is much wanted in this colony, and they are ready to receive it from the Hands of the Congress, and since I have begun with Maxims of State I will add an other viz. that a people may let a king fall, yet still remain a people, but if a king let his people slip from him, he is no longer a king. And as this is most certainly our case, why not proclaim to the World in decisive terms your own importance?
Shall we not be dispiced by foreign powers for hesitateing so long at a word?
I can not say that I think you very generous to the Ladies, for whilst you are proclaiming peace and good will to Men, Emancipating all Nations, you insist upon retaining an absolute power over Wives. But you must remember that Arbitary power is like most other things which are very hard, very liable to be broken—and notwithstanding all your wise Laws and Maxims we have it in our power not only to free ourselves but to subdue our Masters, and without voilence throw both your natural and legal authority at our feet—
403I thank you for several Letters which I have received since I wrote Last. They alleviate a tedious absence, and I long earnestly for a Saturday Evening, and experience a similar pleasure to that which I used to find in the return of my Friend upon that day after a weeks absence. The Idea of a year dissolves all my Phylosophy.
Our Little ones whom you so often recommend to my care and instruction shall not be deficient in virtue or probity if the precepts of a Mother have their desired Effect, but they would be doubly in-forced could they be indulged with the example of a Father constantly before them; I often point them to their Sire
I designd to have finished the sheet, but an opportunity offering I close only just inform you that May the 7 our privateers took two prises in the Bay in fair sight of the Man of war, one a Brig from Irland the other from fyall
Johnny and Charls have the Mumps, a bad disorder, but they are not very bad. Pray be kind enough to remember me at all times and write as often as you possibly can to your
Thus punctuated in MS.
1776-05-08
Mr. Morton has given me great pleasure this morning by acquainting me with the appointment of our Worthy Friend to the Bench.1 Have I any influence with him? If I have I beg he would accept. I know very well what he will say, but he has long been accustomed to 404Courts and the office he held led him to some acquaintance with Law, and his own abilities will easily qualify him to fill the place with Dignity.
If he refuses it will bring a contempt upon the place; to have those offices banded about from hand to hand may give the World just occasion to say that they are not considerd of any importance.
I know the Service of his Country is his chief aim, and he who is upon principal desirous of it cannot faill of the important end. I need not add how much pleasure it will give to my perticuliar Friend and to your
William Read having declined his appointment to the Superior Court, James Warren was commissioned, but Warren considered himself not qualified, and, despite appeals from his friends, after some hesitation declined to serve. See Warren to JA, 30 April–1 May and 8 May 1776 (
Warren-Adams Letters
, 1:238, 240); AA to JA, 9 May and 17 June, below.
1776-05-09
I this day Received yours of the 20 of April1 accompanied with a Letter upon Goverment. Upon reading it I some how or other felt an uncommon affection for it; I could not help thinking it was a near relation of a very intimate Friend of mine. If I am mistaken in its descent, I know it has a near affinity to the Sentiments of that person, and tho I cannot pretend to be an adept in the art of Goverment; yet it looks rational that a Goverment of Good Laws well administerd should carry with them the fairest prospect of happiness to a community, as well as to individuals. But as this is a perogative to which your Sex lay almost an exclusive claim I shall quit the subject after having quoted a passage in favour of a Republic from an anonymous author intittled Essays on the Genius and Writings of Pope.2 “The fine arts, in short are naturally attendant upon power and luxury, but the Sciences require unlimited freedom to raise them to their full Vigour and Growth. In a Monarchy there may be poets, painters and Musicians, but orators, Historians and phylosophers can exist in a Republic alone. The Roman Nation by their unjust attempt upon the Liberty of the World, justly lost their own, and with their Liberty they lost not only their force of Eloquence, but even their Stile and Language itself.”
405This province is not in the most agreable situation at present, it wants a poize, a stability which it does not possess. The Counsel have recommended it to the Superior Court to sit at Ipswich the next Term. Judge Cushing call
The Spirit of fortification has just awaked, and we are now persuing with vigour what ought before this time to have been compleated. Fort Hill, the Castle, Dorchester point, Nodles Island are allmost compleated, a committe are sent down to Nantasket, and orders are given to fortify the Moon, Gorges Island &c. I believe Nodles Island has been done by Subscription. 6 hundred meet every morning, inhabitants of the Town of Boston, in the Town house from whence they March with fife and drum with Mr. Gorden, Mr. Skilman and Mr. Lothtrope4 at their head to the long Wharf where they embark for the Island, and it comes to the Subscribers turn to work 2 days in a week.
You have no doubt heard of the appointment of your Friend as judge. He seems loth to accept, and his Lady I think loth that he should; surely it does not look well to have those offices banded about from hand to hand. If they could not obtain one from the bar, that Gentleman will fill the place with honour to himself and his Breatheren. But Mr. L
Not found.
[Joseph Warton,] An Essay on the Genius and Writings of Pope, published in its earliest form in 1756.
Judge William Cushing wrote JA on 20 May, congratulating him on his appointment to the chief justiceship and expressing cordial wishes for his return to take his place on the bench (Adams Papers). JA's reply, written from Philadelphia, 9 June, reflects his uncertainty about undertaking the service, especially in view of Cushing's superior qualifications (RC in MHi: William Cushing Papers; printed in JA, Works
, 9:390, from LbC, Adams Papers).
Rev. William Gordon of Roxbury; Rev. Isaac Skillman, College of New Jersey 1766, of the 2d Baptist Church in Boston; and Rev. John Lathrop, College of New Jersey 1763, of the 2d Congregational Church in Boston (Weis, Colonial Clergy of N.E.
).
DAB
; Stark, Loyalists of Mass.
, p. 125–126.
1776-05-12
Yours of April 21. came to Hand yesterday. I send you regularly every Newspaper, and write as often as I can—but I feel more skittish about writing than I did, because since the Removal of Head Quarters to New York, We have no Expresses, and very few Individual Travellers, and the Post I am not quite confident in. However I shall write as I can.
What shall I do with my Office1—I want to resign it for a Thousand Reasons. Would you advise me?
There has been a gallant Battle, in Delaware River between the Gallies and two Men of War, the Roebuck and Liverpool, in which the Men of War came off second best—which has diminished, in the Minds of the People, on both sides the River, the Terror of a Man of War.
I long to hear a little of my private Affairs, yet I dread it too, because I know you must be perplexed and distress'd. I wish it was in my Power to relieve you.
It gives me great Pleasure to learn that our Rulers are at last doing something, towards the Fortification of Boston. But I am inexpressibly chagrin'd to find that the Enemy is fortifying on Georges Island. I never shall be easy untill they are compleatly driven out of that Harbour and effectually prevented from ever getting in again. As you are a Politician, and now elected into an important Office, that of Judgess of the Tory Ladies, which will give you naturally an Influence with your sex, I hope you will be instant, in season and out of season, in exhorting them to use their Influence with the Gentlemen, to fortify upon Georges Island, Lovells, Petticks
I am out of all Patience with the languid, lethargic Councils of the Province, at such a critical, important Moment, puzzling their Heads about Two penny fees and Confession Bills and what not, when the Harbour of Boston was defenceless. If I was there I should storm and thunder, like Demonsthenes, or scold like a Tooth drawer.
Do ask Mr. Wybirt and Mr. Welld, and Mr. Taft to preach about 407it. I am ashamed, vex'd, angry to the last degree! Our People by their Torpitude have invited the Enemy to come to Boston again—and I fear they will have the Civility and Politeness to accept the Invitation.
Your Uncle has never answered my Letter.2 Thank the Doctor. He has written me a most charming Letter, full of Intelligence, and very sensible and usefull Remarks.3 I will pay the Debt as far as my Circumstances will admit, and as soon. But I hope my friends will not wait for regular Returns from me. I have not yet left off “pitying the fifty or sixty Men”4 and if My Friends knew all that I do, they would pity too.
Betcy Smith, Lazy Huzzy, has not written me a Line, a great While. I wish she was married—then she would have some Excuse. Duty to Pa. Love to all. How is the Family over against the Church?5
The chief justiceship.
JA to Norton Quincy, 30 March, above.
Cotton Tufts to JA, 26 April, above.
See the second paragraph of JA's (intercepted) letter to AA, 24 July 1775, above.
The Richard Cranch family, who were living in a house near Christ Church on what is now School Street, Quincy.
1776-05-14
I set down to write you a Letter wholy Domestick without one word of politicks or any thing of the Kind, and tho you may have matters of infinately more importance before you, yet let it come as a relaxation to you. Know then that we have had a very cold backward Spring, till about ten days past when every thing looks finely. We have had fine Spring rains which makes the Husbandary promise fair—but the great difficulty has been to procure Labourers. There is such a demand of Men from the publick and such a price given that the farmer who Hires must be greatly out of pocket. A man will not talk with you who is worth hireing under 24 pounds per year. Col. Quincy and Thayer give that price, and some give more. Isaac insisted upon my giving him 20 pounds or he would leave me. He is no mower and I found very unfit to take the lead upon the Farm, having no forethought or any contrivance to plan his Buisness, tho in the Execution faithfull. I found I wanted somebody of Spirit who was
wiser than myself, to conduct my Buisness. I went about and my Friends inquired but every Labourer who was active was gone and going into the Service. I asked advice of my Friends and Neighbours
You made no perticulir agreement with Isaac so he insisted upon my paying him 13. 6 8. I paid him 12 pounds 18 & 8 pence, and thought it sufficient.1
When Bass returnd he brought me some Money from you. After the deduction of his account and the horse hire there remaind 15 pounds. I have Received 12 from Mr. Thaxter which with one note of 20 pounds which I exchanged and some small matters of interest which I received and a little Hay &c. I have discharged the following debts—To my Father for his Horse twice 12 pounds (he would not have any thing for the last time). To Bracket, £13. 6s. 8d. To Isaac 12. 18. 8. To Mr. Hunt for the House 26. 15. 4.2 and the Rates of two years 1774, £4 14s. 8d. and for 1775: £7. 11s. 11d. Besides this have supported the family which is no small one you know and paid all little charges which have occurd in the farming way. I hardly know how I have got thro these thing's, but it gives me great pleasure to say they are done because I know it will be an Ease to your mind which amid all other cares which surround you will some times advert to your own Little Farm and to your Family. There remains due to Mr. Hunt about 42 pounds. I determine if it lays in my power to discharge the bond, and I have some prospect of it.
Our Little Flock send duty. I call
A slip receipt in the Adams Papers (text in AA's hand, signature in Copeland's) reads: “April 30 1776. Received of Abigail Adams twelve pounds 409Nineteen Shillings Lawfull Money for my years Wages. Isaac Copeland.”
This was a payment to Shrimpton Hunt for the Adamses' house in Queen (Court) Street, Boston; see JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:63–64; 3:296–297.
1776-05-14
I received last post a letter from Mr. Morris with referance to the fish I wrote to you about, sometime Ago—since which, and not hearing from you sooner I have concluded to ship itt on my Own Account.1
Upon Over hauling some of itt, by itts lying so long has hurt itt very much, some part of which is Only fit for the West India Market. I know of some which has been sold lately for the European Market not better, but I should not choose to ship itt Altogether As itt is, and therefore could not with propriety ship itt As fish of the first quality On any body's else Account.
I am sensible your time is taken up in more important Affairs than Mercantile Ones, and should not have troubled you
We have nothing New from Europe. A schooner from the West Indies with about 1,000 wt.3 powder on the publick Account—& are Sr. Your Most hume. servt.,
Word torn away by seal.
This is something of a guess for a symbol written above the line.
1776-05-15
Mr. Church setts off, tomorrow Morning. I have sent this Morning by Mr. William Winthrop, about half a dozen Letters containing Papers &c. Have nothing new to write.
We have been very busily engaged for 4 or 5 days in procuring Assistance for Boston.1 Congress has at last voted three Additional Battallions for Boston and that the five old ones be filled up, and We shall send you a Major General and a Brigadier General—Gates and Mifflin I hope but cant promise.2
410With much Pleasure I learn that, the People of Town and Country as well as the Troops are at length aroused and active to fortify Boston Harbour. I hope they will learn to make and use Fire ships and Fire Rafts.
See the resolves of 14 May concerning “the eastern department” (
JCC
, 4:355–356).
The choice was to rest with Washington. On 16 May Congress elected Gates a major general and Mifflin a brigadier general in the Continental service (
JCC
, 4:359); and on the same day the five Massachusetts delegates signed a letter (of which the text is in JA's hand) informing Washington of this fact and saying “that no Officers in the Service would be more agreable to Us” than those two (PHi: Gratz Coll.).
1776-05-17
I have this Morning heard Mr. Duffil upon the Signs of the Times. He run a Parrallell between the Case of Israel and that of America, and between the Conduct of Pharaoh and that of George.
Jealousy that the Israelites would throw off the Government of Egypt made him issue his Edict that the Midwives should cast the Children into the River, and the other Edict that the Men should make a large Revenue of Brick without Straw. He concluded that the Course of Events, indicated strongly the Design of Providence that We should be seperated from G. Britain, &c.
Is it not a Saying of Moses, who am I, that I should go in and out before this great People? When I consider the great Events which are passed, and those greater which are rapidly advancing, and that I may have been instrumental of touching some Springs, and turning some small Wheels, which have had and will have such Effects, I feel an Awe upon my Mind, which is not easily described.
G
Confederation among ourselves, or Alliances with foreign Nations are not necessary, to a perfect Seperation from Britain. That is effected by extinguishing all Authority, under the Crown, Parliament and Nation as the Resolution for instituting Governments, has done, to all Intents and Purposes. Confederation will be necessary for our internal Concord, and Alliances may be so for our external Defence.
411I have Reasons to believe that no Colony, which shall assume a Government under the People, will give it up. There is something very unnatural and odious in a Government 1000 Leagues off. An whole Government of our own Choice, managed by Persons whom We love, revere, and can confide in, has charms in it for which Men will fight. Two young Gentlemen from South Carolina, now in this City, who were in Charlestown when their new Constitution was promulgated, and when their new Governor and Council and Assembly walked out in Procession, attended by the Guards, Company of Cadetts, Light Horse &c., told me, that they were beheld by the People with Transports and Tears of Joy. The People gazed at them, with a Kind of Rapture. They both told me, that the Reflection that these were Gentlemen whom they all loved, esteemed and revered, Gentlemen of their own Choice, whom they could trust, and whom they could displace if any of them should behave amiss, affected them so that they could not help crying.
They say their People will never give up this Government.
One of these Gentlemen is a Relation of yours, a Mr. Smith, son of Mr. Thomas Smith.3 I shall give him this Letter or another to you.
A Privateer fitted out here by Coll. Reberdeau
In one or two of your Letters you remind me to think of you as I ought. Be assured there is not an Hour in the Day, in which I do not think of you as I ought, that is with every Sentiment of Tenderness, Esteem, and Admiration.
Corrected by overwriting from “16.” Congress did not sit on the 17th, “This being,” as Joseph Hewes put it, “a day of humiliation, fasting and prayer (or in vulgar language Congress Sunday)” (letter to James Iredell, 17 May, Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:455).
Or, rather, of the preamble, adopted on 15 May, to a resolve voted after long debate on 10 May. The resolve of the 10th recommended to the assemblies and conventions that they “adopt such government as shall, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular, and America in general” (
JCC
, 4:342). JA, Edward Rutledge, and Richard Henry Lee were named a committee to draft a preamble suitable to prefix to this momentous resolve when published. The preamble, written by JA, reported on the 13th, adopted on the 15th, used markedly stronger language than the paper it accompanied, calling for the total suppression “of every kind of authority” emanating from Great Britain. Conservatives in Congress found it too strong for their acceptance, James Duane pronouncing it “a Machine to fabricate independence”; and their failure to defeat it opened the way
directly to what JA here calls “a compleat Seperation.” The resolve and preamble were published in 412the Pennsylvania Gazette, 22 May. See
JCC
, 4:351, 357–358; JA, Diary and Autobiography
, 2:238–241; 3:335, 382–386; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members
, 1:443 ff.
Amer. Members of the Inns of Court, London, 1924, p. 200–201).
1776-05-22
When a Man is seated, in the Midst of forty People some of whom are talking, and others whispering, it is not easy to think, what is proper to write. I shall send you the News-Papers, which will inform you, of public Affairs, and the particular Flickerings of Parties in this Colony.
I am happy to learn from your Letter, that a Flame is at last raised among the People, for the Fortification of the Harbour. Whether Nantaskett, or Point Alderton would be proper Posts to be taken I cant say. But I would fortify every Place, which is proper, and which Cannon could be obtained for.
Generals Gates and Mifflin are now here. Gen. Washington will be here tomorrow—when We shall consult and deliberate, concerning the Operations of the ensuing Campain.1
We have dismal Accounts from Europe, of the Preparations against Us. This Summer will be very important to Us. We shall have a severe Tryal of our Patience, Fortitude and Perseverance. But I hope we shall do valiantly and tread down our Enemies.
I have some Thoughts of petitioning the General Court for Leave to bring my Family, here. I am a lonely, forlorn, Creature here. It used to be some Comfort to me, that I had a servant, and some Horses—they composed a Sort of Family for me. But now, there is not one Creature here, that I seem to have any Kind of Relation to.
It is a cruel Reflection, which very often comes across me, that I should be seperated so far, from those Babes, whose Education And Welfare lies so near my Heart. But greater Misfortunes than these, must not divert Us from Superiour Duties.
Your Sentiments of the Duties We owe to our Country, are such as become the best of Women, and the best of Men. Among all the Disappointments, and Perplexities, which have fallen to my share in Life, nothing has contributed so much to support my Mind, as the choice Blessing of a Wife, whose Capacity enabled her to comprehend, and whose pure Virtue obliged her to approve the Views of her Husband. 413This has been the cheering Consolation of my Heart, in my most solitary, gloomy and disconsolate Hours. In this remote Situation, I am deprived in a great Measure of this Comfort. Yet I read, and read again your charming Letters, and they serve me, in some faint degree as a substitute for the Company and Conversation of the Writer.
I want to take a Walk with you in the Garden—to go over to the Common—the Plain—the Meadow. I want to take Charles in one Hand and Tom in the other, and Walk with you, Nabby on your Right Hand and John upon my left, to view the Corn Fields, the orchards, &c.
Alass poor Imagination! how faintly and imperfectly do you supply the Want of original and Reality!
But instead of these pleasing Scaenes of domestic Life, I hope you will not be disturbed with the Alarms of War. I hope yet I fear.
See JA to AA, 3 June, below, and JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 3:390, with references there.
1776-05-22
Your esteemed favors of the 29th. Ulto. and 6th Inst.1 now before and in Answer say I shall att all times be willing to communicate my sentiments or give any intelligence, that may tend to the public good.—As to Boston I think when the works are compleated the enemy will never attempt coming that way, but as soon As that is compleated hope there will be some way found to keep the ships from rendevousing att Nantasket, but should that succeed there may be a dificulty as great iff they should make C
I dont know how many ships there are in Nantasket but almost every day they are Out. There are two ships and a brigantine most Constantly cruzeing between Cape Codd and Casco bay. One is the Milford of 28 Guns which goes exceeding fast. Yesterday a Coasting skipper came thro here that had been taken and after taken a sloop with Sparrs &c. from the Eastward, takeing likewise he was put on board to go to Boston but managed itt so as to get in to Casco—itts said 414belongd to N York. Several Masters &c. are come from Halifax. 12 days from thence three belonging here. There not being barracks enough the rigements take turn to go a shore.—There was nothing lately from England. The reason they give of Leaveing Boston was on Account of Provisions. On Approach of some part of the fleet they say they knockt of the Truneons of off 60 or 70 Canon and spikd the guns up.—With regard to trade I think there is One very unjust Account2 with regard to the Owners of Vessell
You desire to know whether itt would be likely Our Vessells would be stopt in foreign ports. As to France and Spain there Appears no dificulty but in Lisbon and Holland &c. am Apprehensive there will be a dificulty As the English Consells have such a power there and those Nations seem to
Neither has been found.
Smith doubtless meant to write “Act.”
MS partly torn and partly illegible; the reading is very conjectural.
1776-05-27
What can be the reason I have not heard from you since the 20 of April, and now tis the 27 of May. My anxious foreboding Heart fears every Evil, and my Nightly Slumbers are tortured; I have sent, and sent again to the post office, which is now kept in Boston at the office of the formour Solisiter General, not one line for me, tho your hand writing is to be seen to several others. Not a scrip have I had since the General Assembly rose, and our Worthy Friend W
I am desired by Sister A——s1 to ask you if you will take 28 acres of wood land which she mentiond to you. It must be sold, has a very fine Growth of Walnut wood upon it, as well as other wood, tis prized at forty shillings per acre which by looking into his deed of it, I find to be the same he gave for it. The distance which it lies from us is the chief objection in my mind. You will be so good as to send me word as soon as you Receive this. They are about setling the Estate as soon as posible. What can be done with, or about the Lighter I know not. I was told that she was taken for a fire ship, but was Misinformed. There is no regular account of any thing but the ropes, cable and sails, nor any thing which appears to shew the cost of her. I think it can only be left to those who Built about that time to say what they believe she cost. They have prized one half of her very Low 33. 8. 4. I have asked my unkle Q
I wrote you two Letters about a fortnight ago which were both coverd together, hope you have received them. We have no News here but what you will be informd of long before this reaches you unless it is the politicks of the Town. At our May Meeting Mr. W
The dissagreable News we have from Quebeck is a great damper to our Spirits, but shall we receive good and not Evil? Upon this occasion you will recollect the Sentiments of your favorite Sully. Without attempting to judge of the future, which depends upon too many accidents, much less to subject it to our precipitation in bold and difficult enterprizes, we should endeavour to subdue one obstacle at a time, nor suffer ourselves to be deprest by their Greatness and their Number. We ought never to despair of what has been once accomplished. How many things have the Idea of imposible been annexed to, that have become easy to those who knew how to take advantage of Time, opportunity, lucky Moments, the Faults of others, different dispositions and an infinite Number of other circumstances.
These are Sentiments worthy the Man who could Execute what he pland. I sincerely wish we had the Spirit of Sully animateing our counsels.3
My Heart is as light as a feather and my Spirits are dancing. I received this afternoon a fine parcel of Letters and papers by Coll. Thayer, it was a feast to me. I shall rest in quiet I hope this Night; the papers I have not read but sit down to write you for Mr. Bass has just been here to let me know that Harry will call upon him to-morrow and take this Letter for me. I would not have you anxious about me. I make out better than I did. I have hired a Negro fellow for 6 months, am to give him ten pounds which is much lower than I had any prospect of getting help, and Belcher is exceeding assiduous and I believe faithfull in what he undertakes. If he should purloin a little I must bear that; he is very diligent, and being chief engineer is ambitious. If you could find a few moments leisure just to write him a few lines and let him know that I had wrote you that he had the care of the place, and that you should be glad of his best Services upon it, of his constant care and attention I believe it would go a good way towards insureing it.—You will find by one of the Letters which I mention as 417having sent an account of some of your affairs. My best endeavours will not be wanting in every department. I wish my abilities were eaquel to my wishes.
My Father and your Mother desire to be rememberd to you in very perticuliar terms. The family you mention are well. So is your Brothers, your own are tolerably comfortable. Charls has the Mumps and has been very sick but is now better. Can you tell how I feel when they come to me as the two youngest often do, with a Mar, when will par come home?
Charllys Grandmama tells this Story of Him. She was carrying him to meeting the Sabbeth the Regulars left Boston when a person stop'd her upon the road to tell her the news. Gone from Boston says he with his Eyes just ready to run over. What gone away themselves. Yes replied his Grandmamma. Then I say they are Cowards, for they have stood it but one year and we would have stood it 3.
I took a ride last week and ventured just as far as the Stump of Liberty Tree.4 Roxbury looks more injured than Boston, that is the Houses look more torn to peices. I was astonished at the extensiveness of our lines and their strength. We have taken a most noble prize the inventory of which you have in the paper. The poor Captain has since lost his life in a desperate ingagement with 13 Boats from the Men of War which attacked him and attempted to Board him, but by a most brave resistance they sunk four of the Boats and fought so warmly with their spears and small Arms as to oblige them to quit him, tho he had but 27 men and they 5 times his number. He unhappily fell and was the only one who did.5 Many dead bodies have since been taken up among whom is an officer.—We have now in fair sight of my unkells the commodore, a 36 Gun frigate, an other large vessel and 6 small craft. I hope after Election we shall have ways and means devised to drive of these Torments. Providence seems to have deliverd into our Hands the very articles most needed, and at a time when we were weak and not so well provided for as we could wish. We have two Row Gallies Building, and Men of Spirit to use them I dare say will be found. One engagement only whets their appetite for an other. I heard last Night that we had 3 Regiments comeing back to us with General Gates to head them, at which I most sincerely rejoiced. I think he is the Man we want.
Believe you may venture Letters safely by the Post. Mine go that way, and for the future I will send to the post office for yours.
You ask my advice with regard to your office. If I was to consult only my own private Satisfaction and pleasure I should request you to 418resign it, but as that is of small moment when compaird to the whole, and I think you qualified and know you disposed to serve your Country I must advice you to hold it, at least for the present year.6
And in saying this I make a Sacrifice which those only can judge of whose Hearts are one.
I was much affected the other day with a Letter which I saw from the Lady of the late worthy General Montgomery. Speaking of him, she says, suffer me to repeat his last words to me; you shall never Blush for your Montgomery. Nobly has he kept his Word. As a wife I must ever mourn the Husband, Friend and Lover of a thousand virtues, of all domestick Bliss, the Idol of my warmest affections and in one word my every dream of happiness. Methinks I am like the poor widow in the Gosple, having given my Mite, I sit down disconsolate.
These are only detached parts of the Letter to which I fear I have not done justice, as I have only my memory to serve me, but it was a very fine Letter.
Our Worthy Friends are in great trouble, their eldest Son is disorderd in his mind.7 I have not had a line since he was carried home, and I know not the cause. I want to hear from them, but know not how to write to them.
I bid you good night. O that I could annihilate Space. Yours.
You have been misinformd. The Regulars have not made any fortifications any where. It was so reported but was not true.
The Season promises very fair for Grass, and a fine Bloom upon the Trees. Warm weather we want which will make every thing look finely. I wish you could be here to injoy it.8
This must be the widow of Elihu Adams, since the settlement of an estate is mentioned below.
The laconic entry in the
Braintree Town Records
merely says of this election, which took place on 20 May: “Representatives. Voted, To send three Representatives to the Generall Court, (viz) one from each Precinct. Then Joseph Palmer, Ebenr. Thayer & Jona. Bass were chosen” (p. 467). AA's uncle who declined election was Norton Quincy; JA's brother who lost to Palmer was Peter Boylston Adams. By saying he “would tarry in the house,” Palmer meant he would decline reelection to the Council. See, further, JA to Peter Boylston Adams, 15 June, below.
The
Catalogue of JA's Library
lists two sets of the celebrated Mémoires of the Duc de Sully owned by JA, one in French, 8 vols., London, 1767; and one in English, called the 4th edn., 6 vols., London, 1763; each volume of the latter contains JA's autograph followed by the date 1772. JA made prompt and effective use of AA's quotation from Sully, in a letter he addressed to Gen. Nathanael Greene, 22 June 1776 (LbC, Adams Papers; JA, Works
, 9:404).
Just over Boston Neck at what is now the corner of Essex and Washington 419Streets. See Samuel Adams Drake, Old Landmarks ... of Boston, Boston, 1873, p. 396 ff.
For the capture by the Franklin privateer, Capt. James Mugford, of the Hope, with a valuable cargo of munitions, 17 May, and Mugford's death in in an engagement in Boston Harbor two days later, see William Bell Clark, George Washington's Navy, Baton Rouge, 1960, ch. 16.
In his letter of 12 May, above, JA had asked, “What shall I do with my Office
Alliance: wounded in the fight with the Serapis; in later years postmaster at Plymouth (Mrs. Washington A. Roebling, Richard Warren of the Mayflower..., Boston, 1901, p. 27;
Mass. Soldiers and Sailors
).
A comparison of this letter (now printed in full for the first time) with the text as printed in JA–AA, Familiar Letters
, p. 178–181, provides a striking example of CFA's methods (and short-comings) in editing the correspondence of his grandparents. Though it is an extreme case, the kinds of material silently excised by CFA are perfectly representative of his taste and practice throughout.
In the 1st paragraph CFA omitted the words “our Worthy Friend W
In the 6th paragraph (“My Heart is as light as a feather ...”), CFA omitted everything concerning affairs on the Braintree farm beginning with the sentence “I have hired a Negro fellow.” He also struck out the two following paragraphs containing anecdotes of the children.
In the 9th paragraph (“I took a ride...”) CFA made an “overcorrection” of the kind that often occurs when editors in normalizing manuscript texts misunderstand the writer's actual meaning. CFA's rendering of a sentence about halfway through that paragraph begins: “We have now in fair sight of my uncle's the Commodore, a thirty-six gun frigate,” &c. AA's “commodore” does indeed refer to a vessel, but, as frequently in the 18th century, by the name of its chief officer rather than by the name of the vessel itself. The commodore was actually Capt. Francis Banks, R.N., and his ship was the Renown; see AA to JA, 14 April, above, and note 7 there.
CFA omitted the 10th paragraph entire (“Believe you may venture Letters...”), perhaps because he thought it inconsequential.
Except for a single sentence, “Oh that I could annihilate space,” CFA entirely omitted the last four paragraphs of the manuscript, ending with AA's remarks on Mrs. Montgomery's letter and suppressing, for various reasons, the news of young James Warren's being “disorderd in his mind,” her correction of JA's report of fortifications by the “Regulars,” and her comments on the weather in Braintree.
1776-05-27
I have three of your Favours, before me—one of May 7., another of May 9. and a third of May 14th. The last has given me Relief from many Anxieties. It relates wholly to private Affairs, and contains such an Account of wise and prudent Management, as makes me very happy. I begin to be jealous, that our Neighbours will think Affairs more discreetly conducted in my Absence than at any other Time.
420Whether your Suspicions concerning a Letter under a marble Cover, are just or not, it is best to say little about it.1 It is an hasty hurried Thing and of no great Consequence, calculated for a Meridian at a great Distance from N. England. If it has done no good, it will do no harm. It has contributed to sett People a thinking upon the subject, and in this respect has answered its End. The Manufactory of Governments having, since the Publication of that Letter, been as much talk'd of, as that of salt Petre was before.
I rejoice at your Account of the Spirit of Fortification, and the good Effects of it. I hope by this Time you are in a tolerable Posture of defence. The Inhabitants of Boston have done themselves great Honour, by their laudable Zeal, the worthy Clergymen especially.
I think you shine as a Stateswoman, of late as well as a Farmeress. Pray where do you get your Maxims of State, they are very apropos.
I am much obliged to Judge Gushing, and his Lady for their polite Visit to you: should be very happy to see him, and converse with him about many Things but cannot hope for that Pleasure, very soon. The Affairs of America, are in so critical a State, such great Events are struggling for Birth, that I must not quit this station at this Time. Yet I dread the melting Heats of a Philadelphia Summer, and know not how my frail Constitution will endure it. Such constant Care, such incessant Application of Mind, drinking up and exhausting the finer Spirits upon which Life and Health so essentially depend, will wear away a stronger Man than I am.—Yet I will not shrink from this Danger or this Toil. While my Health shall be such that I can discharge in any tolerable manner, the Duties of this important Post, I will not desert it.
Am pleased to hear that the superiour Court is to sit, at Ipswich in June.2 This will contribute to give Stability to the Government, I hope, in all its Branches....3 But I presume other Steps will be taken for this Purpose. A Governor and Lt. Governor, I hope will be chosen, and the Constitution a little more fixed. I hope too that the Councill will this year be more full and augmented by the Addition of good Men.4
I hope Mr. Bowdoin will be Governor, if his Health will permit, and Dr. Winthrop Lt. Governor. These are wise, learned, and prudent Men. The first has a great Fortune, and wealthy Connections, the other has the Advantage of a Name and Family which is much reverenced, besides his Personal Abilities and Virtues, which are very great.
Our Friend,5 I sincerely hope, will not refuse his Appointment, for 421although I have ever thought that Bench should be fill'd from the Bar, and once laboured successfully to effect it, yet as the Gentlemen have seen fit to decline, I know of no Gentleman, who would do more Honour to the Station than my Friend. None would be so agreable to me, whether I am to sit by him, or before him. I suppose it must be disagreable to him and his Lady, because he loves to be upon his Farm, and they both love to be together. But you must tell them of a Couple of their Friends who are as fond of living together, who are obliged to sacrifice their rural Amusements and domestic Happiness to the Requisitions of the public.
The Generals Washington, Gates, and Mifflin are all here, and We shall derive Spirit, Unanimity, and Vigour from their Presence and Advice. I hope you will have some General Officers at Boston soon.—I am, with constant Wishes and Prayers for your Health, and Prosperity, forever yours.
JA's Thoughts on Government.
In an editorial note in Quincy's Reports, Samuel Miller Quincy gives the following summary account of the reopening of the Superior Court (p. 341):
“In May, 1776, was passed the act changing the style of commissions, writs, processes, and proceedings in law, from the name and style of the King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to the name and style of the Government and People of the Massachusetts Bay in New England. Anc. Chart. 798. The first Court held under the new organization appears to have been in Ipswich, for the County of Essex, on the 3rd Tuesday in June, 1776. The records of this term are entitled 'Colony of Massachusetts Bay,' and the Court was held by 'Wm. Cushing, Jedediah Foster, and James Sullivan, Esqrs., Justices,' 'They having first produced Commissions under the Government Seal, severally appointing them Justices of the said Court.' Rec. 1776, Fol. 2.”
Suspension points in MS.
As a result of rising murmurs over plural officeholding, JA had recently resigned his seat in the Council (JA to James Otis Sr., 29 April, printed in JA's Works
, 9:374, from a MS not now to be found). On the first day the new House sat, 29 May, a mass resignation of councilors took place, and the new Council contained twelve new members (among twenty-eight elected), and none who were serving as delegates to the Continental Congress (Mass., House Jour.
, 1776–1777, p. 6–7). See also JA's Diary and Autobiography
, 3:360–363.
James Warren.
1776-05-27
My dear Mrs. Adams will undoubtedly Wonder that she has not heard from me since I Left Braintree, but want of Health, a Variety of Avocations, with some Axiety of Another Nature must be my Excuse. I have scarcely taken up a pen since my Return to Plimouth. Indeed I feel as if I was about to quit the use of it. So Great is the force 422of Habit that not accustoming myself to that Employment in which I have taken so much Delight, I find would soon Make it a task Rather than a pleasure.
As to your kind Interrogations with Regard to the health of your Plimouth Friends,1 for myself I Can Give no very Good account though am much Better than when I Left Watertown, but I hope the Countenance of the Bearer of this will Convince you that the salutary air of Plimouth has been very Advantagous to him, and I dare say he will Join me in Recommending a Journey this way as a Restorative to the Health of Portia before the Exstreem heat Comes on. I would propose that Next week should Give me this pleasure. If that is not Convenient, do Let me know when it is probable you may Execute this plan. I shall order a person to Call on you on Fryday for Letters, and as it will be a Good oppertunity should be Glad of some other Volumes of Rollins History. The young Gentleman for whose use I ask them would have Returnd the first by this Conveyance but I have Detained it A Little Longer.
I am Exceedingly Concernd at the accounts we hear from Canada. If you have any Late Inteligence do Let me know.
A severe Nervous head ach has afflicted me for two days, and is now so painful that it Renders me unfit Even to Attemp to Entertain my Friends in the Epistolary way, nor should I have made an Effort of the kind but that I might justly put in my Claim to what you know
AA's letter to which the present letter is a reply has not been found.
MS torn, possibly for signature.
1776-01
Our Country is as it were a Secondary God, and the first and greatest parent. It is to be perferred to parents, to wives, children, Friends and all things the Gods only excepted.
These are the considerations which prevail with me to consent to a most painfull Seperation.
423I have not known how to take my pen to write to you. I have been happy and unhappy. I have had many contending passions dividing my Heart, and no sooner did I find it at my own option whether my Friend should go or tarry and resign; than I found his honour and reputation much dearer to me, than my own present pleasure and happiness, and I could by no means consent to his resigning at present, as I was fully convinced he must suffer if he quitted. The Eyes of every one are more perticuliarly upon that assembly, and every motion of every member is inspected, so that he can neither be droped nor resign without creating a thousand Jealousies in the minds of the people, nor even obtain leave for a few weeks absence to visit his family, without a thousand malicious Suggestions and Suspicions—first I suppose broached by the tories and from them catchd by the Gaping multitude. All those who act in publick life have very unthankful offices and
I believe you will think me petulant, but believe me I could fill this paper with Stories of Expulsion from Congress, loss of influence, affronts from D
All of which are not worth regarding only as they serve to shew Humane Nature, popular favour and the Gratitude of ones Country, whilst a person is giving up to distruction all their own private concerns, depriving themselves of all the pleasures and comforts of domestick life, and exerting all the powers both of Body and Mind, and spending their lives in the Service of their Country. Thus does it reward them whilst it will hug a canting hypocrate who has been drawing out its vitals.2 The post of honour is a private Station. Tis certainly the most comfortable Station. Yet in these days of peril whilst the vessel is in a storm, it would be guilt in an able passenger not to lend his assistance.
Thus having run a rig and given a losse
Since I wrote you last all my Little ones have had a setled fever. Johnnys was a plurisy, and he was very dangerous. I have been confined myself for more than a week; but have Recruited again. I hope you and yours are well.
You make a request, I dare not comply with.3 I am so apprehen-424sive least my Letters should miscarry that unless I knew the hand by which I sent them I am affraid to write any thing which ought not to come to the publick Eye. I have many reason
We have not any thing new at present, tis conjectured that a Storm will e'er long succeed to the present calm. I pray heaven it may be an Efectual one. Let me hear from you soon which will much oblige your Friend,
AA undoubtedly wrote and sent this letter, of which only her undated draft has been found, between the date of JA's departure from Braintree for Congress, 24 Jan. 1776 (see his letter of that day to AA from Watertown, above) and Mrs. Warren's letter to AA of 7 Feb. 1776 (also above), which is clearly a reply. The present letter should therefore have been printed between those two letters, at p.343, above.
Robert Treat Paine. See AA to JA, 21 Feb. 1776, above, and note 2 there.
See Mrs. Warren to AA, 11 Dec. 1775, above, requesting, apparently, to see some of JA's diary volumes.
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