confirms us in it, and rivets the difficulty; but in a public sta-
tion, to have been in an error, and to have persisted in it, when
it is detected, ruins both reputation and fortune. To this we
may add, that disappointment and opposition inflame the minds
of men, and attach them, still more, to their mistakes.

What can we represent which has not already been represented?
what petitions can we offer, that have not already been offered?
The rights of America, and the injustice of parliamentary
pretensions have been clearly and repeatedly stated, both in and
out of parliament. No new arguments can be framed to operate
in out favour. Should we even resolve the errors of the mini-
stry and parliament into the falibility of human understand-
ing, if they have not yet been convinced, we have no prospect
of being able to do it by any thing further we can say. But if
we impute their conduct to a wicked thirst of domination and
disregard to justice, we have no hope of prevailing with them
to alter it, by expatiating on our rights, and suing to their
compassion for relief ; especially since we have found, by various
experiments, the inefficacy of such methods.

Upon the whole, it is morally certain, this mode of oppo-
sition would be fruitless and defective. The exigency of the
times requires vigorous and probable remedies; not weak and
improbable. -- It would therefore be the extreme of folly to
place any confidence in, much less, confine ourselves wholly to it.

This being the case, we can have no resource but in a restric-
tion of trade, or in a resistance vi & armis. It is impossible
to conceive any other alternative. Our congress, therefore,
have imposed what restraint they thought necessary. Those,
who condemn or clamour against it, do nothing more, nor less,
than advise us to be slaves.

I shall now examine the principal measures of the congress,
and vindicate them fully from the charge of injustice or impo-
licy.

Were I to argue in a philosophical manner, I might say, the
obligation to a mutual intercourse in the way of trade with the
inhabitants of Great-Britian, Ireland and the West-Indies is of
the imperfect kind. There is no law, either of nature, or of
the civil society in which we live, that obliges us to purchase,
and make use of the products and manufactures of a different