By Kathryn Lasdow, Assistant Professor of History, Suffolk University, Boston
It might surprise readers of this post to learn that women played a significant role in Boston’s late-colonial and early-national real estate market. Who were these women, and what kinds of properties did they own or rent? What impact did they have on the evolving cityscape of the bustling port? The traditional narrative of Boston’s urban development has mainly focused on the contributions of men—businessmen, merchants, and craftsmen—who envisioned, funded, and built the city. However, what has intrigued me most about Boston’s evolution is the involvement of women as property owners, renters, and occupants. As a NEH Long-Term Fellow, I uncovered this hidden history while undertaking revisions for my forthcoming book Wharfed Out: Improvement and Inequity on the Early American Urban Waterfront. Here are two stories drawn from MHS collections that shed light on the presence and influence of women in Boston’s early real estate market.
Hannah Rowe’s Wharf: Inheritance and Financial Know-How
In 1787, Hannah Rowe inherited waterfront real estate valued at $20,000 from her late husband, John Rowe.[1] As a widow, Hannah no longer faced the legal constraints of coverture, which stipulated that a woman’s property became her husband’s upon marriage. The wharf once synonymous with his successful merchant business now belonged to her, making her one of the most economically powerful waterfront real estate owners in early national Boston.
When looking for Hannah Rowe in the archive, I delved into sources left behind by her husband to uncover evidence of her proximity to merchant business. John’s diary, a meticulous but concise record that he kept in the 1760s and 1770s, corresponded to Hannah’s life in middle age. John frequently mentioned counters with “Dear Mrs. Rowe” and his business associates as they navigated the economic challenges posed by the American Revolution and its impact on the wharf.[2] Hannah was present for many of these conversations and likely listened to and participated in them. John mentioned how she “assisted [him] very much.”[3] [See Fig. 1]
However, it was Hannah’s real estate transactions during her widowhood, spanning approximately eighteen years from her husband’s death in 1787 to her own death in 1805, that truly showcased her financial skill. I examined both the Samuel Chester Clough Atlases and the “Inhabitants and Estates of the Town of Boston, 1630-1822” (Thwing database) to uncover Hannah’s strategic purchase of various properties. [See Fig. 2] Hannah engaged in at least twenty-four property transactions, managing a diverse portfolio that included parcels of undeveloped land, homes, warehouses on Merchant’s Row, the Lamb Tavern, and water rights along the harbor.[4] She used mortgages as an investment opportunity and a means to safeguard her funds through real estate holdings.
Hannah Singleton’s Plight: Boarding House Keeping and Renting
Fig. 3: Letter from Hannah Singleton to Francis Cabot Lowell, September 14, 1805, Ms. N-1603, MHS.
For women of modest means, the journey to property ownership was more complex. Financial precarity often pushed women to rent rather than shoulder a mortgage burden. This was certainly the case for Hannah Singleton, a widow who leased a house from merchant Francis Cabot Lowell and struggled to run a boarding house. In the Francis Cabot Lowell Papers, I unearthed a letter she wrote to Lowell in September of 1805. [See Fig. 3] “I’m very sorry,” Hannah wrote, “it is not in my power to pay the rent immediately.” She assured him that she would have the money in a few days and pleaded with him to allow her “to remain in the house until [she could] get another.” Aware of Lowell’s position as her landlord, Hannah implored him not to “distress” her.[5]
In this brief exchange, we see Hannah Singleton attempt to navigate the fluctuating real estate market while beholden to a male landlord. The sources do not reveal her fate, but she may have remarried. The 1806 tax assessment lists a woman named Hannah Doane on Nassau Street, the same street where Hannah Singleton’s boarding house was located.[6]
The stories of these two Hannahs in early Boston demonstrate that women found ways to work within and transcend societal expectations regarding female financial behavior, making their own significant impact on the waterfront and the urban landscape.
[1] See multiple entries for Hannah Rowe in “A Report of the Record of Commissioners of the City of Boston, containing the . . . Direct Tax of 1798” (Boston: Rockwell and Churchill, 1820).
[4] Deed between Hannah Rowe and Perez Morton, May 12, 1787, SD 160:115; Deed between Hannah Rowe and Isaiah Doane, May 12, 1787, SD 160:118; Deed between Hannah Rowe and Thomas Bulfinch, August 2, 1788, SD 163:115; Deed between Hannah Rowe and Samuel Cookson, July 11, 1788, SD 163:133; Deed between Hannah Rowe and Ezra Whitney, August 24, 194, SD 181:91, Thwing Database.
[5] Hannah Singleton to Francis Cabot Lowell, September 14, 1805, Francis Cabot Lowell Papers, Ms. N-1603, MHS.
If you’ve paid any attention to the internet recently you may be aware that the movies Barbie and Oppenheimer just came out. While completely tonally different, many people are watching them as a double feature and the “correct” order for doing so is hotly debated. Personally, I plan to see Oppenheimer first and then Barbie. This is the order recommended by most of my friends who have seen the films. With all the excitement about the movies, I decided to dig around and see what the MHS collection has to offer related to either movie. It turns out, we have quite a few relevant items that I want to highlight here.
Rebeccah perched on a rocking chair, looking uncomfortably into my soul
The first is “Rebeccah,” a doll from the 19th century with a fascinating and somewhat romantic history. While she has no Ken counterpart, she had plenty of experience with Transcendentalist culture at Brooks Farm and presumably lived a very happy existence among the children. Founded in 1841, Brooks Farm was meant to be a communal utopia but ultimately failed in 1846. By the doll’s own account (a letter pinned to her petticoat when she arrived) she had a happy life inside the commune as well as out and was enjoyed by generations of children. Though she is made of cloth and porcelain rather than the plastic of Barbies, Rebeccah fulfills the same basic function. She is a toy, but one filled with meaning and the expectations of what women and girls are meant to be. While she no longer fulfills that function and instead spends her time in our stacks, she still provides insight into girlhood in the 19th century.
The Barbie movie is, of course, not the only movie in this “double-header” summer flick extravaganza.
Oppenheimer is a biopic looking at the creation and aftermath of the atomic bomb through the complicated life of the scientific director of the project. Nuclear weapons remain a contentious topic and conversations about nuclear proliferation are picking up, which makes this film especially timely. Within the MHS collections are the Sen. Leverett Saltonstall Bikini Atoll Papers, which chronicle Senator Saltonstall’s experience of seeing the 1946 Able and Baker tests detonate in the Pacific. Reading these documents and examining the photographs, it is clear how destructive the bombs were, to the point that Bikini Atoll is still not habitable, nearly 70 years after the last test. Carl A. Hatch, chair of the Evaluation Commission for Operation Crossroads, noted in his message to President Truman after the Baker test bomb that:
As was demonstrated by the terrible havoc wrought at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the Bikini tests strongly indicate that future wars employing atomic energy may well destroy nations and change present standards of civilization.
To us who have witnessed the devastating effects of these tests, it is evident that if there is to be any security or safety in the world, war must be eliminated as a means of settling differences among nations.
And Hatch was not alone. As early as 1946, the “father of the atomic bomb” was lobbying hard against the further use of the bombs he shepherded through creation, despite his advocacy prior. Oppenheimer maintained a strong anti-nuclear weapons stance for the rest of his life.
While on the surface neither movie has much in common with the other and neither do the collection materials I pulled for this blog, I appreciate the juxtaposition of two radically different stories coming out on the same day. The thrilling intensity of the Oppenheimer story paints a picture of a horribly destructive weapon of war and the minds who created it. The spirit of Barbie is bright pink and sparkly and fun but presents interesting conversations about power and who has it. Both films tell us something about what humans care about and are interested in exploring. They ask what we think is worth saving, which is reflected in the collections of the MHS.
**Note that WGA(https://www.wgacontract2023.org/) and SAG-AFTRA(https://www.sagaftra.org/) are on strike, which includes those who worked on these films. I fully support the strike, however neither union has called for a consumer boycott.**
In the summer of 1785, John Quincy Adams was trapped on a ship slowly making its way across the too-still waters of the Atlantic. The eighteen-year-old was leaving behind Europe, his parents, and his friends, to return to Massachusetts and to his father’s alma mater, Harvard College.
Four days into his journey, on 25 May, Adams bemoaned relentless seasickness, static landscapes, and indifferent companions. “The Events that happen on board a Vessel are very seldom interesting, and the life we lead is very lazy and tiresome. Our Company on board . . . is not in general such as I should have wished.”
One of the crew, Mr. Well de Singler, was the same age as John Quincy, but friends they were not. “His manners are by no means agreeable. . . He is full of his knowledge, and does not doubt but he is the most learned man on board though the youngest. He commonly engroces the conversation wherever he is, and maintains his opinion in the most positive manner, upon any subject whatever. His principles are to fight with every body, and upon the most trivial occasions; he even gives to understand, that if opportunities fail, he takes care to create them. He pretends to be of noble birth and affects to despise every body who is not noble. In short I think it an unlucky circumstance that I am obliged to remain with him during 50 days.”
If the lack of agreeable company and interesting sights weren’t enough to make the journey feel endless, nature itself was against him. On most days the wind stood completely still and they made very little progress. When the wind did blow, it blew “directly contrary” to what the sails needed. “Our Wind has been very low for several days. 15 or 20 leagues a day is the utmost extent of our route,” Adams lamented to his diary.
Twenty-three days into the voyage, cabin fever had set in in a big way. “This forenoon,” Adams wrote, “we saw something at Sea, but we could not distinguish what. Some said it was a very large piece of wood. Others, were of opinion, that it was a boat overset. It pass’d at a small distance, and amused us for half an hour. At Sea, such is the continual sameness of the surrounding objects that the smallest trifle becomes interesting.”
Halfway through the odious odyssey, Adams and his fellow passengers had had enough of the baking sun. “We would willingly agree to have less Sun, and more wind,” he complained. “This evening, as we were near the tropic one of the officers, according to the custom universally established, of wetting all the persons on board who have not cross’d the tropic, sprinkled us with a little water.”
To break up the monotony, “one of the passengers, who is fond of such amusements; as the french in general are; returned the officer’s Compliment, with an whole bucket of water.”
John Quincy Adams’s diary entry for 20 June 1785
“This was as a signal to us all,” John Quincy recorded. He and all the other passengers—scholars, physicians, merchants, and officers, Dutch, Swedish, French, and American—“immediately form’d two parties, and we were all, officers and passengers, wet from head to foot before we ended. I believe more than 200 buckets of water were spilt upon the deck in the course of the evening. One of the passengers alone receiv’d thirty buckets.”
If you think connecting with his inner child and having a water fight was out of character for John Quincy Adams…you’d be right. “Such a diversion is not very instructive nor very agreeable, but may be pass’d over for once: I hope it will not be repeated.”
The Adams Papers editorial project at the Massachusetts Historical Society gratefully acknowledges the generous support of our sponsors. Major funding for the John Quincy Adams Digital Diary was provided by the Amelia Peabody Charitable Fund, with additional contributions by Harvard University Press and a number of private donors. The Mellon Foundation in partnership with the National Historical Publications and Records Commission also supports the project through funding for the Society’s digital publishing collaborative, the Primary Source Cooperative.
In my last two posts on the Civil War journal of Pvt. Howard J. Ford of the 43rd Massachusetts Infantry, I described his experiences during the Goldsboro Expedition in North Carolina, including the Battles of Kinston and Whitehall. Just one day after Whitehall, on 17 December 1862, Union and Confederate forces clashed once again in the third and final battle of the expedition, the Battle of Goldsboro (or Goldsborough) Bridge.
Oil painting of the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge, printed in Edward H. Rogers’s 1883 history of the regiment
When we last heard from him, Howard was lying face down in the middle of a road between the northern and southern firing lines. In his journal, he wrote about the visceral trauma of “expecting every moment would be our last.”
This time, Howard would be spared the worst of the fighting. His company was ordered on an ancillary mission to attack a rebel battery and disable its artillery if possible. He called this engagement the Skirmish of Spring Bank Bridge (known in the south as Thompson’s Bridge), and he spent most of it ducking from tree to tree to avoid grapeshot. Interestingly, he also explicitly acknowledged the danger of friendly fire amidst the chaos: “Some poor fools […] kept blazing away at random, with more danger to us than the rebels.”
Howard survived uninjured, but the Battle of Goldsboro Bridge did claim one of his friends. “The most terrible thing of all,” he wrote, “was the loss of the best and bravest man in the company, Wm. F. Sparrow. A man whose praise is in the mouth of all, from the highest to the lowest.” Cpl. William Freeman Sparrow was a 27-year-old carpenter from Cambridgeport, Massachusetts. Howard also noted the deaths, at Whitehall the day before, of Isaac Young Smith and Theodore Parkman.
Following an individual’s day-to-day wartime experiences in close detail, you can clearly see the inevitable physical and psychological toll combat takes on them. The early days of patriotic fervor and noble ideals become grim determination and sometimes despair. The day after the battle, Howard wrote,
I assure you I shall never fo[r]get that work alluded to on this page. Never!!!! […] I dont know how human nature could stand it. ‘On to Richmond.’ [‘]Follow up your victories.’ ‘Chase them.’ ‘Cut em up.’ & such like ideas sound rather out of place when you come to realize something of the nature of the duties of a soldier.
Howard also admitted that he’d been having nightmares. “All times of night” he’d been waking in a panic, having dreamt that the army was leaving him behind, and these nightmares recurred long after any immediate danger had passed. He was emotionally and physically exhausted, even falling asleep standing up. However, as he said, “I am bound to tough it out.”
The battle was a strategic victory for the Union, but only a temporary one. Sources indicate that it took Confederate troops just two weeks to rebuild Goldsboro Bridge and restore their supply lines. Meanwhile, the Union Army’s simultaneous and devastating loss at the Battle of Fredericksburg in Virginia overshadowed events near Goldsboro. The 43rd Regiment returned to New Bern, “a limping lame, blistered, dirty set of men.”
Stay tuned to the Beehive for more of Howard J. Ford’s story.
The MHS Education Department is excited to announce our cohort of student and teacher fellows for the 2023 season!
Each year, the MHS offers fellowships to three K-12 educators and one high school student; offering the opportunity to explore the Society’s archives. Teacher fellows are invited to research and create educational materials using documents and artifacts from MHS collections, responding to a gap in their curriculum or diving deeper into classroom content knowledge. High school student fellows work with a teacher mentor to research a topic of their choosing and create a project to share their findings, gaining experience in the field of history and working in archival spaces.
We are thrilled to be working with the following scholars this year:
Swensrud Teacher Fellows
Sydney Slayer, Lyons Township HS (Illinois) is investigating American imperialism in South America and Hawai’i.
Matt Weiss, Verde Valley HS (Arizona) is exploring shifts in Haudenosaunee politics and diplomacy in the early 1700s.
Kass Teacher Fellow
Michael M. Khorshidianzadeh, Victor School (Acton, MA) is researching Massachusetts progressivism and peace movements in the lead-up to World War I.
John Winthrop Student Fellow
Sahai Virk, Milford HS (Milford, MA) is examining the history of medical care and health care on marginalized populations and communities in Massachusetts.
Our Education fellows will present their findings in blog posts later this fall.
For those who are interested in applying, the MHS Education Fellowships are available to all K-12 educators and high school students from all U.S. states and territories. Applications for next year’s fellowship cohort will open in January 2024. Visit our website for more information and sign up for the Education newsletter to be the first to hear about next year’s applications!
A couple of years ago, I worked with a group of researchers to digitize a post office account book from Revolutionary-era Newport, Rhode Island. The book is a dataset in manuscript: it accounts for every piece of mail delivered to Newport residents by the colonial postal system between 1771 and 1774. This account book contains a wealth of information about life in colonial British North America in the years leading up to the American Revolution: about trade patterns, the dissemination of information, postal demographics. As a literary scholar, I had hoped that this dataset would shed light on the reading habits of Newport Residents during a moment of political upheaval. Did Newport’s postal users read more or differently in these final years of British colonial rule? What can we learn from these communication trends?
I put together a transcription team—(Thank you, Katie Reimer, Taylor & Katie Galusha, Melissa Lawson, and Sam Phippen!!)—to translate this book-based accounting system into a twenty-first century dataset. The work entailed entering the date of arrival, name of recipients, along with postage into columns of a spreadsheet. Such transcription requires a squint—eyestrain to make out the eighteenth-century handwriting. Once in a rhythm with transcription, there’s room for your mind to wander, to notice patterns in the text, and to speculate on the circumstances of postal use. It didn’t take long for our team to identify Newport’s postal “super-users”—George Rome, Aaron Lopez, and Simon Pease—men who received multiple pieces of mail every week. As we typed their names, we imagined their lives: were these men printers or preachers? Merchants, farmers, or teachers? Did they use the mail to incite Revolutionary fervor? Were they corresponding with friends or family at a distance? We wondered: how and why were these men using the mail every day?
The names we learned best—Rome, Lopez, Pease, and roughly 20 others—were all merchants, men with ships in a port city, sending banknotes and receipts through the mail. Roughly half of the mail that arrived at the Newport Post Office was addressed to the same top twenty-five postal users. These “super-users” were all men, and most built their wealth to some degree through the slave trade. They used the colonial postal system because it was the safest way to send large sums of money over long distances. In aggregate, the account book tells a simple truth: the colonial postal system largely abetted the economic interests of elite colonial subjects, fueled the slave trade, and only sometimes worked in the service of everyday Americans. This data-driven picture of the postal system appears much less democratic, and far from Revolutionary. The postal system was a tool for and network of the wealthy and powerful in early America.
When I started this project, I had hoped to find evidence of Obour Tanner in the pages of the Newport post office book. Tanner, a Newport resident, was the friend and lifelong correspondent of Phillis Wheatly (Peters). Tara Bynum, whose scholarly work introduced me to Tanner, describes the women’s letters as a source of joy, profound connection, and pleasure (see Reading Pleasures for more on their correspondence and networks—it’s an enlivening and important book). Though Tanner and Wheatley were enslaved at the time of their correspondence, both women found ways to bridge the gap between Newport and Boston through the exchange of letters.
And yet, they did not exchange their letters through the colonial mail. The Newport Post Office accounts contain no relevant entries for their letters during the period of their known correspondence. Few women appear in these pages at all (out of the over 8,500 pieces of mail that came into the office, only 125 items were addressed to women), and most of these women were white widows. No one in Tanner’s orbit received any mail by colonial post in the months of Wheatley (Peters)’s letters to Tanner. Instead, as usual, the colonial mailbag into Newport was largely filled with banknotes, receipts, and newspapers addressed to local merchants.
Meanwhile, outside of the colonial postal system, Obour Tanner and Phillis Wheatley (Peters) relied on their networks of friends and allies for the transmission of their letters. When she asks Tanner to send a reply to Mr. Whitwell’s, or to John Peter’s home, or by way of Rev. Samuel Hopkins, she “contextualizes and places herself as a friend, servant, slave, and woman in New England and the greater Atlantic world” according to Tara Bynum’s Reading Pleasures. When we read Wheatley’s letters for their postal systems, we see her integrated within a broader community of mutual aid: friends and allies who carried letters for one another.
A letter from October 30, 1773 offers special insight into Wheatley (Peters)’s approach to long distance correspondence. The letter’s cover is spare—addressed simply “To—Obour Tanner in Newport,” folded, and sealed with red wax. As this letter was not sent through official postal channels, there is no postage denoted on the cover (and this letter long pre-dates envelopes, postage stamps, standardized cancellations, and other recognizably postal features).
Wheatley (Peters)’s closing note to Tanner offers a glimpse into its delivery. She writes: “the young man by whom this is handed you seems to me to be a very clever man knows you very well & is very Complaisant and agreeable. – P.W.” The letter was delivered by a friend, a man they mutually respected and admired for his intelligence, kindness, and demeanor. Phillis Wheatley (Peters)’s note on the letter’s delivery works to fortify and celebrate their friendship and mutual esteem. Was the clever letter-carrier close at hand when the poet finished her letter to Tanner? Did she read the line aloud to him with a smile and a wink—before folding and sealing the letter? Did this near-flirtation and unequivocal praise from a celebrated poet cause the man to blush? Or beam with pride? A letter delivered under these terms—directed through a statement of friendship and admiration—enlivened and encouraged community. Honoree Jeffers’ extraordinary scholarly and creative work in The Age of Phillis wonders whether this letter carrier might be John Peters, the man Phillis Wheatley would later marry. These letters testify to and were carried by people who cared for one another.
Phillis Wheatley to Obour Tanner, October 30, 1773
The colonial post office never delivered for Phillis Wheatley (Peters); but her friends did. First, during her lifetime, by establishing their own postal networks in which travelling friends and allies carried letters for one another. Then, Obour Tanner delivered Wheatley’s letters a second time—when she archived them with the Massachusetts Historical Society—thereby forwarding them to generations of readers and researchers.
When I started my fellowship at the Massachusetts Historical Society, I was motivated by Wheatley (Peters)’s long distance correspondence tactics, Tanner’s archival efforts, and I was skeptical of overly celebratory narratives of postal history. While my book-in-progress studies the United States Post Office Department rather than the colonial-era system, the mailbag’s mercantile allegiance endured throughout the nineteenth-century, as did the mail’s race and gender-based exclusions.
In the archive of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I encountered historical materials that further attuned my thinking about the allegiances and exclusions of the US Post Office Department. When I read the enormous 4-page broadside “Proposals for Carrying Mails in the United States” I was first struck by the sheer size of postal operations in 1824. The Postmaster General advertised contracts for mail carriers on nearly 400 routes throughout the country—each printed in small font covering every inch of the oversized pages. Each route paid a sizable sum: an amount the USPOD presumed would cover the operating expenses for a stagecoach line (which contractors would then supplement by selling passenger tickets and by carrying small freight). Each contract was an avenue into middle class life, geographically distributed throughout the length and breadth of the country. And yet, “no other than a free white person shall be employed to carry the mail,” the broadside advertises. Not only were these nearly 400 lucrative contracts awarded on a whites-only basis, the lower paid postrider and mailcoach driver positions were likewise closed off to Black Americans. The formal exclusion of Black labor from the postal system further extended to local postmasterships and clerkships. This racial exclusion existed until the end of the Civil War, and had a profound influence on the distribution of wealth along racial lines in the nineteenth century. In this period, the US Post Office Department was the largest employer in the country, and it only handed out jobs to white people. I was left with enduring questions about the broader social effects of this policy—would white postmasters serve Black correspondents? In what ways would a postmaster’s surveillance curtail textual expression, connection, and circulation?
Proposals for Carrying Mails in the United States, broadside, 1824
Later, when scouring every detail of the photo “Country Post Office,” I wondered about the locks and the highly-specialized leather portmanteau hanging on the wall behind the women reading their letters. The Post Office Department commissioned state-of-the-art locks and distributed the keys only to local postmasters. The leather portmanteaus worked in tandem with the locks to secure the mail and protect the contents from water. When read in tandem with the photo’s more central figures—the reading women—I’m reminded of the ways the post office in the nineteenth century worked on behalf of some Americans and worked to lock-out others. The post office delivered for these women—it offered a place of respite where they could read, warm themselves after their walk to the local office. At the same time, the locks are testaments to the exclusionary nature of the postal system in the nineteenth century—a network that both shaped and constrained communication.
Country Post Office, photograph by the Kilburn Brothers
These archival encounters helped me reframe my longstanding postal research to be better attuned to both the possibilities and prohibitions of the mail. Postal Hackers—the project’s new title—tells the stories of the nineteenth-century outsiders who laid claim to postal resources and sometimes broke the system that structured their exclusion. The project is motivated by the ingenuity of hackers like Henry “Box” Brown who used a private express company to mail himself out of enslavement; and by Harriet Jacobs whose letters conveyed by hand from a tiny attic crawlspace and put in the mail in Northern cities (thereby receiving location-based cancellation stamps) convinced her enslaver to seek her out in the North. Brown and Jacobs’s strategic use of the postal system allow them to find spaces of freedom and safety on their own terms. My book project also highlights the petition of Mary Katherine Goddard—Baltimore’s revolutionary era postmistress, who was fired for being a woman in 1790. Though she never got her job back, Goddard’s textual campaign—a petition signed by 250 men from Baltimore, a letter of support from George Washington, and her own newspaper writing on the matter—measure important changes in postal power in the early national period. Taken together, these stories help measure the particular nature of postal authority; the economic allegiances of the Post Office Department, as well as the social and literary effects of postal incorporation.
Thinking through the collections at the Massachusetts Historical Society was integral to this project. The collections helped refine and clarify my understanding of the nineteenth-century postal context. Just as powerful was the effect of drafting Postal Hackers from the same building that houses Phillis Wheatley’s writing desk and her unstamped, community-building letters. These materials testify to the limits of state postal systems—as well as the fortitude and creativity of Black letter writers who relied on their own networks for the exchange of letters.
Further Reading:
Bynum, Tara. Reading Pleasures: Everyday Black Living in Early America. University of Illinois Press, 2023.
Bynum, Tara, Brigitte Fielder, Cassander L. Smith, eds. Special Issue “Dear Sister: Phillis Wheatley’s Futures,” Early American Literature 57.3 (2022).
Jeffers, Honorée Fanonne. The Age of Phillis. Wesleyan University Press, 2022.
On July 141881, Sheriff Pat Garett shot notorious outlaw Billy the Kid. Those of us from the generation who watched the movie “Young Guns” know the story well and immediately begin hearing the twangy guitar chords from Jon Bon Jovi’s Blaze of Glory playing in our heads. Many are familiar with the story and legends surrounding Billy the Kid as well as the debate as to whether he was a ruthless killer or a folk hero who stood up to corruption the only way he knew how. To add another level to the depth of his character, one of the few existing photos of Billy the Kid, is well, not very outlaw-like at all; In fact, it is a photo of Henry McCarty, his sweetheart, and his friends, (‘the Regulators’), all playing a game of croquet. i
“Hold the tea sandwiches! Croquet?”
(Bon Jovi might have just dropped his guitar.)
Indeed, Croquet!
The rage sweeping the nation from 1860 to 1890 was croquet. It caught on like wildfire in the 1860s and anyone who could afford to buy the necessary equipment and possessed some form of a lawn, was found carrying a mallet whenever they could. Croquet was a game changer because it brought equality to outdoor games and sports. As well, women who had previously been resigned to parlor activities were able to play in open air with or against their male counterparts. ii
Frederick Tudor was known to have staked out the first croquet lawn in 1859 at Nahant, MA. Nahant went on to house many more croquet lawns. A post-war generation of young people were able to break away from their parents’ norms and embraced croquet as the latest fashion. Journalists and novelists alike helped spread its popularity, and the game appeared in Louisa May Alcott’s Little Women (1868) as well as Harriet Beecher Stowe’s My Wife and I (1871), both cases using the game to symbolize courtship and competing ideals. Outdoor exercise was a new way for men and women to interact and lead to further social recreation. By 1890 the zeal over croquet was replaced by tennis, bicycling and other lawn games, but croquet had thoroughly swept the nation. Winslow Homer beautifully documented the popularity of the game in his illustrations Harpers Magazine and in a series of oil paintings. The game spread with westward expansion and was played all the way from the East Coast to newly settled towns in California.
At the Massachusetts Historical Society, you can find photos, engravings and print material that feature croquet. Simply type the word “croquet” as a keyword search in our online catalog, Abigail, and explore the related titles. Below are a few examples.
Croquet Grounds, photograph by Heywood. Boston, Mass. : Frank Rowell, [187-] 2 photographic prints mounted on card : albumen, stereograph, black and white ; image 7.8 x 7.1 cm (each), mount 8.5 x 17.2 cm http://balthazaar.masshist.org/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&BBID=221133[Trinity Park croquet players] [photograph] New Bedford : S.F. Adams, [18–] 2 photographic prints mounted on card : albumen, stereograph, black and white ; image 8.3 x 7.5 cm (each), mount 8.5 x 17.5 cm http://balthazaar.masshist.org/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&BBID=219797Genl. Grant & his family [graphic] / painted from life by Wm. Cogswell, Washington, D.C. ; engraved by John Sartain, Phila. Philadelphia : Published by Bradley & Co., 66 Nth Fourtn St. ; Rochester, N.Y. : R.H. Curran, c1868. 1 print : engraving and mezzotint ; image 61.7 x 47.5 cm, on sheet 71 x 55.6 cm http://balthazaar.masshist.org/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?DB=local&BBID=195801
This summer try your hand at croquet, a true American pastime since 1860!
For more on croquet and so much more please explore our online catalog, Abigail, our collection guides and our Digital Collections.
On 11 June, for the first time in four years, a team of 61 middle and high school students from across Massachusetts set out to the University of Maryland, College Park, for the 2023 NHD National Contest. There they joined a group of over 3,000 students representing all 50 United States, Washington, D.C., Guam, American Samoa, Puerto Rico, and international schools in China, Korea, and South Asia. Can you picture it? A sea of young people, on a college campus, excited about history and ready to take Nationals by storm!
Massachusetts students at NHD National Contest
Once at College Park, students spent the week presenting the documentaries, website, exhibits, performances, and papers they’ve worked on all year; traded state pins and stories with students from around the world; and shared in the incredible experience that is National History Day.
During their four-day stay in College Park, students experienced life on a college campus, staying in dorms and eating in the school dining halls with students from around the world. They viewed the exhibits and performances of other students and explained their own topics of research to new friends. They also participated in a variety of activities just for fun with their Massachusetts cohort, including a monument tour of D.C., a New England board game night, and an ice cream party. Finally, on the last day they participated in a massive parade and award ceremony in the UMD Stadium.
NHD parade in the UMD Stadium
We are incredibly proud to highlight the following achievements from our National History Day Massachusetts team:
Gold Medal and National Endowment for the Humanities Scholars
Special Prize: Outstanding Project in Discovery or Exploration in History
Sponsored by the Library of Congress, this prize is awarded in the junior and senior divisions for an outstanding project in any category on American or international discovery or exploration.
Winner(s): Ruthanna Kern School: Somerville High School, Somerville Teacher: Adda Santos Senior Individual Performance: “Broken: The Treaties of Fort Laramie and the Myth of the Frontier”
Outstanding Affiliate Awards: Massachusetts
Junior Division Winner(s): Cora Dutton, Nadia Hackbarth-Davis, Jiwan Ryu, and Elena Zaganjori School: Ottoson Middle School, Arlington Teacher: Jason Levy Junior Group Documentary: “Now I’ve Got The Pill: Oral Contraceptives and How They Changed The Lives of American Women”
Senior Division Winner(s): Jake Bassinger and Sofia Brown School: Hamilton-Wenham Regional High School, Wenham Teacher: Anne Page Senior Group Performance: “CURIE: a radioactive frontier in science”
We’d also like to extend a special shoutout to our Patricia Behring Teacher of the Year Nominees Gail Buckley of Willow Hill School in Sudbury and Barbara Sturtevant of Marshall Simonds Middle School in Burlington. Congratulations to them and to all of our student historians and the teachers, families, friends, and communities who supported them.
If you are interested in learning more about NHD or joining us as a teacher, student, or judge for National History Day in Massachusetts 2024, please visit our website at www.masshist.org/masshistoryday.
This is the fourth installment in a series. Click here to read Part I, Part II, and Part III.
In my last post about the Civil War journal of Howard J. Ford, I described his experiences in the Battle of Kinston, North Carolina, the first of three he would fight in quick succession during the Goldsboro Expedition of December 1862. Though his regiment, the 43rd Massachusetts Infantry, never engaged directly with the enemy at Kinston, I think you can tell from his journal that he was shaken.
He was also very tired. He and the other Union troops had already slogged through about 35 miles of difficult terrain, more than half the distance between New Bern and Goldsboro. The day after the battle, they ate a quick breakfast, shouldered their packs, and continued the march. Harold’s staccato sentences really convey the exhaustion.
The boys say that they had rather fight and run the risk of being killed than march. It is indeed severe. No one who has not tried it knows anything about it. Marching is not walking. O, how the load cuts in and draws down. Never mind. On, on. The roadside lined with the weak. Misery depicted on their faces.
When doing historical research, I always like to try to orient myself geographically. I found this very helpful manuscript map of the Goldsboro Expedition drawn by a member of the 27th Massachusetts Infantry and digitized by the UNC Special Collections Library.
Diary commencing Oct. 14 1861 – ending Sept. 20th, 1863 / Newton Wallace, VCC970.742 W19d, from the North Carolina Collection, Wilson Library, UNC Chapel Hill
The location of the Battle of Kinston is indicated by the star to the left of the middle fold. The Battle of Whitehall took place a little further west, close to Goldsboro, on 16 December 1862.
I’d like to quote at length from Howard’s powerful description of the Battle of Whitehall because I couldn’t possibly do it better. I love his use of sound in this passage to evoke the chaos.
We marched till about 9 o’clock when boom, boom went the cannon in front. We halted in the road. We could hear now volleys of musketry which sound something [like] a boy pulling a stick along a fence. Then there would be a cannon fire followed in 2 or 3 seconds by the explosion of a shell. Boom, bang. Boom, bang. Lively. Crack (rifle) 4 or 5 Booms at once. &c &c ad infinitum. The artillery firing was the heaviest I had yet heard. […] We advanced a few hundred rods and halted. What we were here for is more than I know. We were placed between the fires of the opposing artillerists. We all fell flat on our faces. We laid closer to the ground than ever before. We all crawled into the gutters as low as possible, – colonel and all. Here we laid for 2 hours I should think expecting every moment would be our last. […] A perfect torrent of shells screeched and whizzed by us within a few feet of our backs. Some of the rifled shells sound like this. Whir-r-r-bang. […] You can hardly imagine the sensation while spread out there. I can never describe it.
Once again, Howard illustrated the battle in his journal, including features of the landscape and the relative positions of the batteries. The letter “H” in this drawing indicates Harold’s location on the road right between the Union and Confederate firing lines.
Illustration of Battle of Goldsboro by Howard J. Ford
As I mentioned in a previous post, Howard was sending his journal home to Cambridge, Mass. in installments. I wonder what it must have been like for his parents, his siblings, and his wife Mary to receive these dispatches. I imagine them passing the pages around or reading them aloud to each other.
Join me in a few weeks for more on Howard J. Ford!
