Archival Wanderings at the MHS

by Jordan T. Watkins, Associate Professor, Brigham Young University

The archive inevitably opens unseen roads of research, luring even the most focused historical travelers from their set paths of inquiry. In April of this year, when I again entered the Massachusetts Historical Society, and passed those columns that feel like portals to the past, I had some idea of where (and when) I wanted to explore. And in many ways, I followed the research course I had mapped out. I sought out nineteenth-century sources to include in a documentary edition on slavery and religion. Fairly quickly into my journey, I concluded that the volume would feature printed sources. By using the subject headings of the MHS’s library catalog, ABIGAIL, I compiled an extensive list of sources, which would show how religion was used in the debate over slavery. When I finished my month-long fellowship, I had read numerous tracts, pamphlets, books, and broadsides, made up of various genres, including meeting minutes, letters, declarations, constitutions, petitions, poems, addresses, sermons, personal narratives, and histories. I knew I would never cover the entire territory—even by using the unmatched time machine that is the MHS—but I had traversed a lot of ground, and so I began the selection process.

While I sought out printed sources, a few manuscript items caught my attention. The catalog proved instrumental, directing me to an 1836 antislavery sermon given by abolitionist Abijah Cross, pastor of the West Congregational Church in Haverhill. Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist at the MHS, mentioned the sermon in a 2021 post. I suspect that her processing work led to the helpful catalog explanation. As is often the case in my research journeys, I relied on a map created by someone else, which pointed out a historical curio that I would otherwise miss. In the sermon, Cross stated that “slavery in this country is a sin, a great sin,” a conclusion he tied to the biblical passage, “God has made of one blood all nations that dwell on the face of the earth.” Cross’s message corresponded with what I saw in printed antislavery sermons, in which ministers increasingly insisted on slavery’s sin and preached universal humanity based on New Testament teachings. The source served as a reminder that so many sermons never made it into print, even if the message of this particular sermon paralleled what I saw in published sermons.

Color photograph of an open book with black ink handwriting on both sides. The text is not very legible.
Antislavery sermon given by abolitionist Abijah Cross, pastor of the West Congregational Church in Haverhill, Massachusetts, 1836

This was not the only manuscript source I read based on Martin’s processing efforts. I’d guess that Martin’s detective-like work also resulted in the cataloging of a letter written by Nancy Henderson Hubbard Kellogg to her brother Stephen Ashley Hubbard. Through Martin’s sleuthing, she identified the author of the letter, “Nanny,” a teacher who moved to Virginia, and her “Dear Brother,” a journalist in Connecticut. In the 1849 letter, Nancy worried that her brother had caught the disease of abolitionism. She wanted to know, was he “really an abolitionist, a thorough going, downright, abolitionist to the backbone!” The letter demonstrates that even as the antislavery ranks began to grow, many northerners nonetheless continued to view abolitionism as more problematic than slavery. It also shows how the issue of slavery created not only sectional, denominational, and political divisions, but also familial ones.

A color photograph of a black ink handwritten letter with the text crisscrossed.
Nancy Henderson Hubbard Kellogg to Stephen Ashley Hubbard, 10 August 1849

Familial correspondence about slavery also appears in an 1852 letter written by a young woman to her mother, another source I found through the mapping provided in the catalog. In the letter, the daughter complained about a morning Sunday service in Worcester, Massachusetts. Writing that she was “more provoked than” she would “allow [herself] to admit,” she described watching the sexton escort a Black parishioner down the aisle to a seat near her. With heavy sarcasm, the young woman noted the honor “of sitting face to face with his majesty Mr. Black man.” To add insult to injury, she then had to endure “a scorching free soil discourse” on “American despotism[,] the cruel bonds of Slavery, the Southern States the Hell on earth, the scars and stripes on that young womans back, the infant cherub torn from its Mothers breast, the lamentable fact that theirs was not the privelidge to have a home or know its name; and a thousand other such like expressions, that,” she wrote, “at once provoked, annoyed, amused and disgusted me.” The fugitive slave cases of the early 1850s brought slavery closer to home, leading more northern ministers to inject their sermons with narrations of slavery’s horrors. But many of those in the pews rejected such visceral accounts. This 1852 letter is symptomatic of a wider phenomenon: many northern churchgoers opposed antislavery sermons due to racism and their belief that the subject of slavery rested outside the minister’s purview. The young woman much preferred the evening service, at which the minister delivered a more traditional sermon, devoid of “politics.”

Color photograph of a black ink handwritten letter on paper discolored with age.
Letter from an unidentified young woman to her mother, Worcester, Massachusetts, 5 September 1852

These manuscript sources help me see the historical terrain more clearly. In my time traveling, I found numerous printed sermons from the 1840s and 1850s in which more and more ministers attacked slavery. Many of the ministers felt the need to explain why they had chosen to talk about slavery, and many of them also challenged fellow ministers for failing to openly address the topic. After reading enough of these sermons, I began to wonder why so many ministers 1) opened their sermons with a justification for their chosen theme and 2) critiqued the pulpit for failing to address that theme. It seemed to me that the genre of the antislavery sermon was well-established by midcentury, so why all the justifications and critiques? After I spent several weeks reading antislavery sermons, their presence became magnified in my mind and threatened to crowd out other kinds of sources. The above manuscript sources checked this kind of historical mapping, which results from selective research and reading, and allowed me to see more of the nineteenth-century landscape. For all the ministers who addressed slavery, many more avoided the topic. And even if a minister held antislavery views, he likely worried about disapproving parishioners, such as the young woman who wrote to her mother, “Above all things I do dislike Abolitionism from the pulpit.” This 1852 letter, and other similar sources, indicate that anyone telling the story of the antislavery pulpit should attend to the voices in the pews.

My latest sojourn to the MHS archive on Boylston Street and into the nineteenth-century past highlights the value of wandering. It also taught me of another crucial lesson: the adventure of historical research can often feel like a solitary endeavor, but all of us rely on mappings and markings left by others. This should serve as a reminder that these temporal journeys are more communal than we sometimes imagine.

The Story in a Photograph

by Elaine Heavey, Director of the Library

The MHS houses hundreds of photograph collections, mostly family photographs containing posed portraits and candid photos like this one.  In some cases, a family member meticulously labeled every photo, letting us know whose images have been captured for future generations to see.  Other collections are not so well documented, leaving us to guess who, where, and when.   

Sepia tone photograph of two children in hooded coats with the hoods up standing with their backs to a tree in a field. Trees and a house are out of focus in the background and each child looks off into the distance on their respective side, left and right.
Del and Helen Hay in front of tree without bow and arrow, Marian Hooper Adams, 1883.

Take this photo of two young children, maybe seven or eight years old.  The hooded coats say it is a cool day—perhaps a mid-fall day like today.  The image is a bit timeless. When was it taken—1890, 1920, 1950?  Perhaps a fashion expert could guesstimate by examining the style of the coats, but I like to let my imagination run wild when looking at this photo.  Who are these kids? Are they siblings, cousins, friends? Where were they and what were they doing on the day the photo was taken?  And then I create a future for them—based on my musings on the first few questions.   

This has long been one of my favorite photographs held in the MHS collection as it could be a captured moment of any two kids on any day—and I can tell myself a new story each time I look at it.     

Yet as I thought about writing this post, I had to admit that in this case, we know exactly who the children are and when the photo was taken. So, I broke the spell and did some research.  Thanks to a notebook kept by photographer Marian Hooper “Clover” Adams, we know she snapped this photograph of Helen and Adelbert “Del” Hay in Cleveland, Ohio on October 24, 1883.   

Del and Helen were the two eldest of John and Clara Hay’s children.  Clover and her husband Henry Adams were close friends of the Hay’s. On a visit to the Hay’s home Clover snapped this and other photographs of the Hay family.  So, I now know who the kids were, that they were siblings, and that they were playing near their home in Cleveland on the day the photo was taken.  But what was their future? That took a little more research. 

Del’s story was tragically short.  Following in his father’s footsteps he embarked on a diplomatic career upon graduating from Yale.  He served as U.S. Consul in Pretoria during the Boer War, and shortly after his return to the United States was appointed assistant private secretary to President McKinley.  He accepted the post, but he died on June 24, 1901, after falling from a hotel window in Hartford, CT, a week before his post was officially slated to begin. He was 24 years old.    

Helen lived a long and active life.  She published several volumes of original poetry; operated Greentree Stables, raising several hall-of-fame horses and winning twice at the Kentucky Derby, twice at the Belmont Stakes, and several other major races along the way; and engaged in several philanthropic endeavors, including the creation of the Helen Hay Whitney Foundation which supports post-doctoral research in bio-medical science.  Helen Hay Whitney died at the age of 69 in 1944.   

Even knowing all this now, I will still let my imagination create stories for the two kids in the photo each time I have a chance to view it.  But I am grateful to Clover and her notebook for giving me the chance to uncover the true story as well.    

Part 3: Conservation Treatments

by Samantha Couture, MHS Nora Saltonstall Conservator & Preservation Librarian

Welcome to Part 3 of our series on conservation at the MHS. Here, we will discuss a few of the conservation treatments that Samantha performs in our lab. The purpose of any conservation work is to reverse or repair damage to extend the useability and lifespan of the item or provide access for research or exhibition. The benefits of doing a treatment or repair are weighed against any potential risks to the item, the time involved, and the research value of the piece.

There are many variables that affect treatment and its effectiveness, such as the type of paper, kinds of inks and other media, the nature and extent of the damage, and any ‘inherent vice’ present in the paper or ink. Effective treatments can reduce dirt and pollutants that degrade paper and media, remove acids that cause embrittlement, remove tape and adhesives that stain and damage paper, flatten a document so that it can be framed or stored, and repair tears and fill lost areas to strengthen and stabilize the paper. There are some things treatments can’t do, like reverse brittleness of paper or leather, darken faded inks, or remove some types of discoloration.

One collection at MHS that needed a significant amount of attention is the Perry-Clarke family papers. When our processing archivists began to arrange and describe the family correspondence, they discovered significant amounts of soot and fire damage to the documents. Soot is acidic and sticky, and clings well to paper. Over time, it can cause the underlying paper to become stained and brittle. It’s also very easy to get soot from one document to another while handling. Additionally, some of the items were torn or in pieces, and unable to be handled by researchers.

Luckily, the paper of most of the fire damaged items was of good quality and was strong enough to mend. This letter, written by James J. Clarke on January 28, 1840, to Alfred, was badly damaged and in pieces. To allow the item to be handled, the sections, weakened areas, and tears were mended using Japanese paper pre-coated with adhesive. The pre-coated tissue was cut into the shapes of the tears and losses. Then the adhesive is reactivated with alcohol and attached to the area to be mended.

Left: A “before” image of a fire-damaged manuscript document before it has been repaired. The document is handwritten with two sketches of a man standing and laying down. There are charred edges, and the document is torn into two pieces horizontally across the upper half, and there are holes in the document.
Left: James J. Clarke to Alfred, January 28, 1840, before treatment
Right: After treatment

The MHS has several manuscripts by Mayflower passenger William Bradford. We looked at one of these in Part 2 when we examined Bradford’s “Dialogue.” The binding was beautifully made at the MHS in the nineteenth century, but it was difficult to see all the text, since the pages didn’t open fully. In 2023, one leaf of the pamphlet needed to go out on exhibit. We decided to remove the entire manuscript from the binding and after exhibition, mend and sew it into a paper cover, which is most likely what Bradford would have done originally.

Left: William Bradford’s Dialogue before dis-binding: An open book with handwritten pages, and a weight holding the turned pages down so the text is accessible. The pages don’t open fully.
Right: William Bradford’s Dialogue after dis-binding: Formerly bound manuscript pages sewn into a paper cover. Bound document open at a center page, white string down the crease holding the handwritten pages together.
Left: Bradford’s Dialogue before dis-binding
Right: Bradford’s Dialogue after treatment

Another of our Bradford manuscripts, ‘Some observations of God’s merciful dealing with us in this wilderness, and His gracious protection over us these many years’ [fragment], had also been bound in the 19th century. The pages were attached along the spine to blank leaves making some of the text impossible to see. The manuscript was stained and too fragile to be used.

Left: Handwritten manuscript page from Bradford’s Observations bound in 19th century binding against a white background
Right: Handwritten manuscript page from Bradford’s Observations bound in 19th century binding against a white background, rising up from the page when the book is set on its spine.
Bradford’s Observations before treatment

Because of the staining and acidity of the paper, Samantha decided to wash the manuscript. Washing refers to many types of water and solvent solutions used in paper conservation. Washing removes soluble acids, dirt, and can lighten stains. Removing acids makes the paper more flexible and less likely to break or tear. An added treatment done during the washing process neutralizes the iron in iron gall ink to prevent further corrosion. After washing, the pages were reinforced and lost areas filled with Japanese paper. After treatment the pages were digitized and then they were resewn into a paper cover.

Left: Handwritten manuscript page from Bradford’s Observations reinforced with thin Japanese paper. 
Right: Two handwritten manuscript pages from Bradford’s Observations reinforced with thin Japanese paper.
Bradford’s Observations after dis-binding, washing, mending and re-binding

The MHS has a significant map collection. Like many, this hand drawn map of Naushon and the Elizabeth Islands made in 1836 was attached to a cloth backing, nailed to wooden dowels, and then rolled for many years. The new acquisition arrived with cracks, tears, water stains and was so tightly rolled it was impossible to keep flat.

Left: Rolled map attached to a wooden rod.
Right: Unrolled map attached to a wood mount. Map has a crease down the center and is flaking at the edges.
Map of Naushon before treatment

First, the cloth and adhesive were removed from the back of the map. Then the pieces of the map were washed. To align the pieces of the map, it was first placed wet between mylar and eased into place. The mylar allows the map to then be turned upside down and lined with Japanese paper. The map was then dried between wool felt and weight. Now, the map is stored with the rest of the collection and is ready to be used by researchers.

Left: Backside of the wet map placed between transparent mylar sheets to flatten it.
Middle: Front side of wet map placed between transparent mylar sheets.
Right: Backside of wet map mounted on thin Japanese paper to fix the tears and holes.
Left: Map of Naushon during washing, Middle: during alignment, Right: during lining

Below is the finished treatment after drying and flattening.

Front side of dried map mounted on Japanese paper.
Map of Naushon after treatment

There are many activities besides direct treatments that we do at the MHS that contribute to the preservation of our collections. In our next post, we will discuss the building environment, storage and handling practices, budgeting and time management, documentation, and disaster preparedness.

Mourning Iconography: An Exploration of Death through Symbolism

by Heather Rockwood, Communications Manager

I sometimes say, “my art history degree did not teach me the history of art, it taught me how to look.” And by “look,” I mean that I have a background knowledge in symbolism, period, style, medium, subject, color, and composition. When I visit museums with friends, I try not to overburden them with interpretation, but perhaps I sometimes do. This skill of looking helps me in my work at the Massachusetts Historical Society. On our social media pages and in our e-newsletters, I am sharing stories from one of the most interesting and important Early Republic collections and archives in the United States. For example, I use my looking skill to find meaning behind the iconography used in art that is a language no longer taught or known to us, except within university classrooms. I thought that for October’s blog, I’d share my looking skills on how to see mourning iconography in the MHS’s collection and archive. Keep reading (or looking!) if you dare!

I would like to start with an interesting embroidery created by Lydia Young Little, circa 1803–1804. At that time, part of a girl’s education would have been embroidery, or another skilled art done while seated, such as quilling or shell-work. An embroidery created by a fourteen- or fifteen- year-old girl signaled that she was properly educated by prosperous parents. Lydia used silk thread and watercolor on silk to create this scene of mourning, which its symbols depict. The urn symbolizes both the corporeal remains of the body and the container of the body’s ashes.  The urn is on top of a carved rock slab, which is most likely the grave’s headstone. The wreath relates to the wreath that was often hung on the door of a house in mourning. Even today, a wreath is a common gift to a family who has lost a beloved member. The willow tree, sometimes called a “weeping willow” because the leaves appear to be tears falling from the branches, is also a symbol of mourning. Besides these more obvious symbols are subtle ones, such as the fully closed house in the background. A home’s shuttered appearance was a traditional way to convey a house in mourning. The three children pictured are mourning, but only one, the girl on the left, is actively crying, as shown by her stance on her knees and her handkerchief in her hand. The other two are standing with one hand pointed towards the sky, symbolizing that a family member has passed on to heaven. The last two symbols refer to who has died—the children’s father. The girl on the right holds an anchor symbolizing his seafaring life, and the single ship in the harbor refers to the deceased’s position as a captain. In fact, this embroidery was made to mourn Captain James Little, Lydia’s father.

A color photograph of a framed embroidered cloth in an oval shape with black filling in from the oval to the frame. The image is of three children surrounding an urn on a gravestone with a weeping willow behind them, a house in the background and a ship in a harbor on the other side.
James Little mourning needlework, Lydia Young Little, circa 1803–1804.

The tale of the Battle of Bunker Hill and the loss of the handsome and charming Joseph Warren is a story I love to tell. This broadside contains an elegiac poem about the battle and an acrostic poem for Warren. Three rows of twenty caskets each illustrate the top of the page—an indication that the first poem is about the death of many individuals. At the bottom right of the page is Warren’s acrostic poem, illustrated by a casket with his initials and a skull and crossbones, the latter a popular symbol of death. Sometimes the skulls have angelic wings, indicating the deceased person has gone to heaven, as also shown in Lydia Little’s embroidery with the children pointing skyward.

A color photograph of a black ink printed poem, text and images on a piece of paper discolored with age. At the top are 60 coffin shapes with text underneath. In the bottom right is another coffin with a skull and crossbones.
An Elegiac Poem, Composed On The Never-To-Be-Forgotten Terrible And Bloody Battle Fought At An Intrenchment On Bunker-Hill, Printed and sold by E. Russell, 1775.

Now that you are familiar with mourning iconography, what are some of the symbols you see in the following images, and are there other symbols you see that we didn’t discuss? Have you learned how to look?

A color photograph of a painted image in an oval with gold metal around it making it into jewelry. The painted image is of a woman crying over a gravestone with an urn on top and a weeping willow tree above her. The gravestone has writing on it for Thomas Adams.
Mourning pendant with hair chamber, watercolor on ivory, unknown creator, circa 1796.
A color photograph of a gold ring with a skull with wings on either side pressed into it.
Eunice Paine mourning ring, gold, Thomas Edwards, 1747.
A color photograph of black ink printed text and images on paper discolored with age. At the top are 5 coffins with initials on them and the top text reads, "Poem, In Memory of the (never to be forgotten) Fifth of March, 1770."
A Poem, in Memory of the (never to be forgotten) Fifth of March, 1770, Printed and sold next to the Writing-School, 1770.

Alice Clarke and the Boston Female Asylum

by Susan Martin, Senior Processing Archivist

Since July, I’ve been introducing you to individual members of the remarkable Clarke family of Boston, whose papers I recently processed. Next up is Alice de Vermandois (Sohier) Clarke. Alice was the daughter of lawyer William Sohier and Susan Cabot (Lowell) Sohier. In 1878, she married Eliot Channing Clarke, the only son of Rev. James Freeman Clarke, which is how her papers came to be here at the MHS.

For this post, I’d like to focus on eleven folders of manuscripts in the Perry-Clarke additions documenting Alice’s work with the Boston Female Asylum.

Some sources refer to the Boston Female Asylum as an orphanage, but that isn’t strictly true; the asylum also accommodated girls with living parents who couldn’t support them. Bacon’s Dictionary of Boston (1886) has a good summary of the organization.

No. 1008 Washington Street. Established 1800; incorporated 1803. Receives destitute girls between three and ten, preference being given to orphans, though others are sometimes admitted; teaches them common-school branches, sewing, and domestic service; places them in families by indenture until 18, a few being always retained during their minority to serve in the asylum. Full surrender of a child is required on admission…

I was excited to see this material. Dating from 1894 to 1900, the papers consist primarily of correspondence between members of the asylum’s board of managers, including Alice; women in whose homes girls had been placed; superintendent Eliza J. Ross, who worked as a liaison for placements; and, most importantly, two of the girls themselves.

The managers really seemed to try to find the right placement for each girl. Alice’s notes mention some of them by name: for example, Leila Johnson was “small” and “easily led,” but a “good girl & worker.” Margaret Woodleigh was “very reliable,” but “cold distant no friends.” And Lizzie Alcott was “backward” and “cross at times” and needed a home with “(no men).”

I only have the space to discuss two individual stories very briefly, but I encourage you to come and look at the material yourself.

Edith Turner

Color photograph of two pages of a letter, written in red ink and signed “Yours Truly Edith L. Turner.”
Letter from Edith L. Turner to Alice Clarke, 20 November 1896

Edith was living with the Hanscom family in Lawrence, Mass., but wrote to Alice begging for a new place: “Everything is quiet just now but only for a day or so an[d] then it will be war again so please get me away as soon as possible.” Sure enough, the following morning Edith and Mrs. Hanscom had an argument, and Hanscom slapped her. The desperate girl wrote to Alice again, saying “I cannot an[d] will not stand what I have to any more” and threatening to run away.

The collection also includes a letter from Winifred Hanscom with her side of the story. She didn’t deny what happened, but described it as “discipline.” She called Edith “high spirited and independant and […] saucey [sic].”

Edith was eventually placed with Abby F. Solberg of Melrose, Mass., an “intelligent rather artistic” woman with a physical disability and two young children. Superintendent Eliza Ross wrote, “Mrs. Hanscom [was] not very well pleased to part with [Edith]. I fancy she did a good deal of work.”

Grace Smith

Color photograph of two pages of a letter, written with black ink on pink paper. The letter is addressed from East Manchester, N.H. on December 16, 1900, and begins “Dear Mrs. Clark.”
Letter from Grace Smith to Alice Clarke, 16 December 1900

Grace wasn’t happy, either. The 15-year-old was living with the Dockrill family in Manchester, N.H., where she was responsible for most of the housework, including sweeping, cleaning carpets, washing dishes, emptying slops, making beds, cleaning bathrooms, washing floors, etc. But Mrs. Dockrill said Grace was careless and lazy, and both of them wrote Alice asking for a change.

Carrie Dockrill was kinder to Grace than Hanscom had been to Edith. She said Grace had “good qualities” and thought she might enjoy placement at a farm because she loved the outdoors. Superintendent Ross called Grace “rather a peculiar and unbalanced girl,” but argued that of course “it is hard to change one’s nature wholly.”

Grace, for her part, promised “to turn over a new leaf and make something and somebody of myself.” After Mrs. Dockrill’s death a few months later, the girl was placed with a Mrs. Gould, also in Manchester. An undated note in the collection, in Alice’s handwriting, reads: “Grace Smith successful.”

I hope you’ll join me for my next post about the Perry-Clarke additions.

“We are not this hemisphere’s only experts”: Gerry Studds on War and Peace

by Meg Szydlik, Visitor Services Coordinator

In my previous blog posts here and here, I examined Massachusetts Congressman Gerry E. Studds as a gay man and environmental activist. In this post, I want to look at his antiwar stance, which focused on the violence in Vietnam, and later in South and Central America. While there is less on this in his collection at the MHS than I had hoped, there are still tantalizing glimpses of the antiwar convictions that pushed him to run in the first place.

Prior to his election to Congress, he campaigned for Senator Eugene McCarthy (not to be confused with the anticommunist senator Joseph McCarthy) during his 1968 run at the Democratic presidential nomination. McCarthy’s stance against the Vietnam War attracted Studds. Studds himself then ran for the House of Representatives and was elected on an anti-Vietnam War platform in 1972. The Vietnam War was a civil war between the communist North Vietnam, backed by China and Russia, and anticommunist South Vietnam, backed by the US and France.  US involvement in the war, including troops, bombs, and Agent Orange sprays, ended in 1973, then the war officially ended in 1975 with a North Vietnamese victory. The wildly unpopular and casualty-heavy war was captured through photojournalism and news reports that inspired years of peace protests across the country which ultimately resulted in American withdrawal from the conflict. Studds’ election was part of this wave of discontent.

small black and white image of a white man with thinning hair wearing a white shirt with a dark tie. He is wearing large glasses on his face and is frowning
Gerry E. Studds, from the Congressional Archive.

Studds did not only care about the war in Vietnam, however. He was also a strong opponent of the violence in Latin America, including El Salvador’s civil war and Reagan’s support of the Contras in Nicaragua, which culminated in the Iran-Contra affair. The twentieth century was a period of great unrest and revolution in South and Central America, with many previous “banana republics,” dealing with the repercussions of living under exploitation for so long. The Reagan administration supported the Salvadorean government in their civil war, but Studds called for a real inclusion of the revolutionary forces in the negotiations for peace and reform and for the United States to provide support in the negotiated settlement. The extreme human rights violations of the Salvadorean government and its military arm, which was responsible for killing thousands of its own citizens, did not stop the US government from offering billions of dollars in aid to the anti-communist leadership over the course of the war. Studds sought to stop that flow of aid and violence and instead support peace. He expressed that US leaders were “not this hemisphere’s only experts on democracy, social justice, the fair treatment of indigenous populations, or human rights. There are many other supporters of these concepts in Latin America.”

Letter from Gerry Studds and Silvio Conte to other congressional representatives in support of a resolution to support peace talks in El Salvador that would hopefully end the hostilities.
An example of the kinds of letters Gerry signed to encourage support of antiwar efforts.

In addition to these examples, Studds also supported nuclear disarmament, another point of conflict between him and President Ronald Reagan. Much of his time as Congressman in the 80s was spent opposing Reagan’s agenda. While a lot of that involved working to protect the rights of lesbian and gay individuals and fund research and support for those suffering from HIV/AIDS, things Reagan famously did not particularly care about, Studds’ environmental activism and anti-war sentiments also clashed with Reagan’s pro-business and Cold War focus. He was far from the only representative to have these positions, but his drafts and letters to other legislators help paint a picture of the movement’s efforts. If you are in Boston, I highly recommend checking out the Gerry E. Studds Papers. Just be sure to request it ahead of time!

A Revolutionary President

by Sara Georgini, Series Editor, The Papers of John Adams

John Adams was nervous. Readying for his 4 March 1797 presidential inauguration, Adams flashed back to his days as a suburban schoolteacher, revolutionary lawyer, and self-taught statesman.  The United States, born in the “Minds and Hearts of the People,” did not exist when Adams started out over forty years earlier. Neither did the shiny new role of president. Was he up to the job? “I never in my life felt Such an awful Weight of obligation to devote all my time, and all the forces that remain, to the Public,” he reassured Elbridge Gerry on 20 February 1797.

A portrait of John Adams in olive green suit with ceremonial sword, standing at desk and pointing to open book.  On exhibit at Adams National Historical Park.
John Adams, by William Winstanley, 1798. Adams National Historical Park.

Brimming with international intrigue, domestic drama, and sly cabinet maneuvers, Volume 22 of The Papers of John Adams provides an insider’s tour of Adams’s tumultuous first year in office. This 59th volume published by the Adams Papers editorial project includes 304 documents that chronicle John Adams’s work from February 1797 to February 1798, revealing a new profile. Of the presidency, Adams vowed in his inaugural address: “It shall be my Strenuous Endeavour.” The popular narrative of Adams’s presidency is that he sidelined an inherited cabinet and chose to set major policy solo. This volume offers a richer and more complex history of a veteran statesman struggling within the bounds of the federal structure that he co-created.

Adams enjoyed just a few celebratory weeks on the job, before a wave of crises hit. Operating within the global upheaval of European war, the second president faced a set of hard trials. French privateers preyed on neutral American commerce. Yellow fever afflicted the federal seat in Philadelphia. Adams labored with Congress to shift money and resources for military preparedness. He drove the point home in his 28 Nov. 1797 note to the Senate: “A mercantile Marine and a military Marine must grow up together: one cannot long exist, without the other.”  The Quasi-War loomed. Yet John Adams’s letters reveal an administration stubbornly bent on pursuing a policy of strategic peace—even at great personal and political cost.

Running the nation’s highest office presented fresh challenges for the lifelong public servant. From a glance at his overflowing desk, it seemed like everyone wanted something right now from the new chief: a job, a pardon, some patronage to float a book idea or to fund an invention. “The friends of my youth are generally gone,” Adams lamented to Joseph Ward on 6 April 1797. “The friends of my Early political Life are chiefly departed—of the few that remain, Some have been found on a late occasion Weak, Envious, jealous, and Spiteful, humiliated and mortified and duped Enough by French Finesse, and Jacobinical rascality to Shew it to me and to the world, Others have been found faithful and true, generous and Manly.” Beyond his wife Abigail, whom did he trust? Volume 22 sketches Adams’s widening networks, as he brokered relationships with a cabinet comprised of Charles Lee, James McHenry, Timothy Pickering, and Oliver Wolcott Jr.

Painting of vessel in turbulent ocean cove, cornering another ship near rocky cliffs.
Thomas Buttersworth, “An Armed Revenue Cutter on Patrol with a Potential Quarry Sheltering below the Cliffs,” ca. 1802.

Overall, the urgent question of France dominated Adams’s mind. Shipping losses mounted. The country’s small fleet of revenue cutters worked mightily to defend American interests, but Adams knew that it was hard to safeguard the economy without the protection of a professional navy. He strained to salvage a tattered alliance and hold off war. “Commerce has made this Country what it is; and it cannot be destroyed or neglected, without involving the People in Poverty and distress,” Adams told Congress on [22 Nov.] 1797, adding: “I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of Duty, if I forebore to recommend that We Should make every exertion to protect our Commerce, and to place our Country in a Suitable posture of defence, as the only Sure means of preserving both.” The French threat sharpened Adams’s focus on the need for a real navy, with a six-frigate fleet under construction. When the winter froze French cruisers’ chances, Adams mobilized money and congressional support for a major military buildup. Volume 22 supplies a 360-degree experience of how cabinet members debated the future of Franco-American policy.

John Adams sensed his first steps into the presidency marked a final turn in his extraordinary life of service to the American people. “Their Confidence, which has been the Chief Consolation of my Life, is too prescious and Sacred a deposit ever to be considered lightly,” he told the Senate on [15 Feb. 1797]. He was no George Washington, but Washington’s America was changing too. John Adams’s Federalist ideology of tripartite government shaped his policymaking and his popularity; understanding how to preserve liberty while defending the people was his challenge. That history unfolds next in Volumes 23 and 24 of The Papers of John Adams, now underway.

The Adams Papers editorial project at the Massachusetts Historical Society gratefully acknowledges the generous support of our sponsors. Major funding for the Papers of John Adams is provided by the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, and the Packard Humanities Institute. All letterpress Adams Papers volumes are printed by Harvard University Press.

Count Rumford, Rumford Baking Powder, Rumford, NH, Rumford, RI, and the Rumford Professor at Harvard University, Part 3: This Collection Keeps Drawing Me In

by Heather Rockwood, Communications Manager

While perusing the MHS’s Rumford collection for juicy nuggets about the count’s ill-fated, later-life love story (described in Part 2), as well as connecting the dots between a Bavarian Count and baking powder manufactured in Rhode Island (Part 1), I also felt the love a person can feel for the tactile experience of going through archival documents. The joy of reading their words, even the ones in French (which I can’t read), looking at the stamps once used, smelling that old paper smell, and always finding surprises.

During my Rumford search, the first thing I noticed was the count’s and his daughter’s beautiful penmanship. I still write lists and short notes by hand, but mostly everything I communicate is online, and my penmanship lacks the beauty trained in the past. Thus, I’m in awe when I see a document by a person who had to write by hand and did it so beautifully, including their signature. The other items that made me smile were the leftover wax on a few of the letters, a stamp with George Washington on it, and a barely noticeable watermark on one sheet of paper.

Several color photographs with close-up views of aspects of old letters. From left to right: Two letters on top of each other, the top reads, " Your Excellency's Most Obedient Humble Servant Rumford," and the bottom reads "Your obliged S. Rumford," to the right is a letter addressed to Sarah Rumford with red wax at the top and bottom of the page, to the right is a red stamp with George Washington's side profile, and last, to the right is a hard to see watermark.
From top left down, then right: Count Rumford’s signature, Countess Sarah “Sally” Rumford’s signature, red wax on an opened letter, a stamp with George Washington’s face on it, and a sheet of paper with a watermark on it.

One of the more surprising pieces that turned up was a sheet of paper folded into a little square. No other sheet of paper was folded like this in the files, so it stood out right away. Curious, I carefully unfolded it, and I’m glad I was so careful, because it contained hair! On the outside of the square was written, “Hair of My own 9 Dec Concord 1848,” but the words didn’t mean anything to me until I almost jumped out of my chair seeing the hair inside.

Two color photographs side by side, both backgrounds are a handwritten letter in black ink on white paper. The image on the left is a piece of paper folded into a box. This piece is darker than the one below and has writing on the top that reads, "Hair of My own 9 Dec Concord 1848." On the right is that folded piece of paper half opened revealing dark hair inside.
On the left, the outside of the folded paper, on the right, the hair inside.

With my experience reading the archival letters between the Adamses, which were from the same time frame as the Rumford letters, I expected these letters to be in English, but many were in French. Not being able to read the language put me at a disadvantage, but nevertheless, I took some pictures of the French language documents, and I’m glad I did, for something I had not noticed in one of them now led to an interesting discovery—it was a birth certificate for Charles Francis Robert Lefebvre de Rumford, our Count Rumford’s son. At the top of the document was a handwritten note in English, “Birth of the natural Son of Count Rumford.” Charles was born in Passy, France, in 1813, one year before Count Rumford died at age sixty-one. Charles’s mother was Victoire Joseph Lefebvre (1786–1853), and she was twenty-seven when she gave birth to him. However, he is not mentioned in most online biographies of Count Rumford, such as his Wikipedia page. In fact, I only found full mention of him on genealogy websites and the Rumford Family Collection, held by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (AAAS). So please give a moment of thanks to genealogists!

Color photograph of an official document with a round stamp in the top left and under that a round watermark.
A close-up of the birth certificate of Charles Francis Robert Lefebvre de Rumford with the handwritten note at the top that reads, “Birth of the natural Son of Count Rumford.”

The AAAS’s page documented that Charles was illegitimate but carried the “de Rumford” name, as his father Count Rumford bequested it. He used “de Rumford” in the style of a French courtesy title, as “Count” is not a noble title in France, and because the count’s daughter, Sarah Thompson, Countess of Rumford, was his legitimate heir. In the following names, you may notice other courtesy titles towards the ends of names. Charles married Marie Louise Pauline Both de Tauzia and they had two children, Amédée Joseph Lefebvre de Rumford and Jeanne Marie Louise Sarah Lefebvre de Rumford. Amédée had two children, Marie Lefebvre de Rumford and Charles Lefebvre de Rumford. Marie had a daughter, Jacqueline de Freslon, who married her uncle Charles in 1923. Charles died in 1951, the last of the de Rumford line.

I hope you enjoyed this surprising journey that began with the Rumford files in the MHS’s George E. Ellis Papers. I found so much to savor while looking through it and afterward, sifting through my many photographs! It kept drawing me back to it.

Pirate Talk

by Rakashi Chand, Reading Room Supervisor

Today is ‘Talk like a Pirate Day’ which I adore because my kids and I are big fans of the ‘Pirates of the Caribbean’ film franchise as well as any pirate-themed movie, restaurant, or minigolf course. But, as a historian, I feel an impulse to find pirate speak in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society. There is a robust record of the ‘last and dying words’ of pirates, or pyrates, in Boston, Massachusetts. Boston was once known as the ‘Port where Pirates hang,’ so Boston may be the one place where—if you are a pirate—you should perhaps not speak like one, because from what I found in the archives, we cracked down on piracy with the same efficacy as we now order Dunkin’ Donuts coffee. 

Let’s look at a few items from the collections that have captured the actual words of convicted pirates—at least we know they are the real deal!  

To begin, look at The Last Words of S Tully. Who was executed for piracy, at South Boston, December 10. 1812.  

In this broadside, Tully is recorded as saying, 

“As a man and criminal now going out of this world, I do think it my duty to acknowledge that I have been guilty of taking, and assisting to take, the property which is mentioned in the first indictment; but the murder, which was charged in the second indictment, I do not see that I am any ways guilty of, although it was plead so hard against me, and I have reason to believe was the means of my being condemned…”  

A color photograph of a broadside with the image of the active hanging of a man occurring at the top.
The Last Words of S Tully. Who was executed for piracy, at South Boston, December 10. 1812.

Next, is the 1704 Proclamation by Thomas Povey Esq. Lieutenant Governour, and Commander in Chief, for the time being, of Her Majesties Province of Massachusetts-Bay in New-England. 

“WHEREAS John Quelch, late Commander of the Briganteen Charles, and Company to her belonging, Viz. John Lambert, John Miller, John Clifford, John Dorothy, James Parrot, Charles James, William Whiting, John Pitman, John Templeton, Benjamin Perkins, William Wiles, Richard Laurance, Erasmus Peterson, John King, Charles King, Isaac Johnson, Nicholas Lawson. Daniel Chevalle, John Way, Thomas Farrington, Matthew Primer, Anthony Holding, William Rayner, John Quittance, John Harwood, William Jones, Denis Carter, Nicholas Richarson, James Austin, James Pattison, Joseph Hutnot, George Peirse, George Norton, Gabriel Davis, John Breck, John Carter, Paul Giddins, Nicholas Dunbar, Richard Thurbar, Daniel Chuley, and others ; Have lately Imported a considerable Quantity of Gold dult, and some Bar and Coin’d Gold, which they are Violently Suspected to have gotten and obtained, by Felony and Piracy, from some of Her Majesties Friends and Allies, and have Imbezeld and Shared the lane among themselves, without any Adjudication or Condemnation thereof, to be lawful Prize…” 

“..And all her Majesties Subjects, and others, are hereby strictly forbiden to entertain, harbour or conceal any of the laid persons, or their Treasure: Or to convey away, or in any manner further the escape of any of them, on pain of being proceeded against with utmost Severity of Laws as accessories and partakers with them in their Crime.” 

Color photograph of a broadside printed in black ink on paper discolored with age. At the top is the Royal King of England seal with a lion and unicorn surrounding it.
1704 Proclamation by Thomas Povey Esq. Lieutenant Governour, and Commander in Chief, for the time being, of Her Majesties Province of Massachusetts-Bay in New-England

It sounds like the authorities were very good at pirate talk, perhaps more than the pirates themselves. The Proclamation of May 1704 seemed to have worked, even though Quelch had already escaped once. 

In June the Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Capt. John Quelch And Others of his Company takes place under Joesph Dudley, who is now the “Captain-General and Commander in chief and over her Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, in New England, in America, &c.” 

“Captain John Quelch, And Others in his Company, &c. For Sundry Piracies, Robberies and Murder, Committed upon the Subjects of the King of Portugal, Her Majesty’s Allie, on the Coast of Brazil” 

(My thought: Wait! Brazil? Wow, Puritan New England will hunt you down even if you are stirring up trouble in Brazil!) 

So, what did Capt. Welch have to say for himself?  

“‘This Court is now ready to hear what you have to offer for Yourself.’

Quelch ‘My Council informs me, that he hath sundry matters of the Law to offer to Your Excellency on my behalf.’“

Not as pirate-like as I had hoped, but a well thought out response. 

Quelch then goes on to counter-question the witnesses and the evidence and is informed by the Court that he is not able to counter-question the evidence. Quelch is smart, logical and uses his lawyers like a modern crime-boss. (Grabbing my popcorn for more.) 

Color photograph of black ink printed text on paper discolored with age.
Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Capt. John Quelch And Others of his Company, June 1704

Finally, the last page of the Quelch Trial lists the names, ages, and places of birth of each pirate in Quelch’s crew. This is a fascinating look at who joined Quelch, men coming from different countries and ranging in age from adventurous young fifteen-year-olds to stalwart fifty-year-olds. The opportunity offered in Piracy appealed to so many to free themselves from their station in life. 

Color photograph of black ink printed text on paper discolored with age.
Arraignment, Tryal and Condemnation of Capt. John Quelch And Others of his Company, June 1704

And lastly let’s look at the June 30, 1704, broadside, An Account of the Behaviors and Last Dying SPEECHES of the Six Pirates, that were executed on Chrles River, Boston side, on Fryday June 30th 1704 Viz. 

The six pirates were Capt. John Quelch, John Lambert, Christopher Scudamore, John Miller, Erasmus Peterson, and Peter Roach.

Of Capt. John Quelch I have a newfound respect. 

“The last words he spoke to one of the Ministers at his going up to the Stage, were,  I am not afraid of death, I am not afraid of the Gallows, but I am afraid of what follows; I am afraid of a Great God, and a Judgement to Come. But he afterwards seemed to brave it out too much against that fear; also when on Stage first he pulled off his Hat, and bowed to the Spectators, and not Concerned, nor behaving himself so much like a Dying man as some would have done.” 

Color photograph of a broadside with black ink letters printed on paper discolored with age.
An Account of the Behaviors and Last Dying SPEECHES, 30 June 1704

At last we have our pirate talk! Whatever you may take that to mean, other than mere repentance, it was a warning to all pirates ‘Beware in New-England!’  

Enjoy a day of Speaking like a Pirate and keep our many pirate testimonies and writings in your thoughts! Search our online catalog, Abigail, for the subject heading ‘pirate’ and you too will find many items to research! 

Count Rumford, Rumford Baking Powder, Rumford, NH, Rumford, RI, and the Rumford Professor at Harvard University, Part 2: He Loves Her, He Hates Her

by Heather Rockwood, Communications Manager

In Part 1: How did a middle-class Massachusetts boy become Count Rumford? I described how Count Rumford received his title and how he was connected to Rumford Baking Powder. Now, in Part 2, let’s look Count Rumford’s items in the MHS’s George E. Ellis Papers.

Color photograph of three and more sheets of paper all with black ink handwriting on it in various shades of white. The top two sheets of paper are the envelope towards the top and note paper at the bottom for a note. On the envelope is a red stamp depicting George Washington's profile with a black ink stamp "Concord June" over it. The bottom sheet is addressed "Dear Friend" and dated 21 June 1852.
Short note from Countess Sarah Rumford to James Fowle Baldwin, 21 June 1852

The Count Rumford papers in the George E. Ellis Papers consist mainly of correspondence between Count Rumford’s adult daughter, Sarah Thompson (Countess Rumford), and James Fowle Baldwin (1782–1862), a civil engineer and Harvard classmate of Count Rumford. According to the finding aid for the Baldwin Family Papers at the Winterthur Library, Baldwin named his last born son George Rumford. The Rumford-Baldwin letters are sweet and friendly and mostly copies of Sarah’s own letters that she kept. She addresses Baldwin as “Dear Friend” and asks after his wife and family, then asks for favors. Several letters inquire about a house he’s building, then later when it’s finished, her wish to visit and see the house. The letters show a sincere and lovely friendship between the writers.

The item I found most interesting, as I do love good historical gossip, was the handwritten account in a half-empty journal titled Sketches of the Late Count Rumford. Countess Sarah recounted a period of her father’s life and transcribed letters he had written her before his death in 1814. She extolls his virtues and mentions several times his mindfulness in having a daughter, but also describes his marriage to a French woman in 1804, which followed the death of his first wife, Sarah, in 1792. Starting in 1799, after leaving Bavaria, Rumford split his time between France and England, establishing the Royal Institution of Great Britain and continuing his scientific research. While in France, he met, courted, and later married Marie-Ann Lavoisier, the widow of the French chemist Antoine Lavoisier.

Two color photographs side by side. On the left is a closed journal with a red binding and purple and black dyed thick paper. On the right is lined journal paper with very neat cursive handwriting on it.
Sketches of the Late Count Rumford, by Countess Sarah Rumford, 1851

Rumford ‘s letters to his daughter Sarah, describe his new love interest in France, which Sarah includes in her Sketches:

“…a widow without children…about my own age—has a handsome fortune, at her own disposal, enjoys a most respectable reputation, keeps a good house, which is frequented by all the first Philosophers and men of eminence in science and literature of the age, or rather, of Paris. And what is more than all the rest is goodness itself.

The excerpted letters continue: “She is very clever… she has been very handsome in her day, even now at forty-six or forty-eight, not bad—of a middling size, but rather on en bon point than thin. She has a great deal of vivacity, and writes incomparably well.”

A color photograph of a lined journal page with very neat cursive handwriting on it. The quote above is towards the bottom of the page.
The Count’s opinion of Madame Lavoisier, as recounted by his daughter, Countess Sarah Rumford, in Sketches of the Late Count Rumford, 1851

Several of the loose letters father and daughter wrote to each other were in French, which I do not know, so I relied on Sarah’s translated English versions in the book.

Lavoisier loved entertaining, dining, and company above all other activities, and Rumford was the opposite. He took pleasure in research and science and had little taste for company and dining. He preferred plain food and did not relish the joys of French cuisine. The couple divorced after three years.

Rumford wrote to Sarah on 12 April 1807: “I have the misfortune to be married to one of the most imperious, tyrannical, unfeeling woman, that ever existed, and whose perseverance in pursuing an object is equil to her profound cunning and wickedness in framing it.” Sarah noted right after this, “What a contrast between former descriptions!” Further in the same letter, her father wrote, “Do you preserve my letters, you will perceive a very different account I give of this woman, for lady I cannot call her.”

Color photograph of a lined open journal with very neat cursive handwriting in black ink. The quote above is in the first paragraph.
On Rumford’s later opinion of his second wife, Madame Lavoisier, Sketches of the Late Count Rumford, by Countess Sarah Rumford, 1851

If you speak French, or just want a little more of this fun historical gossip, I recommend visiting the MHS to read these first and second-hand documents. Keep your eye out for Count Rumford, Rumford Baking Powder, Rumford, NH, Rumford, RI, and the Rumford Professor at Harvard University, Part 3: This Collection Keeps Drawing Me In